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Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill

Overview

This Bill will make changes to the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009

It changes the target for reducing all "greenhouse gas emissions" to 100% by 2045. The target is currently 80%.

Greenhouse gases trap heat in the earth's atmosphere and cause climate change. Reducing these gases will limit the problems that come with climate change.

The proposed law explains how:

  • annual targets will be set
  • a target of 100% reduction in emissions will be set in the future
  • progress towards meeting targets will be monitored and reported

You can find out more in the Scottish Government document that explains the Bill.

Why the Bill was created

The Scottish Government wants to make the current legislation on climate change tougher.

This will help:

  • limit temperature increases and the negative impacts they have
  • make sure that businesses and industries start using low-carbon technologies
  • make sure that businesses and industries work in a way that reduces carbon emissions

Climate change is already happening. Its effects include increases in:

  • coastal floods
  • dangerous heatwaves
  • severe droughts
  • hurricanes

You can find out more in the Scottish Government document that explains the Bill.

Where do laws come from?

The Scottish Parliament can make decisions about many things like:

  • Agriculture and Fisheries
  • Education and Training
  • Environment
  • Health and Social Services
  • Housing
  • Justice and Policing
  • Local Government
  • Some aspects of Tax and Social Security

These are 'devolved matters'.

Laws that are decided by the Scottish Parliament come from:

Becomes an Act

The Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Act passed by a vote of 113 For, 0 against and 6 abstentions. The Bill became an Act on 31 October 2019

Introduced

The Scottish Government sends the Bill and related documents to the Scottish Parliament.

Stage 1 - General principles

Committees examine the Bill. Then the MSPs vote on whether it should continue to Stage 2.

Who checked the Bill

Each Bill is examined by a 'lead committee'. This is the committee that has the subject of the Bill in its remit.

It looks at everything to do with the Bill.

Other committees may look at certain parts of the Bill if it covers subjects they deal with. 

Who spoke to the lead committee about the Bill

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First meeting transcript

The Convener

Agenda item 2 is to hear evidence from Scottish Government officials at stage 1 of the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill. I welcome Mark Eggeling, Sara Grainger, Dr Tom Russon and Calum Webster. Good morning. We will move straight to questions.

Stewart Stevenson (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

In addition to the advice of the United Kingdom Committee on Climate Change, which is the primary source of scientific advice for the Government, were other sources of scientific advice considered in deriving the contents of the bill?

Sara Grainger (Scottish Government)

The answer to that question is both yes and no. I will explain that.

The advice from the UK Committee on Climate Change has a certain primacy in what we consider for two reasons. The first reason is that the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009 requires that the Scottish ministers seek and consider advice from the relevant body, and it designates the UK Committee on Climate Change as that relevant body. Therefore, ministers have to seek and consider its advice.

The second reason why we take the UK Committee on Climate Change’s advice particularly seriously is that it is hard to think of another body that has the same level of expertise in it. The breadth and depth of the expertise of the people in the UKCCC is quite remarkable. At the secretariat and committee levels, they cover various climate science specialisms, behavioural science, economics, cognitive science and technology. I have certainly missed some of what they cover, but I think that members get my point. The UKCCC is therefore the ideal set of people to provide advice. However, there is nothing in the 2009 act that means that we cannot look more widely, and we certainly consider information, analysis and opinions from a much broader range of people.

In coming to its advice, among the first things that the UKCCC does is issue a call for evidence. To the best of my knowledge, that is an entirely open call. Anybody in the UK—and probably internationally—can contribute to that evidence, which contributes to the advice that the UKCCC gives.

When we get the advice, we test it out with a few people, do some internal analysis and thinking, and then consult. On the basis of that advice, ministers took the view that they wanted to take one of the UKCCC’s options, so we consulted on that. That, of course, provided an opportunity for a much broader range of people to put forward their views.

We conducted some analysis ourselves. I have mentioned using the TIMES model and looking into various national examples of good and interesting practice.

To answer your question, we rely primarily on the advice from the UKCCC, because we are required to do so under the legislation, and because it is excellent. However, we are not closed to other sources of information.

Stewart Stevenson

We are trying to cover an awful lot in the time that we have, so I do not want to go down this road too far. However, it would be useful if you could give us a note of all the sources of scientific advice, in particular, that you have taken into account.

Sara Grainger

We will do that.

Stewart Stevenson

The UK Committee on Climate Change’s advice is that a 90 per cent cut in emissions is at the outer edge of achievability. I understand that achieving that cut would require a 100 per cent reduction in carbon dioxide emissions. I want to put on the record that that is the case.

Sara Grainger

That is the case.

Stewart Stevenson

In the light of that, I have already drafted an amendment to the bill that would provide that the Scottish ministers must ensure that the net Scottish emissions of carbon dioxide in 2050 are at least 100 per cent lower than the baseline. The phrase “at least 100 per cent” is interesting, because it could be more than 100 per cent. That option is left open.

Mark Ruskell (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

The international scientific consensus on climate change is very much driven by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, which is scheduled to bring out a fresh report on climate science in October. I do not know whether you have seen some of the leaked draft copies of the report that have appeared on the internet. The leaked copies say that the world must move towards a net zero carbon target by 2050. If that is the conclusion of the IPCC, what scientific advice and support on how to deliver that target will you request from the UK Committee on Climate Change?

Sara Grainger

I am aware that the IPCC report has been leaked, but I have not studied it, and we will not look at leaked copies in any depth. We will wait until the final version is available, which I understand will be on 8 October—it will certainly be available in early October.

The Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform wrote to the relevant UK minister, Claire Perry, requesting that the advice that the UK Government has indicated that it will ask the UKCCC for on the back of the IPCC report is commissioned jointly with the Scottish Government, because clearly we will need much the same information. I understand that Claire Perry has responded to that letter and has agreed that the UK and Scottish Governments should work together, but I have no further detail about that. I am not able to tell you exactly what that request for advice will cover, much less what advice might be forthcoming from the Committee on Climate Change. I cannot say how that will play out.

Mark Ruskell

Timescales are very important to this committee’s consideration of the bill. Will that advice come back to this committee before consideration of stage 2 amendments?

Sara Grainger

I am not able to say anything about the timescales for that advice. I do not know when the request—

Mark Ruskell

Should that advice come back to the committee before stage 2?

Sara Grainger

That is not for me to say. It is a matter for the ministers, the committee and Parliament. My understanding is that the decisions on the timescale for the stages of the bill, now that it has been introduced, is a matter for Parliament. I am not sure that my opinion is of a great deal of importance.

Mark Ruskell

I will take us back to the IPCC advice, as there seems to be a bit of confusion in the policy memorandum for the bill. The target that we are aiming for, in order to prevent catastrophic loss of wildlife, prevent environmental refugeeism and save the economy, seems to vary between a 2° increase in global temperatures and a 1.5° increase. The references in the policy memorandum switch from one to the other. Which one is it? What are we aiming for? Are we aiming for a world that is 1.5° warmer or 2° warmer? There is a big difference in terms of the impact on our economy, on nature and on the environmental systems that sustain us.

Sara Grainger

There is certainly a big difference. The wording of the Paris agreement—I hope that Tom Russon will correct me if I get it wrong—is to aim for well below 2° and to make efforts to limit the increase to near 1.5°. Is that right, Tom?

Dr Tom Russon (Scottish Government)

Yes, the agreement is to pursue further efforts to limit the increase to 1.5°.

Mark Ruskell

So why is there a reference to two temperature targets in the bill?

Sara Grainger

That is because the Paris agreement references two targets—trying to keep to well below a 2° temperature rise and to nearer 1.5°.

Mark Ruskell

So what is the target? Is it well below 2°? Is it 1.6° or 1.5°, or is it 2° and then going back to 1.5°? I am not really clear what we are aiming for.

Sara Grainger

I do not think that we can be any more clear than the Paris agreement.

Dr Russon

The defining central concept in the 2009 act is Scotland’s fair contribution to avoiding dangerous climate change, which was the concept that was predominant back in 2008, and it is not put in terms of a 2° or 1.5° target. One way in which we can understand the Paris agreement is to see it as having revised what dangerous climate change means. Neither the 2009 act nor the new bill has one of those numerical temperature targets at its heart. At the heart of the bill is the idea of avoiding dangerous climate change. Ministers requested advice from the UK Committee on Climate Change on appropriate targets to meet that objective.

Mark Ruskell

Are you clear about the differences between a world that is warming at 2° and a world that is warming at 1.5°, in terms of the impact on the environment, people, communities and nations around the world?

Sara Grainger

Yes, we are sufficiently clear on that and understand the need and purpose of the Paris agreement to limit temperature rise to well below 2°.

Dr Russon

In its original advice on the target levels for the bill, the UKCCC set out two options, which, you may recall, were remaining at 80 per cent for now and going to a stretch target of 90 per cent. The UKCCC’s advice on those two options was that remaining at 80 per cent would stay in line with a 2° goal, while the 90 per cent target would be more in line with a goal of 1.5°.

Mark Ruskell

The IPCC report that is coming out in October might paint a very different picture about what is dangerous climate change.

Sara Grainger

It might do. We await that report.

John Scott (Ayr) (Con)

How will updating the targets without updating all the activities and duties in the 2009 act produce the best results? Why was increased target setting considered without also considering what will be required to meet the targets?

Sara Grainger

The scope of the bill is a decision for ministers. Ministers set the scope in light of the Paris agreement and their enthusiasm and commitment to be at the limits of ambition and keeping at the forefront of the global response to climate change. The raison d’être of the bill is to increase the target levels.

We have also taken the opportunity to improve elements of the 2009 act that have proved to be particularly problematic, such as the emissions trading system adjustment, which we do every year and which causes no end of confusion, not least among ourselves. We were keen to remove the particularly problematic elements of the act.

09:45  

Other than that, there is a strong feeling that the 2009 act is working. The framework that we have in Scotland is achieving a great deal, and Scotland is doing very well at reducing emissions. The proof of the pudding is in the eating: the act is doing its job. The aim of the bill is really just to increase the targets.

The Convener

In relation to Mr Scott’s question, it your contention that the climate change plan provides the detail on how we achieve the targets?

Sara Grainger

Yes, very much so—thank you for your question; I was taking a bit too long to get to the point. Beyond our having the knowledge and assurance that the target levels are achievable—at a very substantial push—the details of how we achieve the targets need to be set out in climate change plans, and that will continue to happen. It is in that context that we will think about activities.

The Convener

You said that, in the advice that you take on setting the targets, primacy lies with that of the UKCCC. However, the draft plan was not run past the UKCCC and its advice was not sought on it. Do you see a slight disconnect there?

Sara Grainger

I am not sure that I do, entirely. The 2009 act requires the Scottish ministers to seek advice from the UKCCC on appropriate target levels. Ministers then propose target levels, which are agreed by the Parliament. However, the policies and proposals that are put in place to meet the targets are dealt with under a section of the framework that is slightly distinct, that is, in the strategic climate change plans, which are produced by the Government, scrutinised by the committee and revised accordingly. It is a slightly different process.

The Convener

Yes, but the principle is the same. If the UKCCC is the adviser on one element, surely it would be reasonable to run the proposals past it. I realise that we have come past that point; I just make the point that, on one hand, you are saying that the UKCCC is terribly important and, on the other, you thought a few months ago that it was not important enough to merit having the plan run past it.

Sara Grainger

I do not agree that the UKCCC is not important enough to merit having the plan run past it; it is more that we see the UKCCC’s role slightly differently. The UKCCC has the overarching say on the appropriate target levels, but how targets are delivered and met is a matter for the Scottish ministers.

John Scott

The practical aspects of that will be important. Although the goals that have been achieved thus far are good, some people might argue that they were the low-hanging fruit. It is easy to declare ambitions—we all have ambitions—but the strategic delivery of the ambitions is important and it would be very welcome if the Government were to give advice, particularly to the sectors that most need to get their houses in order, on how ambitions can best be realised.

Has there been a review and evaluation of how other parts of the 2009 act are working? If not, why not?

Sara Grainger

Our focus has been on introducing a bill that raises the ambition of the targets, to meet the Paris agreement, and on correcting or improving elements of the 2009 act that are evidently and demonstrably not functioning. We have not looked at the full scope of the 2009 act, because we consider that it is working well enough.

John Scott

However, you have obviously been reviewing the 2009 act and considering which bits do not work adequately.

If it is the Government’s view that the best place to update policies and proposals is in the climate change plans, why did the most recent climate change plan not address, for example, specific policy proposals based on the first year of mandatory public sector reporting and the interaction with the land use strategy, as was suggested in the committee’s report on the draft plan?

Sara Grainger

None of us was involved in depth in the development of the plan. It is my understanding that the land use strategy is incorporated into the plan and that the two are intertwined, and that is set out in the plan. I am not sure about the public sector reporting element or what the committee’s recommendation was on that, I am afraid. We laid in Parliament the report that is required under the act, setting out how all the recommendations from the committee were considered and responded to, so that information is available and we will be able to find it and return to you with a fuller answer.

Angus MacDonald (Falkirk East) (SNP)

Sections 1 to 4 allow for the creation of a net zero emissions target at a future date, and we look forward to seeing the responses to the consultation on that over the summer. Sections 1 to 4 also update the 2009 act’s 2050 target from 80 per cent to 90 per cent. Can you give the committee any examples of international actions or of how the Paris agreement has been translated into domestic law with regard to that, and can you tell us how the Scottish Government is taking account of international best practice?

Sara Grainger

I will endeavour to do that. We have looked a fair amount at international examples of good practice. We have focused on countries, states and regions that we know to be leading and to have particularly good practice. However, we have found the work to be horrendously complicated, and it is difficult to draw comparisons between different countries’ actions, commitments and legislations. Countries, states and regions differ in terms of starting points and the assets that are available to them as well as in their legislation.

Trying to understand our own legislation is testing; trying to understand other countries’ legislation is exceptionally testing. However, we have put a lot of time and effort into it and we have discussed the matter with officials in several other countries. We have also commissioned work through ClimateXChange at the Edinburgh Centre for Carbon Innovation to look at examples of best practice. Those reports are in the public domain, so we can draw your attention to them.

We have concluded from that work that the existing work—and, even more, the provisions in the bill—means that Scotland will have the most stringent and tightly bound climate change emissions reduction legislation anywhere. We also rank highly in terms of progress. So, although other leading countries have slightly different approaches, ministers have taken the view that the approach that we have in Scotland is working for Scotland. There is reluctance to make changes that would make our legislation more similar to that of other countries for the simple reason that our legislation appears to be working for Scotland and is right for us as a result of the 2009 act, which was agreed unanimously by the Parliament.

Angus MacDonald

That is good to hear. What different actions and behaviour changes are required to attain both the 90 per cent reduction target and the 80 per cent reduction target to which we are currently committed? What scale of behaviour change and technical advancement does each require, and in which sectors?

Sara Grainger

Crikey—that is really quite complicated. I am very happy to set out the work that we have done on exploring the difference between an 80 per cent target and a 90 per cent one, but I am not quite sure that it would answer your question to the level of detail that you are looking for. We have not produced—and could not sensibly produce for the period up to 2050—a plan detailing exactly how we would manage emissions reductions in and across sectors or the precise contents of policies and actions that the Government and other actors would need to put in place.

We know that, in relation to the 90 per cent target, there is no scope for underachievement anywhere—I think that that is the phrase that the UKCCC used. I would phrase it slightly differently and say that we need the maximum level of decarbonisation in every sector to achieve the 90 per cent target. For the reasons that I have covered previously, work on exactly what that means in relation to policies and actions and when they would need to occur would have to be considered in the production of climate change plans.

Given that, I am not sure that my telling the committee what we think will be the difference between 80 and 90 per cent would be particularly helpful. However, I can go on to that if committee members would like me to do so.

The Convener

I think that we would. We would also be interested in understanding whether the decision that was reached on the target was influenced in any way by what we thought people would accept by way of behavioural change—what was achievable with the public in reality. That feeds into consideration of the legislation elsewhere and of what is suitable for other countries’ cultures but not for here. Can you give us a wider feel for how you arrived at the target?

Sara Grainger

I can try to. That is an interesting question.

I will start by saying what the UKCCC set out in its advice. The main difference between its central ambition scenario, which would see an 80 per cent target met, and its 90 per cent scenario, which is its high-ambition one, is in the level of the carbon sink from land use, land use change and forestry.

Under an 80 per cent scenario, there is a focus on buildings and industry—and also on aviation and shipping, which are crucial—and there is a little bit of wriggle room in other sectors. Under a 90 per cent scenario, there would be no wriggle room anywhere, although some emissions would remain in aviation and shipping—including international emissions, which are included in our targets but not in those of other countries—and in industry, beyond emission reductions that could be achieved through efficiency. We would also need to decarbonise buildings completely instead of almost doing so.

We consider that there are three options for going further than that. One option is to purchase international credits to make up the differences between what can be achieved domestically and what cannot be done responsibly, in the view of ministers. The second option is to hope that technology will develop to deliver negative emissions. However, at this stage, experts tell us that that is unlikely to happen at the right pace, rate or scale in the near future. The third way is to introduce policies and proposals that remove emissions completely from industry, aviation, shipping and agriculture, which I have not mentioned before but which is crucial.

When you talk about behaviour change, I am not sure of the distinction between the choices that individuals can make to change their own behaviour and wholesale changes to the economy that would impose changes in behaviour.

However, I think that I am answering your question if I say that it was and remains the view that, at this time, it would not be acceptable to the majority to impose policies that restricted aviation, shipping, agriculture, food production and industry to the levels that would be required to meet a net zero target.

10:00  

Claudia Beamish (South Scotland) (Lab)

My question is for whoever feels it is most appropriate for them to answer. Can I have a bit more detail about the advances in technology? Sara Grainger said that the second way in which we might go further with the targets is by hoping that technology will deliver further. Can you tell us about the experts who have been consulted? It is obviously very difficult to know what technology will be available beyond 2040.

On the other hand, many stakeholders have said to me that it is important to be aspirational and that we should be determined to send a clear message to researchers, investors and the market about where we are going. Although I was not in the Parliament at the time, unlike my colleague Stewart Stevenson, I understand that the Climate Change (Scotland) Bill was quite aspirational about where we were going.

Sara Grainger

Yes.

Claudia Beamish

I am asking about the experts. Sorry—that was rather long-winded, but I am trying to set the scene around the concerns that people have brought to me about why we are not going further.

Sara Grainger

The reason why we are not going further, even though ministers and the Scottish Government are absolutely clear that we wish to achieve net zero emissions as soon as possible, is that putting a target into legislation that required us to achieve net zero emissions by a specific date could create difficulties if the technology did not arrive at the pace or the scale that was necessary to enable us to achieve that. It may do—some people are very optimistic that the technology will come on stream very soon and that it will be possible to roll it out on an industrial scale. However, others are substantially less optimistic. It would be, in essence, a bet on having the technology available at the scale that was needed.

It could be argued that, by setting out a clear ambition to achieve net zero emissions through a political rather than a legislative commitment—which is similar to what many other countries have done—ministers would be making the aspiration clear and sending a message to investors, researchers and other people who need to be encouraged to develop the technology and the business case for the technology. Putting a target date into legislation that we would absolutely have to meet, regardless of whether the technology had become available, is a different kettle of fish altogether.

The experts were primarily from the Committee on Climate Change, which has the technological expertise as well as all the other expertise. Discussions were also held with colleagues and stakeholders in other parts of the organisation who are involved in those kinds of technological developments.

Claudia Beamish

Sorry—which organisation? I am not sure what you mean by “organisation”.

Sara Grainger

I am not sure that I can answer that question right now, not least because we have had some consultation responses about the matter and I cannot remember whether those consultees agreed to have their names made public in connection with what they said. That is why I am being a little bit cagey about it just now, but I am happy to get back to you later.

The Convener

Could you get back to us when you have checked that out?

Sara Grainger

Yes.

The Convener

Here is the thing: some people would see a contradiction in the argument around technology.

I appreciate your point about you guys not being involved in the climate change plan, but the original plan relies, to a fair extent, on carbon capture and storage technology. We were told that the plan was credible with that technology in it, but we are now being told that we cannot be more ambitious because we do not have the technologies. Do you see the contradiction that some people see in the approach?

Sara Grainger

Yes, when you put it in that way. If the Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform were here, she would say that she was criticised a lot for making those comments and for relying on technology, so you could turn that argument around. However, I will not do that, because I am not the cabinet secretary.

It is about the scale and the pace of technology change. It is one thing to expect, to rely on and then to plan for a level of technological development, but it is quite another to think that the scale of that development could be vast and quick enough to achieve a substantially more ambitious target.

The Convener

Thank you. It was useful to get that on the record.

Claudia Beamish wants to come back in. Please be brief, as Mark Ruskell will come in right afterwards.

Claudia Beamish

I have no idea what Mark Ruskell is about to say, but I will come back in only if he does not cover what I want to ask about.

Mark Ruskell

We are all keen to get in on the issue.

Sara Grainger talked about taking “a bet” on technology, but there are bets on the other side, too. If we do not meet our climate change targets or if the science on climate change changes and the situation worsens, we are taking a bet on the future. How do we refocus on technological change?

Back in 1986, which is the same timescale that we are being asked to look forward—that is 32 years ago, and we are looking forward to 2050—we had no idea that the internet was going to be a thing, but here we are today, rolling out broadband strategies, and the internet has completely transformed our world. How do you learn from previous technological changes what conditions, including those related to the market, innovation—particularly university innovation—investment and research, are required for those changes? How do you create the conditions to give us the certainty that we can make the necessary technological changes? What does Government need to do now, even if it does not have all the answers, to create the conditions for those answers to be brought into use?

Back in 1986, we did not have a clue that we would be where we are today. There were technologies that suggested that we might be here, but the exact pathway to delivering the transformation that the internet has given us today was not clear.

Sara Grainger

Indeed. You are putting me in mind of “Tomorrow’s World”, which I used to watch. When you see repeats, it is remarkable what people thought might become standard technology. Hovercrafts spring to mind.

I really do not think that I can answer your question about the changing landscape. I agree with you completely that technology will develop and the world will change—of course it will. However, the point is that we do not know how and when that will happen or what the implications and the impact of that change will be. Therefore, putting targets into legislation with all those unknowns is complex.

Tom, do you want to come in on the broader issue?

Dr Russon

Yes, I am happy to do so. I cannot remember who mentioned it, but carbon capture and storage is a good example to consider in this context. It is clear, from the CCC’s advice on the bill’s targets, that meeting the targets will not be just a question of carbon capture and storage. We must go beyond that and use bioenergy carbon capture and storage—that is, CCS coupled with the production of biomass to reach negative emissions. Regular carbon capture and storage gets you to reduced emissions, but to get to negative emissions you need to go beyond that approach.

There are two technologically uncertain steps there—the first is getting to functional deployment of CCS and the second is getting to functional deployment of bioenergy CCS. Although Scotland has excellent research in those areas, they are big technologies that will be developed and deployed effectively only on a multinational scale. They are simply beyond the scope of what a small country can do unilaterally. The costs involved in such technologies are very large, as are the research consortia. It is an area in which international partnership working is very important for Scotland, but it is also an area in which we are limited, to an extent, by the pace of development internationally.

As the committee will be aware, one of the key features of the 2009 act that is being carried forward into the bill is the principle that we will keep getting updated advice on all these matters. Technology is a key area in which that updated advice will be most important, along with the climate science that Mark Ruskell spoke about. The bill will require the UK Committee on Climate Change to provide updated advice on all these matters, including on the target levels that follow from that advice, at least every five years.

We acknowledge frankly the validity of the point that the technology is extremely uncertain. The examples that we have talked through illustrate that. However, every five years seems the right timescale for taking advice and checking on developments. The bill allows for the possibility that, if things happen more rapidly within that five-year timescale, ministers can go back to the UK Committee on Climate Change even sooner, note that some tipping point seems to have been reached around CCS or whatever and say that updated advice is required immediately.

The Convener

Committee colleagues have supplementary questions on slightly different aspects.

Stewart Stevenson

My question is certainly for Calum Webster and perhaps for Mark Eggeling. It relates to an answer that Sarah Grainger gave my colleague John Scott, when she said that the bill is about numbers and reporting, and that that is working satisfactorily. As the minister who took the Climate Change (Scotland) Bill through to becoming an act in 2009, I am not so sure about that. I give as examples Alex Johnstone’s amendment to that bill, to allow discounts on business rates for premises that were upgraded, and Sarah Boyack’s amendment on domestic rates: I do not think that they work terribly well. The bill is about emissions reduction targets,

“to make provision setting targets ... and to make provision about advice, plans and reports in relation to those targets.”

Is the bill amendable in a way that will allow us to amend those previous attempts, which are very worthy but which have not delivered what we hoped they would, and other provisions, helping us put into primary legislation things that would be part of plans in relation to targets? Is it amendable in that way?

Mark Eggeling (Scottish Government)

Those matters are ultimately for the Parliament to decide—in that regard, I include the committee’s consideration of stage 2 amendments. There have been exchanges around consideration of the present bill’s scope, but, as I said, that is for the Parliament to decide.

Principally, the bill will amend part 1 of the 2009 act, which is focused on targets, but it will also amend some of the provisions relating to reporting, including the reporting on the climate change plans. The bill’s focus is therefore on the targets that are imposed on Scottish ministers.

The bill is not looking at any delivery measures or at parts of the 2009 act that deal with how we implement and give effect to those targets. There is obviously a suite of existing powers in the 2009 act and there are lots of other powers in other acts to enable provision to be made on the delivery of various targets. However the principle here is that the climate change plans will set out the measures that need to be taken as well as proposals for any additional measures that need to be taken. The issue can be considered at the time to see whether the powers to do that are already in place or whether anything more is required.

Stewart Stevenson

The 2009 act creates certain powers, and the Parliament could amend it via the mechanism in the bill, subject to the convener and the Presiding Officer allowing that to happen. Is that correct? It is a purely legal question and not one for a long answer.

10:15  

Mark Eggeling

We have expressed our view on the scope of the bill. I understand that there are precedents for how that is handled in Parliament.

Stewart Stevenson

We will let the convener worry about that at another date.

The Convener

Thank you, Mr Stevenson.

Claudia Beamish

I have a question about the just transition commission. It is not in the bill but the committee has received a submission from the just transition partnership about it. I have also been in discussion with the Scottish Trades Union Congress and other bodies about it, as other people around the table and beyond no doubt have been.

Although I take the point that Mark Eggeling made about the targets, my clear understanding of the bill is that it is also a governance bill. Can the witnesses explain the reasons why the just transition commission is not in the bill? In the view of many people, giving the commission a legislative status going towards 2050 and beyond would give a clear indication and reassurance to people in affected communities and industries around how the shift will be done, that it will be done fairly and that there will be accountability to Parliament for it.

Sara Grainger

A live conversation is taking place within the Scottish Government about the scope, remit, form and function of the just transition commission. The discussion will be opened up shortly. The current thinking is that it might not be necessary for the commission to be established in statute for it to be able to provide valuable advice to the Scottish ministers about how to ensure a just transition to a low-carbon economy. However, that thinking has not stopped; it remains live and there will be more information in the near future.

Claudia Beamish

What is the reasoning behind it not being considered necessary to establish the commission in statute? To many organisations, trade unions and companies, a legislative basis for the commission would give clarity about arrangements for the future.

Sara Grainger

The purpose of the just transition commission, as was set out in the programme for government, is to provide advice to ministers to help them devise policies and processes to ensure a just transition. It is not evident that a statutory basis is required to establish a commission that is able to provide valuable advice.

Claudia Beamish

It is not required, but it might be valuable.

Richard Lyle (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)

Good morning. Among the main themes of the Scottish Government’s consultation were: whether the bill should contain provisions to allow for a net zero emissions target to be set at a later date; whether to update the interim target for 2020 contained in the 2009 act from 42 to 56 per cent lower than baseline levels; whether to add further interim targets of 66 per cent by 2030 and 78 per cent by 2040; and whether to update the 2050 target from 80 to 90 per cent lower than baseline levels. In light of that, what scenarios might require changes to the interim targets, and what are the practical implications?

Dr Russon

I will start off with a slightly process-based answer and then go on to some hypothetical scenarios.

As you say, the bill allows for the interim and 2050 target levels to be modified through secondary legislation under the affirmative procedure. The process element of my answer is that a couple of things have to happen before that can happen. The UK Committee on Climate Change has to provide advice on those target levels. As has been touched on previously, it provides that advice with reference to a defined set of target-setting criteria. The list is quite long so I will not try to recount it from memory, but it includes factors such as the concept of a fair and safe total emissions budget over the period to 2050, the best available climate science, technological circumstances, the economic and fiscal circumstances here in Scotland, and impacts on rural and island communities, to name but a few. The list is, as I say, quite lengthy.

The UK Committee on Climate Change provides regular advice on target levels with reference to those criteria. Scottish ministers are then required to have due regard both to the committee’s advice and to their own assessments using that same list of criteria. If the view of ministers, upon reflecting on both those things, is that an interim or 2050 target should be modified either upwards or downwards, they can propose that to Parliament. The final decision will be for the Parliament to take.

My apologies for the slightly long preamble but I hope that that is helpful before I get into what circumstances or scenarios might lead to modification actually happening. In a sense, I hope that that groundwork points us back to the set of target-setting criteria: if circumstances either internationally or here in Scotland change with respect to those criteria, that would be the likely basis upon which a change to the targets could be made.

These are necessarily entirely hypothetical examples, in that I am foreguessing the future, the advice of the Committee on Climate Change and the will of ministers, all of which I should not be foreguessing. However, there are two potential scenarios. Mark Ruskell spoke about the forthcoming scientific report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. That report will inevitably update our best understanding of the available climate science, which is one of the target-setting criteria. If that substantially changes the Committee on Climate Change’s view as to what Scotland’s goals should be, the committee would presumably provide advice to that effect.

A second scenario that I will try to explore in a little bit more detail is the question of how we measure the greenhouse gas emissions that Scotland produces at any given point in time. This is what is often referred to as the greenhouse gas inventory. It is referred to in the bill as “international carbon reporting practice”, and it is also one of the target-setting criteria. As members will recall, it is something that is changing all the time. When it changes, it can change the effective level of ambition that is needed to deliver a given target level.

One can imagine future scenarios in which, if that measurement science changes radically and we suddenly find out that Scotland has always been emitting either much greater or much lower levels of emissions than we previously understood, that might form the basis for the UK Committee on Climate Change providing advice that target levels should be modified to keep them in line with the decarbonisation pathway.

Richard Lyle

It sounds to me as though we are going to be changing our target levels every so often. Why is the ability to lower as well as raise targets critical to the operation of the target framework proposed by the Committee on Climate Change, and are we not just playing with figures to satisfy political parties and outside organisations?

Dr Russon

I hope that you will appreciate that I am going to struggle to answer the second part of that question. I genuinely do not think that it is the case that we are playing with figures for the sake of playing with figures. Much as we as officials might enjoy doing that, it is not about that; it is about what is at stake here. These are figures with very real, practical implications on the ground, in that the targets are the basis on which the climate change plans are produced. The climate change plans must set out to meet those targets, and they contain a whole range of practical, on-the-ground measures that affect everybody’s day-to-day lives.

The first part of your question concerned why the CCC advises that the ability to modify targets downwards as well as upwards is essential. That relates directly to the second of the two examples that I gave, which involved the fact that the science around how we measure emissions is changing all the time. The experience that we have had with the 2009 act is that that can change the figures in either direction—we can find out either that we have always had a lot more emissions than we thought or that we have had a lot less than we thought. On a year-to-year basis, which way those changes will go is entirely unpredictable. Control over the changes is almost entirely out of the hands of the Scottish Government, as decisions are made at a UK level, in line with the United Nations guidelines. In crude terms, these are things that happen to us that we have to respond to.

Modifying target levels in response to that is very much a last resort. We definitely would not want to be modifying target levels too often. Clearly, an important function of targets is to provide long-term signalling and, if you keep on adjusting them, that function is undermined. However, if really big changes to our best understanding of the current emissions levels keep on occurring, it might be necessary at some future point to adjust the targets. Because those measurement changes can go in either direction, the issue is entirely policy neutral—at this level, it is purely technocratic. That is why the CCC advice is that it is important to be able to modify the targets both ways.

Mark Ruskell

To what extent is regulatory alignment with the European Union important in that regard? As you know, there are growing calls for a net zero carbon target in the EU. In fact, the European Parliament’s lead negotiator on energy recently said that countries that resist the EU-wide proposal on net zero carbon by 2050 will be

“in the same camp as Mr Trump”.

There is clearly a political drive from the European Parliament, and the Commission is considering net zero carbon as the ultimate destination. Where does that place Scotland with regard to our policy of regulatory alignment?

Sara Grainger

Partly because of the reasons that Tom Russon gave earlier about multinational action and the development of technologies, what is happening in other countries is incredibly important with regard to how sensible or achievable it is for Scotland to have one target or another.

The other important issue concerns the risk of carbon leakage. I am sure that you are all aware of what that is, but I will spare anyone the embarrassment of having to ask—I was unaware of what it was for quite a long time. Carbon leakage is when businesses relocate to countries with more lax regulations or lower targets. If one country has a substantially higher target and tougher regulations than surrounding countries, that can have quite a negative economic impact and can affect the availability of jobs and so on. It can also result in products being imported rather than being manufactured in the country. For all those reasons, what is happening in the rest of Europe and the UK—and, indeed, in the rest of the world—is an essential consideration with regard to what target levels in Scotland should be.

Stewart Stevenson

Can you confirm that the plans that we have encompassed in the bill represent a net zero carbon target for 2050 and that the 10 percentage points difference between 90 per cent and 100 per cent relate entirely to the five gases other than carbon, of which the predominant one is methane?

Sara Grainger

That is correct.

The Convener

It is quite important to get that on the record, because there is a misunderstanding about that among the public.

Sara Grainger

There is, so I appreciate the issue being raised. My understanding of the conversation in Europe is that there is not yet an agreed definition of what “net zero” means. When people across the different countries talk about carbon neutrality, it seems to mean very different things—some people use it to mean net zero CO2 and others use it to mean net zero greenhouse gases. You are right that that is very important, convener.

10:30  

The Convener

Credibility and trust in what is out there is very important. To that end, how will changing to percentage targets deliver better scrutiny and improved performance?

Sara Grainger

That is another of Tom Russon’s favourite subjects.

Dr Russon

We see it as one of the key technical improvements in the bill. I beg the committee’s patience in order to provide a tiny bit of background to explain how we have got to this point, which I hope will help. Under the 2009 act, emissions reduction targets are set in two different forms: the 2020 and 2050 targets, which are set as percentage reductions from baselines of 42 per cent and 80 per cent respectively; and the annual targets, to fill in the gaps between those years, which are set as fixed amounts of emissions and expressed in megatonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent, to the third decimal place.

There are pros and cons that come with both percentage-based and fixed amount of emissions-based targets. It is fair to say that a difficulty that was not foreseen at the time of the 2009 act is the potential for targets in two different forms becoming askew from each other. That misalignment is driven by changes to the measurement science and changes to the greenhouse gas inventory. Such changes affect the achievability of both types of target, but in different ways. In general, the fixed amount targets are much more sensitive to such changes than the percentage-based targets.

One consequence of having two different types of target is that they can become misaligned, which can lead to real difficulties both for us and for stakeholders. At the moment, the clearest example of that is that there are two different targets for 2020 and at different levels it is quite conceivable that Scotland could end up meeting one target and missing the other. That would be very hard to explain and quite counterproductive for credibility, which we all agree is central.

That is quite a long-winded way of saying that one of the key reasons for shifting to the percentage-based targets is to get all the targets in the same form. That is really important. One could ask why that form should be percentages and not fixed amounts, which would equally well address the point that I have just talked through. There are three main reasons why percentages are preferable to fixed amounts. As I said, there are some pros and cons for both. If the committee is interested we can go into those in more detail.

First, in favour of percentages, in general they are more stable in relation to changes in the measurement science. Such changes affect not just current emissions, but emissions going all the way back to the baseline. If you are measuring relative differences from the baselines to the present day, some of the changes will cancel them out.

Secondly, most of us find percentage-based targets to be more transparent. That is ultimately a subjective judgment. Some people prefer to think in terms of fixed amounts of emissions because they find it more intuitive, whereas other people find percentages more intuitive. The vast majority of the respondents to the consultation favoured the percentage target option. I find it easier to relate to 80 per cent or 90 per cent than to 52.392 megatonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent. However, that is a subjective judgment.

Thirdly, using percentage-based targets is the approach that the UK Committee on Climate Change advised that the Government should take. The committee’s view is that percentage-based targets are more transparent and more stable.

The Convener

Thank you. It is very useful to get that on record.

I have another layman’s question. As I understand it, if we had used percentages, we would have had to have removed an additional 4 megatonnes of greenhouse gases by 2020. Are we going to do that?

Dr Russon

I apologise; I am not sure that I followed the question. Are you asking about the difference between the annual and interim targets for 2020?

The Convener

As I understand it, under the original baseline we would have to have removed 40.717 megatonnes to meet the 42 per cent target. Now we know that we have to remove 44.713 megatonnes. I am asking a daft-laddie question: are we going to do that?

Dr Russon

Yes, we absolutely are. That is the daft-laddie answer. The climate change plans are required to meet the annual targets as well as the interim and 2050 targets. The effect of the misalignment between the two sets of targets that we have is that the annual targets are the harder ones to meet. The extra 4 megatonnes, as you nicely put it, fall between the annual target for 2020, which is harder, and the interim target for 2020, which is relatively a bit easier. The current climate change plan sets out to meet the tougher of the sets of targets—as the previous plans have always done—and by doing that, we of necessity meet and exceed the 42 per cent target.

The Convener

That demands a large improvement in performance—about 10 per cent.

Dr Russon

You are absolutely right.

The Convener

What does that look like? Give me an example of a sector, to illustrate the challenge.

Dr Russon

If my memory serves me correctly, emissions from the building sector are of the order of 4 megatonnes per annum.

The additional 4 megatonnes must be achieved over time—I guess that I am thinking about per annum emissions. However, you are right to say that it is a large amount. That is reflected in the package of policies and proposals in the current and previous climate change plans. The plans do not attempt to separate out policies and proposals and say, “These policies are for this target, and those policies are for that target.” That means that I am limited in my ability to give you a nicely packaged answer.

John Scott

Are the building sector and other sectors aware that there is a 10 per cent increase in the target, just like that, as a result of changing a unit of recognition?

Dr Russon

As I said, this is something that we have struggled with. It has been one of the hardest features of the 2009 act to live with, in some ways. You can well imagine the challenges that it gives us as we speak to our colleagues in Government and to stakeholders outside Government.

The position is not quite as bad as it would be if we were saying that sectors suddenly had to make the change. The inventory revisions have been building up over time. The issue brings us back to why it is so important to fix this element of the 2009 act, so that there is a clear basis and all the targets are in the same form, and so that the level of effort that is required from other parts of Government and outside Government is well understood and is stable through time. That has to be the right way to approach policy planning.

Sara Grainger

For up to five years.

Dr Russon

As Sara Grainger suggests, I am perhaps being a bit too bullish in my assessment of how effective the change will be, in that what the UKCCC proposed, which the bill will enact, is that the inventory is fixed for up to five years. Challenges such as we are considering will still arise, and I am afraid that our successors will have to come back to speak to your successors about them, but that will happen not every year but every five years. That gives external actors, in particular, who it is fair to say find all this very opaque, a bit of stability before the issue comes round again.

John Scott

I want to be absolutely clear about this, so forgive me for repeating the question. Are industry and the business sector aware of this creeping increase in the target, as it were? It was news to me when I read the papers, but I presume that others are much better informed than I am—that would certainly not be hard. It seems to me that by changing a unit you have increased the target by 10 per cent, which seems an odd way of doing business.

Dr Russon

I cannot speak to what a whole bunch of external organisations do or do not understand—

John Scott

So you do not know whether they understand this.

Dr Russon

A wide range of stakeholders are involved in the production of and the consultation on climate change plans. Those documents set out clearly the technical changes that have happened. As I have said, the plans ultimately have to set out to meet the more ambitious of the two sets of targets. However, I do not know whether the increase is well understood.

John Scott

I am not reassured that people are aware of the change.

The Convener

I presume that you would accept that that is a perfect example of why all sectors need to carry the load. As a result, when such significant changes occur, not just one or two sectors will be left to deal with them. The committee has highlighted one or two sectors across society that are not being asked to do a great deal. When we see such changes, that really brings home the need for everyone to play their part.

Sara Grainger

I certainly agree that a cross-sectoral approach is necessary to tackle the ambitious targets that we have and the even more ambitious targets that we will have. However, if you are implying—I may be understanding incorrectly what you have said—that all sectors should have the same percentage target, I am not sure that we would agree with that. At that level of detail, it makes quite a lot of sense from my perspective and the perspective of ministers to be able to look across sectors and see what it is reasonable to expect different sectors to do at different points in time, given changes in technology and emerging technology, for example.

The Convener

I was not suggesting that there should be exactly the same percentage for all sectors. However, some sectors could perhaps do more than they currently do. Let us move on.

Finlay Carson (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)

We have heard about how the Scottish Government has taken advice on future targets, and particularly on percentages. The advice must take into account target-setting criteria. How were the target-setting criteria chosen? Why do they not align more closely with the climate change plan’s sectoral approach?

Sara Grainger

The target-setting criteria are given in the 2009 act. I was not around in 2008, so I was not involved in that, but I understand that a set of criteria was consulted on in 2008. I cannot tell members how they were arrived at in the first place in order to consult on them, but I know that a set of criteria was consulted on, that they were reconsidered in light of the consultation exercise, and that they were set out in the bill in 2008 and amended by Parliament. They ended up as they are in the 2009 act. We are carrying the process forward in the bill.

In the consultation that we ran last year for the bill, the only thing that we really looked at related to the first criterion, which is:

“the objective of not exceeding the fair and safe Scottish emissions budget”.

Our thinking internally was that that criterion was no longer particularly necessary in the form that it was in because of the move to percentage-based targets. To be clear on that point, there was never any suggestion that we should move away from the importance of the concept of a fair and safe Scottish emissions budget—that remained absolutely central—but we did not think that the criterion in that form was necessary any more. However, the consultation responses were quite clear. Environmental stakeholder groups were very clear that they did not want to lose that criterion in that form and that they considered it to be very important. Therefore, the bill that we have introduced makes no change to that.

The bill moves a couple of things around. I can go into detail on quite minor changes that we have made to the wording of some of the criteria, but the answer to the question is that the criteria primarily come from the 2009 act.

Finlay Carson

Throughout the bill, there is mention of the phrase

“as soon as reasonably practicable”,

and of the Scottish Government’s proposal to find “achievable” net targets. What does “reasonably practicable” mean in practice?

10:45  

Sara Grainger

I can answer the question on “achievable”, and then I will pass over to a colleague to talk about

“as soon as reasonably practicable”.

We will look to the UK Committee on Climate Change to advise us on what is “achievable”. Its current advice, on which the bill is based, is clear and explicit that going beyond a 90 per cent reduction is not feasible and stretches the bounds of credibility, so we interpret that as meaning that a reduction of more than 90 per cent is not achievable. That is what we mean by “achievable”.

Calum Webster (Scottish Government)

The term

“as soon as reasonably practicable”

does not have a formal definition in terms of something having to be done by a certain time. Part of the function of the term is that it needs to relate to the context to which it is being applied. The term is used quite extensively in the 2009 act and across a range of Scottish Government legislation. I am looking at Mark Eggeling to confirm that.

Finlay Carson

When you consider what is “reasonably practicable”, what do you take into account?

Calum Webster

It depends on the issue to which the term is being applied. There is a requirement in the 2009 act—which is included in the bill—that we have to publish advice from the CCC

“as soon as reasonably practicable”.

It would be reasonable to think that we could do that on the day that we receive such advice, which is what has happened in the past.

Some of the other requirements, such as the need to respond to the CCC’s annual progress report, require some judgment to be applied and some information to be gathered. It would be reasonable to expect that that would be done over a longer period—responding to such requirements might take weeks rather than days. My answer is that it depends on the nature of the task in hand.

The Convener

I issue a plea to members and witnesses to consider short, sharp questions and answers, wherever possible, so that we can cover as much ground as possible.

Claudia Beamish

I will follow up on my colleague Finlay Carson’s question about the phrase

“as soon as reasonably practicable”.

Does the bill require the information and advice from the UKCCC, to which you have referred, to be shared through a statement to Parliament, or can it simply be put on the internet or published in some other way as we move forward with the five-year commitment?

Calum Webster

There are no requirements in the bill other than to publish the advice. I believe that the same requirement is in the 2009 act.

Claudia Beamish

It is interesting that in section 5 there are 11 target-setting criteria. One of them, in proposed new section 2B(1)(i) of the 2009 act, refers specifically to “energy”, and proposed new section 2B(1)(e) refers to “economic circumstances”. Under “economic circumstances”, the bill refers to business more broadly. Why is “energy” specifically picked out, rather than agriculture or transport, for example? That seems strange—I will not use the word “arbitrary”, because energy is very important. How were those criteria decided? You said that they were based on the 2009 act, but my understanding is that there are fewer criteria in the 2009 act.

Sara Grainger

The criterion on energy policy is unchanged from the 2009 act—that is where it came from. I cannot tell you whether the Government conceived of it and consulted on it or whether it was added by amendment during the Parliament’s consideration of the Climate Change (Scotland) Bill, but we can endeavour to find that out.

What has been added to the criteria in the 2009 act is the criterion that

“current international carbon reporting practice”

be considered. That relates to the change in the accounting methodology that Tom Russon explained. That is the only substantive change to the criteria in the 2009 act.

Claudia Beamish

Were other heavy emitters such as agriculture and transport considered for inclusion in the criteria in the bill, given that energy was one of the criteria in the 2009 act? If so, why was their inclusion ruled out?

Sara Grainger

We did not look to change the criteria substantially; we accepted the criteria from the 2009 act. We merely made some very minor changes in the light of changes to the accounting framework and in response to stakeholders’ view that the Paris agreement should be more explicitly recognised. We did not conduct a full review of the rest of the criteria in the 2009 act—we accepted those as read.

Claudia Beamish

Do you not think that that sends a message that some sectors that are heavy emitters are more important than others? Are you able to give a view on that?

Sara Grainger

That is certainly not the intended message.

Claudia Beamish

I completely appreciate that. That is not what I am implying.

Stewart Stevenson

This is probably a question for Mark Eggeling. We have virtually nil legislative competence on energy—we have administrative devolution of sections 36 and 37 of the Electricity Act 1989—so we need to be quite cautious about how we legislate in relation to it. Is that a fair characterisation of the situation?

Mark Eggeling

Yes, there are a number of reservations in relation to energy matters, but there are areas of devolved competence, including the promotion of energy efficiency and the like. There are things that can be done within devolved competence in this area, which would, where necessary, be picked up in the climate change plan.

John Scott

I would like to move on to emissions accounting. Could you provide a clear explanation of how emissions accounting is being amended? How is the proposed 20 per cent limit calculated?

Dr Russon

In answering that, I might struggle with the convener’s steer to be brief.

The 2009 act established two primary mechanisms by which what are termed carbon units can be used in emissions accounting. Carbon units are internationally recognised carbon credits that can be bought or sold. They represent a degree of recognised confidence that some action will be undertaken somewhere to reduce emissions by a specified amount.

The 2009 act provides for two mechanisms by which carbon units can be used to contribute towards meeting the targets for Scotland, the first of which is an adjustment to reflect the operation of the EU emissions trading scheme in Scotland. That happens automatically every year under the current carbon accounting system. The EU ETS operates in Scotland. Companies are the actors in that scheme, under which they report their emissions and, if necessary, buy permits. At the end of each year, an adjustment is applied to Scottish emissions to reflect the operation of the scheme.

The second mechanism is more intuitively clear. It relates to the possibility that the Scottish ministers may purchase international carbon units as a way of offsetting Scotland’s total emissions. Under the 2009 act, that mechanism is subject to two limits.

The first is the domestic effort target, which, in effect, means that no more than 20 per cent of the year-on-year reduction in emissions can be met through the purchase of credits by ministers. Secondly, ministers have to set recurrently absolute limits on the maximum amount for which they can use purchased units for a period in advance, which roll forwards by five years each time—it is one of the many five-yearly targets.

To come to your question, the bill would change carbon accounting in two main ways, both of which are intended to improve transparency and simplicity, and would affect both of the existing mechanisms. First, the adjustment that reflects the operation of the EU ETS would be removed and emissions would be reported on the basis of Scottish emissions from all sectors of the economy.

The second change would be that, although the option for ministers to use purchased credits would be retained, a new default limit of zero use of such credits would be established. That would effectively provide a stricter limit than the existing measures. The change reflects this Government’s clear commitment not to use purchased credits as a way of meeting targets. That commitment was set out in the recent climate change plan and will apply until at least 2032.

The bill would establish a statutory limit of zero by default. The power would exist to allow that limit to be raised, if future ministers wanted to do that and Parliament agreed to do so through secondary legislation.

That takes us to the final part of your question, which is about the 20 per cent limit. If the limit on the purchase of carbon units were to be raised from zero, it could be raised only up to 20 per cent of the year-on-year reduction in emissions. How would that figure be calculated? Under the bill, all the annual targets for all future years would be known, which would allow you to work out the year-on-year reduction in emissions that would be required. You take the difference and multiply it by 20 per cent to give the maximum amount of credits that could be used in that given year.

Why a target of 20 per cent rather than 30 or 10 per cent? The level of the current domestic effort target under the 2009 act is set at 20 per cent. In a sense, the new limit provision of a default of zero but up to 20 per cent, if that is desired at some future point, would replace the domestic effort target from the 2009 act and means that the domestic effort target as it stands could not be missed in the future, because the most that could ever be purchased would be 20 per cent. Therefore, by way of rationalisation, the domestic effort target has been removed throughout the bill.

John Scott

Under what circumstances might that power be used, if you do not revert to the default position?

Dr Russon

That is an interesting question. As I have said, this Government does not intend to use credits so, in a sense, we are speculating. In its advice on the bill, the UK Committee on Climate Change clearly advised that limited flexibility to use credits be retained. The scenario that it explored is the possibility of unforeseen changes in economic output year to year and a need to counterbalance the industries, especially those in the industrial sectors, as that economic output changes.

More widely, as with a lot of the measures in the 2009 act and in the bill, we are looking a long way into the future and there is a huge amount of broad uncertainty about international carbon trading and the co-ordination of those efforts. It seemed to us to be prudent to retain the capability to come back to the issue without needing further primary legislation to do so. However, the balance that is being struck is to set out clearly a simple principle for the foreseeable future, which is that there would be no use of carbon units in any form.

John Scott

Would the inventory revisions make targets easier or harder to meet? Would the proposed changes help to ensure greater objectivity, consistency and transparency?

Sara Grainger

Not using international carbon credits makes the targets harder to meet. We have not previously used such credits in Scotland, so that is not a comparison with our past, but with a hypothetical possibility, or potentially with other countries that do use them. All the effort having to be domestic is substantially tougher than its not having to be so.

11:00  

John Scott

Will that help objectivity and transparency? Will it become clearer to us all that that is a better way of doing things?

Sara Grainger

Yes. The default scenario being that zero credits will be used is much easier to explain than saying that we will consider every few years whether or not to use credits.

Richard Lyle

By virtue of sections 16, 17 and 18, the bill rationalises the annual report produced under sections 33 and 34 of the 2009 act. In what ways have sections 33 and 34 been rationalised? What has been removed or changed, and for what reason has that been done?

Sara Grainger

That is a very big question on which to be brief. Perhaps Calum Webster can do so.

Calum Webster

I will try to be brief. If the committee will bear with me, I will find the relevant sections of the 2009 act.

The rationale for making those changes has come about through stakeholder requests for alteration of the way in which we have reported on emissions in the past. At the moment, there is a convention that the cabinet secretary makes a statement in June, following publication of the greenhouse gas emissions statistics. That is not a statutory requirement, but there is a requirement in the act that a statement be made by the end of October. There is a lot of crossover between the content of the June statement that follows publication of the statistics and the statutory statement that the act requires to be made in October. That was raised at the conveners group in October 2017. There was a proposal from WWF Scotland, I think, that the contents of and requirements for the October statement be moved wholesale, to be applied following the publication of the statistics in June, and for there to be a statutory report and statement then, followed later in the year by more detailed reports on progress that had been made in the sectors later on.

The changes to sections 33 and 34 of the 2009 act have been made to allow that to happen. They are broadly similar as far as what they do is concerned, but a couple of elements that were contained in the reports have been removed. The first one that I will go into is the requirement to report against electricity-related measures in section 34(4) of the 2009 act. By removing that, we are able to make the statement and produce the report earlier than we would have been otherwise. We discussed that approach with the discussion group that we set up to look at technical elements of the bill. It was content with that proposal, because such issues are reported on under the energy statistics and also annually in relation to the energy strategy. Therefore they are not being lost; they will just be reported in another form.

Tom Russon has just talked about removal of the domestic effort target, and the reasoning behind that. That has also come out of the requirements to be reported on under section 33, although we have retained in the bill a requirement to report on the percentage of year-on-year reductions that are related to domestic effort, in the event that a future Government should choose to move away from the default position that has been established under the 2009 act.

There have been other minor changes to the criteria to reflect the fact that we have moved from fixed amounts to percentage reductions under the proposals in the bill.

The Convener

I would like a little bit of clarity on that. I clearly have a personal interest in the issue, having raised it at the Conveners Group, and it is terribly important. Courtesy of the bill, will we potentially end up in a situation in which different ministers will give statements indicating the performance in their portfolios?

Sara Grainger

WWF proposed that, in the space created in October by the June statement being made statutory, each relevant minister or cabinet secretary should make a statement to Parliament about progress in their area. We discussed and considered that, but thought that it would be quite unwieldy. I had several discussions with WWF about a different form, whereby reports on progress in each sector would be required to be laid in Parliament, but there would not necessarily have to be a statement by the Scottish ministers.

In legislation, we cannot put a requirement on any particular cabinet secretary or minister; the requirement has to be on the Scottish ministers and how it gets divvied up is up to the First Minister. We were not able to specify that the reports have to come from or be spoken to by particular cabinet secretaries, but the reports have to reflect different chapters in the climate change plan. A suite of reports will be laid in Parliament, and it will be for Parliament and its committees to consider how to make use of them and whether to call different ministers to discuss the reports.

The Convener

There is no requirement for statements to be made.

Sara Grainger

That is correct.

The Convener

That is interesting. Thank you for that.

Let us move on. In terms of recommendations from the Parliament about process, there was considerable discussion about the period that parliamentary committees have for the consideration of draft plans. There was unanimity on 60 days being completely inadequate and, if I recall correctly, there was some degree of discussion about what a better arrangement might look like, during which there was talk of 120 days, no limit and so on. In the bill, we appear to have reached a point at which the period would be extended to 90 days, only 60 days of which would be parliamentary sitting days. Can you explain the rationale behind the position that has been arrived at?

Calum Webster

Under the 2009 act, the trigger for climate change plans is the making of an order to set an annual target, which, at the moment, must be done at least every five years. The bill does not require the setting of annual targets in the same way because, as Tom Russon said, they are calculated mechanistically in relation to the interim of the 2050 target. That trigger will be lost, but it will be replaced by the requirement to lay a climate change plan at least every five years.

On that basis, we looked at the responses to the consultation, in which we asked specific questions on what the consideration period should be, and we took into account the views of committees when we discussed this with the technical discussion group. The position that we came to for the bill is that, to ensure that the Scottish ministers could meet the requirement in the bill to lay a plan within five years, there should be a defined period for the committee and the Parliament to look at the plan. If that was not there, it might not be possible for the Scottish ministers to meet that requirement.

We came to the minister’s view that the extension of the time period in which the Parliament has to consider plans, from 60 days to 90 days, which includes the 60 sitting days, is a good balance between the current arrangements and the calls for the consideration period to be open-ended.

The Convener

I suppose that the only thing to say is that, if recess periods are included in that, we could lose quite a lot of time and momentum in the scrutiny process.

The other aspect is that, as I read it, there is no time limit for the Government to produce, lay or, indeed, finalise its draft plan. I recognise that the last time that the Government produced a plan we asked it to take its time in finalising its draft, so I am not being hypocritical—I just want to be clear on the position.

Sara Grainger

There is a time limit for when the final draft plan has to be laid—it has to be within five years of the previous draft plan. There is a defined period within which that has to be done.

The Convener

But in terms of—

Sara Grainger

There is no requirement for when we get started.

The Convener

It strikes me that, although 90 days is an improvement, I am not convinced that where we have got to is exactly the best place.

Stewart Stevenson

On page 17 of the bill, we see new section 35B, which will be part of the replacement for section 35 of the 2009 act. In relation to the report on the plan, new section 35B(3) states that a report has to be laid by 31 October. Presumably that interacts with laying the plan itself.

Sara Grainger

I am sorry—can you ask that question again?

Stewart Stevenson

I am on page 17 of the bill and looking at new section 35B(3), which is on line 18. It refers back to new section 35B(1), which reads:

“The Scottish Ministers must in each relevant year, lay before the Scottish Parliament a report on each substantive chapter of the most recent climate change plan”.

The plan has been consulted on for two varying lengths of time when the Parliament is sitting. Nonetheless, to some extent, that need to lay the report by 31 October will interact with the 60/90 days. How does it do that?

Sara Grainger

I think that I understand your question.

Stewart Stevenson

I may not understand the question. I am really asking how they interact.

Sara Grainger

New section 35B is about the progress reports against the plan. By each 31 October, the relevant Scottish ministers will be required to report on progress to Parliament against the plan that is the plan at that time. If there is a plan in prep, that one would not be reported against; it would be—

Stewart Stevenson

Do forgive me—let me just intervene. There is no legislative interaction between the two, because 31 October deals with whatever plan is prevailing.

Sara Grainger

Yes.

Stewart Stevenson

In practical terms, is it in the minds of ministers that 31 October and the laying of a draft plan interact in some way? If that is in the ministers’ minds, would it be appropriate for us to consider whether the bill as drafted should be tidied up to make it clearer what that interaction is?

Sara Grainger

I cannot comment on what is in the minister’s mind. I can confirm that that has not been in our minds, as officials. That is not a conversation that we have had.

Stewart Stevenson

That is fine. We will move on.

The Convener

Let us wrap this up by looking at the finances. The financial memorandum states that

“moving from an 80% to 90% Greenhouse Gas reduction target is estimated to result in an additional system cost of approximately £13 billion over the period 2030-2050”.

There are also other accompanying figures. I would like to understand how robust the methodology is for calculating indirect costs and what the margin for error is within that method. It is not an exact science.

Sara Grainger

It certainly is not. There is a great deal of uncertainty around the cost estimates that are given—they are given as a best indication rather than anything more. The only thing that we can be absolutely certain of is that they will be wrong, but I cannot tell you in which direction.

The Convener

How good a guess is it?

Sara Grainger

That is not something that I can answer. The costs given under the TIMES modelling section, are, quite evidently, from TIMES. To the best of my knowledge, analysts have not attempted to calculate confidence intervals for that. I do not know whether that would be possible or even a sensible thing to do. I am happy to take that away and look into it.

The Convener

In the absence of such detail, it looks like a figure that has been plucked out of thin air. I know that it is not. Is some of the detail publicly available? Can we see it?

11:15  

Sara Grainger

I am not sure that I understand.

The Convener

We have a figure here of £13 billion for the estimated system cost over a 20-year period. We are looking for an understanding of how accurate that figure may be, how it was arrived at and what confidence we can have in it. Mr Scott is whispering in my ear, “Can we see the workings?”

Sara Grainger

We could potentially show you the workings of TIMES, but you might be very sorry that you asked.

The Convener

Let us break it down in another way. Presumably, we have an understanding of what things were added together to get £13 billion. What does that look like on a sectoral basis?

Sara Grainger

We definitely cannot answer the question about what it looks like on a sectoral basis. My understanding of TIMES is limited, but I know that it only gives the overall system cost. Any ideas about where those costs might fall depend on decisions taken by ministers in climate change plans.

The Convener

I am sorry, but I am getting inundated with requests from my colleagues to ask questions—little wonder.

Sara Grainger

I can see that it is a very popular subject.

The Convener

A take away from today is that you need to come back to the committee with as much detail as you can provide, because at the moment it looks pretty ropy.

Mark Ruskell

I found that answer quite staggering. Why produce a figure at all if you cannot justify it? I am interested in all the assumptions behind the £13 billion figure. For example, does TIMES assume a degree of technology reinvestment, as technology comes to an end and there is investment in new technology and capital plant? We need to understand whether those are additional costs to tackling climate change or whether they are costs that are inherent in moving an energy system towards 2050.

Sara Grainger

I understand.

Mark Ruskell

The kind of energy plant that we would have had in 1986, in Longannet, for example, had to get shut and that is a system cost. Would TIMES see that as a massive cost?

Sara Grainger

I am sorry. I have clearly done an exceptionally bad job of explaining where the numbers come from. It is true that they are indications.

Mark Ruskell

They have been put into words in the committee session and we need to understand exactly what the basis for such a figure is when it is thrown up as a cost.

Sara Grainger

I can do a little better, verbally. We came up with that £13 billion figure by running TIMES under the assumptions of the climate change plan for the 80 per cent end target for 2050. We then ran the figures again using the 90 per cent target. We took the systems costs from both and subtracted one from the other to find the difference, which was £13 billion. That is above and beyond the cost that would happen anyway through society continuing to function. It is the additional cost of moving from a target of 80 per cent to one of 90 per cent.

Mark Ruskell

Is it reliant on purchasing credits?

Sara Grainger

No.

The Convener

Did anyone look at the figures for what it would cost if we did not do it?

Sara Grainger

Yes. That is the cost of the climate change plan. We gave you that figure in the letter that we sent to the committee—I will try to find it. The £13 billion is in addition. If we did not increase the targets but kept them at 80 per cent, the cost would be 2.2 per cent of gross domestic product. We would need to come back to you further on that.

The Convener

I want to get the overall picture. There may be an additional cost of some amount, but there will be an additional cost to the economy if we do not do it.

Sara Grainger

I understand what you mean. You are asking about the additional cost to the economy of not tackling climate change.

The Convener

Yes.

Sara Grainger

We attempted to set that out in the financial memorandum, based on the work that was done for us by ClimateXChange, which looked at the global literature, at the costs of limiting climate change beyond 2° to nearer 1.5°, at the cost of the damage if we do not mitigate, and at the cost of mitigation and adaptation. It was not able to come up with costs for Scotland, but it was able to review average costs for countries and jurisdictions.

The ClimateXChange report is nicely titled—“Landscape review of international assessments of the economic impacts of climate change”. I am surprised that you have not come across it. It sets out the costs as a percentage of GDP, and the upshot is that the cost of not mitigating climate change would probably be more than the cost of mitigating climate change, but that is on the basis of probability, because the estimates of cost depend so much on the likelihood of extreme events, which are an issue of probability.

The Convener

It sounds a pretty scary figure, if it is accurate, but in reality it is not, because we have to do it.

Sara Grainger

It is a big, scary number, but the cost of not tackling climate change would also be a big, scary number. That is the summary.

Stewart Stevenson

Section 19 of the bill replaces section 35 of the 2009 act with a new section 35. Subsection (4) of that new section is a word-for-word replication of section 35(9) of the 2009 act, and subsection (5) of the new section is a word-for-word replication of section 35(10) of the 2009 act. What do they say in relation to the breakdown of costs? The new section 35(4) that is introduced by section 19 of the bill states that the plan must set out

“proposals and policies regarding the respective contributions towards meeting the emissions reduction targets that should be made by—

(a) energy efficiency,

(b) energy generation,

(c) land use, and

(d) transport.”

That is word for word what is in the 2009 act. New section 35(5) states:

“The plan must also explain how the proposals and policies set out in the plan are expected to affect different sectors of the Scottish economy.”

You appear to have told us that we cannot do that—that we cannot break down the costs according to how they affect different sectors of the economy—or have I misunderstood what I have been hearing?

Sara Grainger

Yes and no. What we cannot do is separate out the costs up to 2050, so there is a difference in what we can say about the plan and what we can say about targets up to 2050.

Stewart Stevenson

Forgive me for intervening, but I want to bring this to a conclusion. Is it the case that that really relates only to the plan?

Sara Grainger

That is correct.

Stewart Stevenson

So it is essentially retrospective rather than prospective.

Sara Grainger

Well, the plans look forward.

Stewart Stevenson

Yes, but as far as the plan goes forward—and we are looking in the first instance at a plan that goes to 2032—we should have the numbers under those separate headings, rather than there being one aggregate number. I do not have the plan to hand, so I cannot answer that question for myself.

Sara Grainger

I am going to say that you must be mistaken because we have not done that and we surely would have done if we were required to. I will need to take that one away.

The Convener

Please come back to us on that, because there will be a lot of interest in that aspect.

Claudia Beamish

I would like to see what you come back with, because I have quite serious concerns about it, especially going between 2040 and 2050. If we do not know what the technology is going to be, I do not understand how we can be putting figures into the air.

John Scott

I have to declare an interest, as I come from a sector where it is all very well just to say that there is a cost of £13 billion, but people would quite like to know the real costs that they are likely to bear. Our economy is reducing in Scotland, as we speak, and you are gaily saying, “Well it might cost businesses £13 billion to carry on doing what they are doing, if we are to deliver on our climate change targets.” A breakdown, sector by sector, would be enormously helpful in giving an indication of the burden that is likely to be placed on each sector by the climate change proposals. Stewart Stevenson made that point. Are you unable to provide such a breakdown, or are you not prepared to do so?

Sara Grainger

We are simply not able to provide that—

John Scott

Do you not agree that it would be helpful, or do you just think, “Tough”?

Sara Grainger

I am certainly not disagreeing that it would be helpful, if you are telling me that it would be helpful. It is not possible for us to provide—

The Convener

I think that the point is that it is necessary. We need to see the figures, if we are to determine whether the £13 billion figure is credible. There must be figures that add up to £13 billion.

Sara Grainger

We will take the issue back to the analysts who run TIMES and see what we can do. I am really sorry if I have given the impression that I am gaily bandying the figure around. That was certainly not my intention.

John Scott

Not gaily, but without explanation.

Sara Grainger

Well, clearly with a poor explanation, which I will endeavour to correct.

The Convener

I must bring in Richard Lyle, because he has been waiting patiently.

Richard Lyle

Is the £13 billion based on today’s prices or 2050 prices?

Sara Grainger

Today’s prices.

Richard Lyle

What is £13 billion in 2050 prices?

Sara Grainger

I cannot tell you that.

Richard Lyle

It is at least £200 billion, given inflation and so on over the next 30-odd years.

John Scott

Is it fair to say that, in enacting the bill, we would be asking businesses in Scotland to sign a blank cheque, given the unquantifiable cost and burden that is likely to be placed on them? Is that a fair assessment?

Sara Grainger

No, I do not think that it is. Where the costs—

John Scott

How would you define it, then?

Sara Grainger

Where the costs fall will depend on the decisions that ministers make in the production of climate change plans, because it is the plans that will establish how we are to meet the targets. That is where the impact can be considered, in relation to where the costs will fall. We cannot do that for the targets out to 2050.

The Convener

Let us be accurate: the costs will fall on the public sector and individuals, too. They will not fall just on business.

Sara Grainger

In theory, at least, the costs could fall on the public sector, on individuals and households and on businesses. They could fall to one group entirely and not the others, or in any kind of mix.

The Convener

It is a mix of the three groups.

Sara Grainger

Yes.

The Convener

We have covered a lot of ground and I want to draw the discussion to a conclusion. We are particularly interested in the financial element.

Sara Grainger

Understood.

The Convener

You have agreed to come back to us on a number of things, and we look forward to that. Not only would it be helpful to have as much detail as possible on the financial element, I think that such detail is necessary, to be frank.

I thank the witnesses for their time.

11:28 Meeting suspended.  

11:32 On resuming—  

19 June 2018

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Second meeting transcript

The Convener (Gillian Martin)

Welcome to the 28th meeting of the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee in 2018. We have received apologies from John Scott, so I welcome his substitute, Maurice Golden, to the committee.

I remind everyone present to switch off their mobile phones, because they might interfere with the broadcasting system.

The first item on the agenda is an evidence-taking session on the Climate Change (Emissions Reductions Targets) (Scotland) Bill; it is the first evidence session with stakeholders. We are delighted to be hearing from representatives of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, ClimateXChange and the Committee on Climate Change. Their important contributions will provide an excellent foundation for our evidence sessions in the coming weeks, which I will say a little bit about now.

The committee intends to hear from witnesses from other countries that are setting emissions targets and responding to the commitments that were made in Paris. We will consider the behaviour changes that are required on the part of individuals and communities in order to achieve the targets that are proposed in the bill, and we will hear about the governance arrangements that are in place to support and motivate the public and private sectors.

In turning our attention to specific sectors, we will hear from panels on agriculture and transport—two sectors in which most progress is still to be made. Innovation and creativity will be important parts of developing the technologies that will be required to achieve climate change targets, so we will hear from a panel about what is already happening in Scotland to progress that.

We will also consider the detail of the bill with two panels of stakeholders who represent people working in environmental and climate change fields, as well as with representatives of different sectors. We will conclude by hearing from the Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform.

The committee will consider its draft report in December and January, and anticipates publishing the report in January 2019.

We have a busy but fascinating few weeks ahead of us. Anyone who is interested in the committee’s work on the bill and would like details of our evidence sessions can visit our website or contact the clerks. Although we hosted a call for views throughout the summer, if people wish to make further contributions ahead of specific evidence sessions, they should contact the clerks, who will let them know when those would be most usefully received.

On behalf of the committee, I thank everyone who took the time to send us submissions on the bill. We received more than 90; they will be invaluable to our scrutiny. We also invited our Twitter followers to let us know what changes they would make to their lives in order to help in achieving more challenging targets, and we received lots of helpful insights. People can still join in and let us know what they would do by tweeting us using #myclimatechanges.

On our first panel this morning, we have Andy Kerr, who is a co-director of ClimateXChange, and Jim Skea, who is a co-chair of the IPCC working group 3, who joins us via videolink from London.

We will start with some questions on the IPCC’s recent special report entitled “Global Warming of 1.5°C”, which will mainly be for Jim Skea.

Finlay Carson (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)

The IPCC expresses levels of confidence—high, medium and low—when explaining its evaluation of underlying evidence and agreement. How does the IPCC quantify levels of certainty, and how certain is it about the science behind its predictions?

Professor Jim Skea (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change)

When we say that we have a high level of confidence in something, that means that there is a lot of scientifically robust literature that addresses the issue, and that there is a high degree of agreement in the conclusions in that literature. Correspondingly, we say that we have a low or medium level of confidence in order to reflect circumstances in which there is not so much literature, or where there are differences of opinion. When we say that we have high confidence, we really mean that.

Finlay Carson

The IPCC refers to “agreement” in relation to levels of confidence. Does that relate to scientific or political agreement?

Professor Skea

That relates entirely to scientific agreement. The IPCC’s job is to assess the scientific literature, so that is what we do. It is not a political body at the level at which we put together the underlying report.

Finlay Carson

The report states:

“Global warming is likely to reach 1.5°C between 2030 and 2052 if it continues to increase at the current rate”.

Does that mean that sufficient action prior to 2030 could mitigate a rise of 1.5°C?

Professor Skea

That 2030 to 2052 range refers to what will happen if the world continues to warm at about a fifth of a degree per decade, which is the centre of the range for current warming. If emissions were to be reduced from the current levels, the warming rate would be reduced, which would mean that you could either limit warming to 1.5° or you could push the date at which you would reach 1.5° further into the future. Action is possible. The position that Finlay Carson mentioned is likely only if we carry on warming as we are at the moment. It is very much a “business as usual” perspective on when we would hit the 1.5° threshold.

The Convener

Chapter 3 of the report is significant because it sets out the impacts of the 1.5°C rise on natural and human systems. Can you outline the headline impacts for northern Europe and the United Kingdom, and for Scotland in particular?

Professor Skea

Before the IPCC started on the report, there was no scientific literature that was targeted at warming of 1.5°, although there was some that was relevant. During the course of producing the report, new literature has been published that is targeted at the 1.5° threshold. In the time that was available, and given the need for science to produce new evidence over a very short period—two years—and get it into the literature, the IPCC report did not go into detail even on northern Europe, never mind the UK and Scotland. That would require a lot of follow-up work.

The report identified generic trends that would be relevant and it targeted particular hotspots around the world. In Europe, the hotspot is the Mediterranean region, which is at significant risk of desertification and drought. Some of the generic conclusions apply to Britain and Scotland. For example, the conclusions on sea-level rise are robust, because that is a global phenomenon. The conclusions about more intense and greater-frequency extreme weather events, such as storms, are also robust. As things warm up, we expect also to see threats to species and biodiversity. Those generic conclusions apply to Scotland.

Given the level of detail at which the work was carried out and its global focus, it was not possible to go into that depth in the report and to produce robust conclusions that would be very specific to a country of Scotland’s size. We did not answer that question, but it is one for us to follow up.

Maurice Golden (West Scotland) (Con)

What would be the implications for the planet in the scenario in which by 2100 we reach levels below 1.5°C, but in the intervening mid-century we overshoot?

Professor Skea

A group of countries that are engaged with the IPCC are very concerned about overshoot issues. The challenge with overshoot is that some climate impacts are irreversible. If we lose a species or a coral reef, we cannot get it back. The question of irreversibility in respect of overshoot is critical. Getting to 2100 having overshot 1.5° would clearly be far worse than keeping below 1.5° throughout the 21st century.

Many scenarios involve an overshoot. We divided them into two groups: limited-overshoot scenarios that go as high as 1.6° warming during the 21st century, and high-overshoot scenarios that go to levels between 1.6° and 2°. We have distinguished between the two and the robust conclusion is that overshoot scenarios have worse outcomes than those in which there is no, or limited, overshoot.

The Convener

Do the targets that are set out in the Scottish Government’s Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill represent an appropriate contribution to keeping below 1.5°C?

Professor Skea

I know that the committee will speak later to Lord Deben, who is the chair of the UK Committee on Climate Change, which has already been invited by the Scottish Government, the UK Government and the Welsh Government to consider that question.

The IPCC report came to the conclusion that carbon dioxide emissions specifically need globally to reach net zero sometime between 2040 and 2070, given the uncertainties around climate and the possibility of different pathways being followed. That is the global bracket for net zero.

09:30  

The Paris agreement says that developed countries should aspire to hit net zero before developing countries. Combining the Paris agreement and the IPCC conclusions, it would be suggested that a country such as Scotland should probably aim for something a little earlier than the 2040 to 2070 bracket in order to make a reasonable and fair contribution to the global aim of net zero.

The Convener

The Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform recently said that we have an aim to reach net zero when doing so becomes scientifically possible. There are interim targets until then. Is that drive for net zero a wise move, given that, with science and innovation as they are now, it might not be achievable? Should we just make the target net zero and assume that the rest will follow? That seems to be the on-going debate at the moment.

Professor Skea

The question of the feasibility of targets such as net zero vexed us during production of the report. We deliberately did not try to answer yes or no to that question. Our approach was to identify six sets of conditions that would need to be fulfilled if net zero was to be achieved. The first was whether that would be geophysically possible. We answered that question unambiguously: it is geophysically possible to keep global warming below 1.5°.

We then went on to consider factors including technical and economic feasibility. It is technically feasible to achieve net zero, but in order to reach that level it would probably be necessary to address stranded assets and existing investments that would have to be written off early, which would have economic implications.

Our last set of conditions related to social acceptability and the right political conditions. Those are questions that I do not think the scientists can answer—that is up to Governments. Looking at the history of the report, we see that the 1.5° idea did not come from the scientists; it came from the Governments when the Paris agreement was signed. They then invited the IPCC to answer the homework questions, “What are the impacts?” and “What would need to be done to get there?” We have answered those questions in a scientifically honest way. The question of political feasibility is not one that we can answer. That question has to go back to Parliaments and Governments for them to decide whether they are up to the very great challenges that the report sets out.

Stewart Stevenson (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

Did the IPCC consider the differential effects? Carbon dioxide is at the top of our list, then there are six other gases, starting with methane. Carbon dioxide will naturally disperse in 30 to 50 years, but others disperse very much more rapidly. To what extent has the research considered the differential effects of the non-CO2 gases on climate change?

Professor Skea

Research has considered that point fully. Carbon dioxide stays in the atmosphere for hundreds of years: it is, effectively, permanent. Nitrous oxide is also a long-lived gas. The scenarios that were covered in the IPCC report also cover the short-lived climate forcers including methane, which Stewart Stevenson mentioned.

One of the figures in the “Summary for Policymakers” shows the trajectories through the 21st century for gases other than carbon dioxide. Basically, the message is that they would all have to go down, but none of them gets to net zero, as is the case with carbon dioxide.

It is worth saying that the IPCC is now considering things beyond the six gases that are covered by the Kyoto protocol. For example, we are considering black carbon, which is basically soot emissions, and which we now think is one of the forcers. Because the Paris agreement is bottom-up, the pledges that countries have made are going beyond the Kyoto six-gas basket, and the countries are starting to consider different ways of weighting the greenhouse gases. There is a very open scientific agenda about how to weigh the different gases in scenarios in which there are substantial reductions in emissions.

Claudia Beamish (South Scotland) (Lab)

You have highlighted that the report is a global one and that it is difficult to be specific about Scotland, but will you expand on the comment in it that warns of the need for “rapid, far-reaching ... changes” if we are to stay within the Paris agreement, and for significant emissions reductions by 2030? How might that relate to Scotland?

Professor Skea

The full phrase is

“rapid, far-reaching and unprecedented changes”,

and those words were carefully chosen. The message is that, frankly, the scale of the changes that would be needed in the emissions pathways has no precedent in human history. There is no precedent for the rate of emissions reductions and the changes in social and technical systems that would be required—they really are extremely demanding.

However, one area in which the rate of change is not unprecedented is electricity systems. In the past, investments in new electricity generating capacity have taken place at the speed and scale needed if we are to make the changes. The changes in the uptake of renewable energy globally over the past decade or so give us a lot of cause for hope—they are an optimistic sign. Costs are falling and deployment has gone up exponentially, including in Scotland. The kind of progress that has been made in electricity systems and renewables needs to be replicated in other sectors such as transport, the built environment and heavy industry. There are signs of progress in some areas, but at the moment it is not far-reaching enough.

Claudia Beamish

That is helpful. You have highlighted the sets of conditions that are set out in the report and you talked about stranded assets. I appreciate that it is a scientific report but, to look at the issue more positively, would setting a target of net zero emissions by 2050 in our bill—and acting sooner rather than later—send a clear message about getting our act together to investors, those who develop skills for the future and the whole broad spectrum of sectors?

Professor Skea

Since the report came out, there has been intense interest from Governments and the media. We feel that it has changed the conversation a bit, regardless of optimism or pessimism about whether any specific target can be met. There is evidence that setting ambitious targets changes the conversation. In the same way, the Paris agreement changed things globally and we saw the global oil and gas industry suddenly waking up to things. A net zero target would do the job. It would send a strong signal and wake people up. However, it would probably need to be backed up by more specific policies and measures that gave effect to that long-term ambition. We are clear in the report about the need for near-term action to leave open the option of keeping to 1.5° warming. If a long-term target is backed up by short-term ambition and a sense of urgency in moving forward across all sectors, that could be quite effective in moving the agenda on.

Mark Ruskell (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

You talked about near-term action. What are you looking for Governments to do as they look at their current action plans for the next 10 years and their interim targets? I was in Iceland at the weekend listening to the Icelandic Prime Minister say that, on the back of the IPCC advice, the Government there will look again at its action plans to reach its target of net zero by 2040. Is that the kind of action that you are looking for Governments to take? Should they be looking at near-term changes, or is setting a long-term target enough?

Professor Skea

I do not think that setting a long-term target is enough. Nor is it enough to look at an action plan. Looking at an action plan, reformulating it and implementing it are what is needed if you are to move yourselves forward.

I know a bit about the Scottish situation, of course. There has been great progress on renewable energy and electricity. However, getting movement on electrification of transport, changing transport patterns and upping the ante on energy efficiency and renewable heat are the kinds of action that are needed in the short term to move yourselves forward.

There is an important point about the net zero target. We have said that there are no scenarios out there that achieve net zero globally that do not have some form of carbon dioxide removal. Scotland will probably need to consider that issue as well if it is to move towards net zero, because there will always be some sectors in which there are residual carbon dioxide emissions. You might need negative emissions in order to offset those more difficult sectors.

Sustainable land management, bio-energy with carbon capture and storage, and keeping up afforestation rates are all examples of things that would help to take carbon dioxide out of the atmosphere. Even if some of those things cannot be done immediately, because the technologies and techniques are not mature, there is a real need for research and development demonstration projects to set you in the right direction for the longer term, so that you are preparing for the more difficult things that might need to be done a few decades down the line.

Mark Ruskell

Should the Scottish Government be requesting that the UK Committee on Climate Change look at the 2032 target and the actions that are required to meet the target in light of your report?

Professor Skea

I recall the letter that came from ministers to the Committee on Climate Change, which excluded the third, fourth and fifth carbon budgets; there might be legal niceties in that regard that I am not qualified to address. However, given the statement about the need for urgent action to keep the option of 1.5° of warming, I cannot see how anyone who is doing a scientific consideration of what net zero in the middle of the century might imply would not also be able to think about shorter-term and more medium-term targets and what kind of pathway you need to put yourselves on if you are to get there. We should recall that carbon dioxide emissions accumulate in the atmosphere, so everything that you do now will buy you benefits further down the line.

The Convener

You mentioned the economic impact of the transition and the changes that will have to be made if we are to reach the targets. Is there a cost saving to be made in the long term from acting more quickly to meet interim targets?

Professor Skea

Yes. Again, the models that the IPCC assessed are strongly techno-economic models, which assess the value of acting now versus acting later and trade off one against the other. The pathways that the models came up with, within the centre of the range—a 45 per cent reduction in global CO2 emissions by 2030—were based on least-cost considerations. If you were to delay any more, the costs would be higher in the long term.

The fairly clear message that is coming out of the models is that immediate action is needed, and that in the long term, that is the least-cost way of doing things, because otherwise you will incur greater costs further down the line.

The other thing to flag up about the models is that they do not include the benefits of early action in terms of avoided impacts. They look purely at carbon dioxide pathways and the least-cost way of getting to a pathway; they do not include the avoided-impacts element, which is very important to think about, in the wider sense.

09:45  

The Convener

To illustrate what you have just said for the benefit of people who are watching the meeting, can you give me an example of a scenario in which there would be a huge cost implication if we did not act?

Professor Skea

As we highlight strongly in our “Summary for Policymakers”, there is more than one way of keeping global warming to 1.5°. The trade-off is between taking action now in what we might call the more conventional areas—for example, system changes in energy, transportation and buildings—and postponing action and relying instead on the development of carbon dioxide removal techniques in the second half of the 21st century. However, there are so many unknowns around many of the carbon dioxide removal techniques that there could be significant costs associated with them. Those costs may not be captured in a conventional economic analysis; they may relate to issues such as global food security, biodiversity and the health of ecosystems. We may pay costs for all those things if we do not take more immediate action.

The Convener

Thank you. We will move to questions that are directed specifically to Andy Kerr. I know that Jim Skea may have to leave at some point, so I thank him very much for his contribution today. We move first to questions from Alex Rowley.

Alex Rowley (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)

Good morning. I will begin by looking at international comparisons. How does Scotland’s approach compare with that of other countries? Where are we in terms of what we are achieving?

Professor Andy Kerr (ClimateXChange)

Scotland has been at the leading edge in setting targets. Other countries that have tried to adopt targets over the past few years have taken a wider range of approaches. Because Scotland is not a European Union member state and is not a party to the United Nations framework convention on climate change, we have not been using the frameworks that exist in that convention. Different countries are taking different approaches that are not directly comparable. I will give you an example. Sweden has set a net zero target for 2045, which looks great. However, it has said that only 85 per cent of the reduction will need to come from domestic action—in other words, it is expecting 15 per cent to come from flexible mechanisms such as buying in credits or similar methods. That is comparable to Scotland setting a target of 80 or 90 per cent by 2050. We have to be quite careful, therefore, about trying to make direct comparisons with countries that say that they will be carbon neutral or net zero by a particular date, because they are using very different mechanisms that are not always directly comparable.

Alex Rowley

I note that some countries have set targets simply as policy—they have not been put into legislation. Is it important that we are legislating to achieve our targets?

Professor Kerr

Yes. We have seen a lot of what we might call virtue signalling by different countries that say that they intend to do something. What distinguishes the UK, and Scotland specifically, is the very tight monitoring and evaluation framework that has been set up by legislation; we will hear shortly from the Committee on Climate Change. We have a much more robust framework within which to operate than many countries do. We know that a number of other countries are looking specifically at the UK and Scotland because our monitoring and evaluation framework is much more robust than what they have in place.

Alex Rowley

Sometimes I get the impression that there is a view among the general population that climate change is something that happens over there, someplace else, and that it is not really anything to do with us, so there is not much that we can do about it. Are there good international examples of how countries have engaged with and involved communities in trying to tackle these issues? Greater awareness is perhaps what is needed.

Professor Kerr

We have seen outstanding examples in some countries of much more effective engagement at city, city state, and city region levels—not necessarily at a countrywide level.

Jim Skea talked about the change in narrative with the report. I would argue that we are also seeing a change in narrative because, until now, climate change has always been something that required an additional cost—if you wanted to do the right thing about climate change, it was going to cost you a bit; you would have to subsidise renewables or add a carbon tax. The focus has always been that we needed to pay more in order to deliver the benefits. Now, even in Scotland, with the rapid changes in technology costs, we are seeing opportunities to deliver cost savings and social and economic co-benefits at the same time as hitting environmental targets. That is the crucial change in terms of how we deliver changes over the next five, 10 and 15 years.

Let me give you an example. If I put solar panels on a building or in a business here in Edinburgh, it is cheaper than buying grid electricity. As long as I am not trying to sell electricity into the grid but I am self-generating and using it for myself, it is cheaper, so I can get a financial return on that.

If you start to tie that in with the introduction of electric vehicles, the reduction in healthcare costs from air pollution in cities and much improved energy efficiency in buildings, and you reduce the social costs and health costs that are associated with poor-quality buildings, you can start to see how you can build a very effective system, where you are delivering local jobs and a reduced cost base for society as a whole and you are hitting environmental targets. That is very different from the narrative that we have had over the past few years.

We are just at the point where we can start to have conversations about some really interesting opportunities in cities, towns and villages across Scotland, the UK and Europe, which are fundamentally different from the conversations that we have had in the past.

Alex Rowley

So you would agree that government at every level has a role and that local government has a particular role to play.

Are there international sanctions for failing to meet the emissions reduction target and, if so, what are they?

Professor Kerr

The Paris agreement was explicitly designed as a bottom-up agreement. People have put forward nationally determined contributions, or NDCs. These are essentially self-regulated by the countries. Because the Kyoto protocol was not accepted by certain countries, we have moved away from the situation where an overarching body would check on and oversee those targets and then try to apply penalties if countries did not meet them.

We have a bottom-up system; we can monitor, but we do not have a formal way of saying that if a country does not meet its target, we will impose some sort of sanction on it. In Europe, with the European sharing framework for emissions, we have a stronger framework that is tied to wider governance, but it is not the same internationally.

Mark Ruskell

You said that the Swedish Government has a provision to meet up to 15 per cent of its emissions reduction through credits, but I have heard that the Swedish Deputy Prime Minister has explicitly ruled out using credits, so although it has that backstop mechanism—as indeed we do in our current legislation—the policy intention is not to use it. Have you heard anything about that?

Also, you spoke about virtue signalling, but to what extent should Governments be innovation signalling? There is a gap—we do not have a complete pathway to get to 2050—but we know that technological developments will come, and we can take a mission-based approach to bring together academia, industry and others to try to meet that gap and to develop innovation. What have you seen around the world in terms of that kind of development?

In some ways, we are in the same position as we were when we were trying to put someone on the moon. We do not know entirely how to get there yet but we have some very good brains and people who can work out how to do it if they are given enough time, impetus and support by Government.

Professor Kerr

It is a question about political boldness, I guess, in the sense that we have good energy system models that we can rely on to ask what the costs and benefits are—as Jim Skea flagged up, we know that, technically, we can do it—so the issue is far more around the social and economic costs and benefits that come with that.

Perhaps the best example—and we do not even need to go abroad to find it—is the 100 per cent renewable electricity target that Scotland has set. If you remember back to when we set the 20 per cent target, you will remember that a lot of people said, “Ooh, 20 per cent renewable electricity, that’s going to be tough.” Then the target went up to 40 per cent, then 50 per cent and then 100 per cent and, at each point, people said, “I’m not sure that’s technically possible.” Nevertheless, although we might not hit the target exactly in 2020, we will not be far off.

Therefore, if we embrace the notion of making a bold statement and seeing whether we can achieve it by having a political target, that has real value, as long as it is backed up with some serious action below the line, which is the point about deliverability. We will see a very competitive space in target setting by countries in the next five to 10 years, and the question is whether we try to compete in that space or actually deliver real outcomes. The sort of infrastructure investments that we will make in the next 10 years will largely determine whether we are able to hit long-term targets.

We have some work to do here in Scotland. For example, a nearby school was finished last year and its energy costs are higher than those of the old school, which was 100 years old. That puts a carbon and a cost implication on the city for the next 25 years, so we cannot build those sorts of buildings going forward. What happens now really does affect what happens in the next 10, 20 or 30 years. Ensuring that targets are set with practical outcomes that can be delivered—in terms of transport infrastructure and building infrastructure—over the next five or 10 years will be absolutely critical. That is more important than worrying too much about whether the net figure is zero by 2040, 2045 or 2050.

The Convener

You did not mention one sector for which the target is a real challenge, and that is agriculture, which is very important to Scotland’s economy. What are your thoughts on that? There might be people from the agriculture sector watching us now and thinking that targets are all very well but there needs to be some justice around the transition. How are we going to manage that?

Professor Kerr

The response that Quality Meat Scotland sent to the committee flagged up the fact that, at the moment, the target is seen as a crude way of saying that we want less livestock and less arable. Clearly, we are not saying that we want to get rid of all our arable or livestock farmers. The Paris agreement talked about balancing emissions and removals in the second half of the century, so that is what we are actually talking about. We are not saying that we want to get all agriculture to zero, but we need to make it as efficient as possible, and then we need to balance whatever emissions come from agriculture with greenhouse gas removals, which could involve strong afforestation, biomass, carbon capture and storage or other things. In other words, we are not trying to stop the sector having any economic value—we want it to continue—but we need to balance it with other outcomes.

Sectors such as agriculture and chemicals are tricky ones to deal with in terms of reaching zero carbon, but we are not trying to get everything to zero carbon. We are trying to get to net zero, which means that you can still have emissions as long as you have removals that balance them off.

Stewart Stevenson

I would like to close off the discussion on agriculture. Jim Skea pointed out that nitrous oxides are the big thing, and they come primarily from agriculture, specifically from fertiliser production. He suggested that methane is less important, because it disperses quite rapidly. Is that also your understanding?

Professor Kerr

I would defer to Jim Skea on that.

Stewart Stevenson

I shall move on to the subject of targets, then. You used the phrase “competitive space” in one of your previous answers on targets. We have set targets in primary legislation for various decades, but through secondary legislation we are also setting targets for each year on a rolling programme. How does that compare with the approach of other countries?

10:00  

Professor Kerr

Again, internationally we see a complete variety. Some countries have set fixed, single-point targets without a glide path towards them. Others have talked about budgets, which is where we are coming from.

From the scientific perspective, the key thing is the area under the curve: the entire carbon budget. Rather than setting a target for an individual year and saying that that is what they are aiming for, all countries ought to be following what the UK has done, which is to set carbon budgets, which are defined by annual or five-year targets on a glide path towards a particular target. Different countries have taken slightly different approaches, and many countries have come up with very different approaches. Some do not include international aviation or shipping, and some include land use while others do not. We are seeing different countries or states setting all sorts of different targets, which is why comparison is so difficult.

From our perspective, we need to be clear about what the science is telling us, so we need to have those budgets and the clarity of the glide path to demonstrate what we are doing.

Stewart Stevenson

So, in a sense, with the UK having five-year targets, and Scotland having annual targets, there is no practical difference between the two approaches that should concern us one way or another.

Professor Kerr

My experience is that the annual targets have forced Parliament to address the issue every year in a way that has not happened to the same degree in the UK Parliament. There is political benefit in having the issue at the forefront of the conversation because the targets are annual, even if it makes little difference in an overall sense. So, from a political perspective, having annual targets has been more useful.

Clearly, we are dependent on factors such as whether we have a cold winter, when our emissions go up; also, we have had changes in the baseline because of changes in the way in which we measure and account for land use—the baseline has jumped around, which makes annual targets difficult. However, from a political perspective, the benefit of having annual targets is that the minister has to come to Parliament and explain where we are as a country, and that is more useful on an annual basis than on a five-year basis.

Stewart Stevenson

The science being available and reported to Parliament frequently helps to drive the political decision makers and investment to deal with the problem.

Professor Kerr

Yes, as long as there is a virtuous circle, which comes back to action. I come back to the point about deliverability. Public bodies report on climate change but the danger that we have seen with that is that reporting can become simply a tick-box exercise; organisations do not bring it back to the virtuous circle and say what they are going to do to drive further change. That is the challenge. It is not just about public bodies reporting well; they have to ensure that they go back and deliver the outcomes.

Stewart Stevenson

Are you suggesting that one of the things that we need to address in Scotland is target setting at the level of individual bodies, because they are reporting but not acting?

Professor Kerr

The work that we do with public bodies suggests that they already have a plethora of targets. The issue is not around having another target; it is around turning that into positive action, which is different from having yet another target. It is about the body deciding how it delivers effective outcomes.

For example, in a city authority, at the moment, sustainability reporting might be top-down. Someone will be given the task of reporting through the Scottish Government portal, and what we need to ask is whether that public body’s chief executive and senior management team are reading that report. Is it read by councillors? Are they then talking about the opportunities to move forward as a result of the report? At the moment, that is not happening; it is at the bottom of a pile.

The issue is not about whether to set a new target but about how we start to deliver action. That goes back to my earlier point. We are now starting to see efforts on place making and how cities and city regions can deal with mobility and tie in issues around buildings, healthcare and so on. By bringing in that place-based approach and looking at where the opportunities are, we can start to hit some of the bigger targets, but based on what a city, a town or a region wants and not on a Scottish Government climate change target.

The Convener

We have time for short supplementary questions from Claudia Beamish and Finlay Carson before we move on.

Claudia Beamish

I want to push that a little further. There are now mandatory targets for public bodies under the climate change duties. Is there any place for developing within the mandatory targets details of the action that will follow? I appreciate that a balance has to be struck. You have highlighted the issue of place making and the need to involve rural and urban communities across Scotland. Should there be an expectation that if targets are not met, we will get information on how they will be met? Should that be reported?

Professor Kerr

Yes. We have a lot of the tools, but they are not being used particularly well at the moment. That is partly because, as I have said, we see climate change as something that is happening over there or as something that will happen some time in the future, rather than say that if we deliver the outcomes that we seek—such as effective mobility systems with electric vehicles, warm affordable homes and reducing energy costs—we will hit a bunch of the core targets that local authorities and other public bodies seek to deliver in a way that hits all the climate targets as a co-benefit. While we keep the two issues completely in parallel, that is a real challenge, so we have to bring them together.

The Convener

We will have to move on to Richard Lyle.

Richard Lyle (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)

Numerous countries are taking action on climate change. How do Scotland’s emissions accounting framework and the proposed changes in the bill compare with those international examples?

Professor Kerr

Much of what Scotland is trying to achieve through the changes in the bill makes sense, in that the bill tries to simplify the reporting of emissions. To give one example, the reporting of countries in Europe will include European emissions trading scheme credits and debits. The bill says that although we will continue to be part of the European emissions trading scheme—notwithstanding the B word—for clarity, we will remove reporting on it from the way in which we report, so we are reporting national emissions from our land area rather than including debits and credits under the scheme. Countries such as Sweden, Finland and Norway will include European trading scheme credits and debits in their accounting. We have chosen to go down a route that provides more clarity in the discussions that we can have internally with the citizens of this country, but that means that we will not have quite the same framework as other countries across Europe will have, because they use the EU ETS framework.

Richard Lyle

A number of countries have set statutory sectoral targets for transport, energy and agriculture. How do you feel about that?

Professor Kerr

When other countries have set sectoral targets, a lot of them have focused on how to support a particular sector to deliver an outcome, just as we did with renewable electricity. We set a high renewable electricity target, which we are on the way to delivering. Some countries have set targets on electric vehicles and, as you say, others have set sectoral targets for agriculture and so on.

Each of those targets tends to be set in a way that supports the country’s particular political conversation at the time. Countries try to use them as a way to have a conversation with their respective sectors. I cannot speak about New Zealand, but people in Norway and Ireland, for example, have discussed things more widely, not just in relation to sectors but with a view to delivering a low-carbon economy by 2050—they have not even included a formal target for emissions reductions. Other countries have done different things. It is difficult to say that Scotland should do something because other countries are doing it. Different countries have chosen different approaches.

I am sorry if that is not a very good answer. However, there are things that we can do—particularly with the intermediate targets for energy efficiency in buildings and renewable heat—that can incentivise and provide clarity to investors and public bodies on the direction of travel, which would be very useful, and we can draw on examples from other countries there. We can look at what Norway is doing on electric vehicles, for example, or what other countries are doing on other things.

Where the targets provide a clear structure for incentives and that helps with that internal conversation, they have real value but, overall, we are not worried so much about exactly which sector emissions reductions come from; the issue is more about whether we are delivering them overall.

The Convener

We are running out of time, but we have a final question from Angus MacDonald.

Angus MacDonald (Falkirk East) (SNP)

I will turn to the subject of carbon taxes. I want to explore the emissions trading scheme a wee bit further. You already gave us some examples from Norway and Sweden in response to the previous question. We know that Denmark has imposed carbon taxes on the fossil fuel industries since 1992. France imposes a tax of €22 per tonne of CO2 on certain industries. Sweden expects to meet up to 15 per cent of its commitments that way, although it would be good to get some clarification from the Scottish Parliament information centre on what the Swedish Deputy Prime Minister has actually said.

The UK will be excluded from participating in the EU emissions trading scheme in the event of the looming no-deal scenario. In the event of no deal, should the UK develop a new comprehensive carbon taxation system, with an equivalent or greater burden than the current ETS? If so, should it be based on energy consumption or on greenhouse gas emissions?

Professor Kerr

That is a big question. If we were to crash out without a deal, we can still negotiate. Norway is not part of the European Union, but its factories and sites are part of the EU ETS. We do not have to be a member of the European Union to be part of the EU ETS.

If we come out of the EU ETS, I suspect that there will be an issue around the trading of the materials and products that we produce in our country, and there will be the equivalent of a border tax to sell those things into Europe. We will not be allowed to produce product without a carbon tax—without the carbon cost associated with the EU ETS—such that we are not undercutting producers within Europe.

I think that the question of the most appropriate future framework for delivering the current benefits of the EU ETS by way of burden sharing around all the different sites across Europe and finding the least-cost producer of carbon—and therefore delivering the lowest-cost way of reducing emissions—will be tied much more to the trade negotiations with Europe; it is not just tied to the withdrawal agreement. If we come out with no deal, how we frame our response to the regulation that applies to the main industrial sites will be tied far more to the trade agreement that we end up with.

Angus MacDonald

Okay. What—

The Convener

We do not have much time, so make it a very short question, please.

Angus MacDonald

I just wanted to get Mr Kerr’s view on whether the power to develop and set such a scheme should be devolved or maintained at UK level.

10:15  

Professor Kerr

The benefit of the EU scheme was that it shared emissions reduction effort across all member states. If it was cheaper to reduce emissions in southern Germany or in Spain rather than in Scotland, that was where it was done, through buying credit; and that produced an economic benefit to everyone. The danger of creating a smaller scheme lies in losing that ability to share the burden across multiple sites, so the cost will tend to go up. If the costs go up, the measures will not look as effective as tying into the existing scheme looks. That is why so many schemes want to tie into the existing one. In that sense, from an economic perspective, the bigger the scheme, the more cost effective the emissions reductions are likely to be.

The Convener

I thank Andy Kerr for giving evidence today—and Jim Skea, though he is no longer with us via video link.

10:16 Meeting suspended.  

10:21 On resuming—  

The Convener

We will now take evidence on the Climate Change (Emissions Reductions Targets) (Scotland) Bill from our second panel this morning. I welcome Lord Deben, who is chair of the Committee on Climate Change. The committee has a number of questions on the Scottish Government’s climate change plan; the document “Reducing emissions in Scotland: 2018 Progress Report to Parliament”; and the advice that the Committee on Climate Change provided to the Scottish Government on the bill.

I will start. How compatible is Scotland’s final climate change plan with the Committee on Climate Change scenarios and with the proposals in the bill to move to a 90 per cent emissions reduction target?

Lord Deben (Committee on Climate Change)

We think that it is compatible. It is not our job to lay down the detailed arrangements by which you achieve ends, but the targets that you have set are very much in line with what we think is necessary. One has to say that Scotland continues to be in advance of the rest of the United Kingdom in the way in which it is setting its targets.

The Convener

At present, if all the climate change plans and policies are fulfilled, Scotland will still miss the 2032 target by 5.7 per cent. What more needs to be done to ensure that the Scottish Government meets the target that it has set itself?

Lord Deben

The situation is universal: one sets targets and the mechanisms by which those targets may be met but, when everything is added up, those mechanisms do not quite fit in with where the targets are. It is perfectly possible to have a series of different ways to reach the targets. Two targets in particular seem to us to be really important. One relates to tightening up on transport emissions, which is clearly very important. The other relates to agriculture, which I think was discussed with the previous panel. Agriculture has a considerable amount to offer, but it is no easier than any other area, and in social terms it can be even more difficult, especially if we leave the European Union and have in place an entirely different type of agricultural support system.

The Convener

We move to questions from Finlay Carson.

Finlay Carson

I will stay with agriculture. Lord Deben, your most recent report suggested that more could be done to reduce emissions in transport and agriculture, and that Scotland’s progress had been somewhat masked by the successes in the energy sector. You gave advice to the Scottish Government with regard to how it could make better progress on some targets. Why do you think that the Scottish Government has not adopted those recommendations?

Lord Deben

I am not sure that I am qualified to investigate motives, so I cannot answer the question why. I accept that some of the things that we have to do are enormously difficult, particularly at a time when we do not really know the terms within which we will be operating—that is certainly true for agriculture. That means that we should concentrate on the things that we can do something about. There is a series of things that one could do even in the circumstances of total chaos as regards our relationships with our nearest neighbours, and I would look to do those things immediately.

For example, I would look to see whether we can feed animals differently or improve the way in which we think about precision farming and the use of fertilisers. We can do a great deal more on disease prevention—we could get better productivity without having more animals if we did a great deal more to eradicate certain endemic diseases. A series of such measures can be taken, not because they will solve the problem but because they are capable of being done outwith parameters that are so uncertain.

When we have a better understanding—if that blessed day arrives in the near future—it seems to me that there is an urgent need to deal with agriculture. Given my background and interest in agriculture, I am very aware of the social impacts of what we do. The issue of what we do and how we do it does not get any easier because we have to do it. Therefore, a great deal more discussion is demanded. If I were a Scots politician, I would want there to be a great deal more discussion about how we deal with, for example, improving our tree planting. I would want to give impetus to the process of having a proper discussion about where trees should be planted and so on. There is a series of issues on which we ought to get into the whole argument. I am disappointed that that argument is not going on. I would prefer the discussion to be a little sharper, rather than non-existent; at the moment, I do not think that there is enough of it.

Finlay Carson

On achieving a better understanding, do you believe that enough funding is being put into support for science and research and development in that area? As a supplementary to that, what areas do you think that we should be prioritising? I am thinking of areas such as soil testing and fertility, and reducing mortality from animal disease, which you mentioned.

Lord Deben

I do not think that enough money is going into one of the areas of very great concern, which—to answer your second question—is soil fertility. I think that soil fertility is the crucial issue. It is a matter of stewardship. Over the past decades, we have allowed the degradation of our soils—that is a very serious issue. There is also the issue of climate change. Unless we have fertile soils, the ability of the soil to sequestrate is very much reduced. For those two reasons, I would put soil fertility and the work on that at the top of the list.

I should add that improving soil fertility is extremely difficult. It might well demand changes of a sort that we have not thought through, such as a greater degree of mixed farming—in other words, less monoculture. What does that mean from the point of view of animal numbers? Would other areas of animal husbandry have to reduce? Those issues must be discussed. At the moment, I am afraid that we tend to say, “It’s all very difficult.” We do not want to discuss it. I want to get the discussion going.

Finlay Carson

Given that little progress has been made in agriculture in relation to climate change, what impact do you think that the CCP scenarios will have on achieving the 90 per cent emissions reduction target?

Lord Deben

I think that there has been a gathering of pressures. There was no doubt that the amazing result of the Paris summit was hugely important, because it gave all of us a clear indication of the direction in which the whole world is moving. We know perfectly well that some people will not move as fast as they said that they would and that other people will do a bit better. We know, too, that there will be arguments about ratcheting and that the shipping industry will not do what it said and will have to be helped. We know all that, but we know which direction we are heading in. There are not many areas of life in which the direction is as clear as that.

It seems to me that a mixture of the Paris agreement, the clear warning that is contained in the report that the IPCC has just published and the detailed work that the CCC and the Scottish and UK Governments have done have at least put a kind of pressure on all these areas, not least agriculture, to act with some speed.

10:30  

The most important outcome has been that we now have some baselines against which we can measure. Previously, I was unhappy about giving any comments about how successful we were because we did not know what we were measuring things against. We now know that to a much greater degree.

Stewart Stevenson

I will keep the focus on agriculture. What the CCC has brought forward implies that Scotland will be carbon neutral by 2050. However, because of its untapped tidal energy potential and so on, Scotland has the capacity to be substantially better than carbon neutral in relation to electricity generation. Is that an approach that could be pursued instead of tackling the difficult problem of nitrous oxides that come from agriculture, or are there other, broader reasons why we need to address NO2 apart from simply making the numbers balance up?

Lord Deben

The numbers argument is a difficult one because you need numbers if you are going to get people to do something that is real. The anecdotal mechanism for measuring things is no good at all. Numbers are vital. However, numbers should not hide the pluralistic situation that we have. It is not just about saying that Scotland must get the balance right; it is also about the kind of future that you want. Do you really want a future that puts up with nitrous oxides to a degree that is actually unnecessary and which could be overcome, simply because you could make the numbers work out somewhere else? I am not sure that that is a worthy demand for Scotland. It seems to me that we are all going to have to find things that we do better in order to make up for people who do not have the chance to do that.

When you look at the capacity of some countries to meet the targets that they are prepared to sign up to, it is clear that we in the richer countries have to do more. This is the kind of area in which we should be doing more. We should be saying that there is a little bit extra that we can contribute to the general good. The same is true in the rest of the United Kingdom, and one of my frustrations with what is being done in England is that we are not pushing hard enough to have that margin. That is a really serious issue.

Mark Ruskell

The actions that we need to be taking around agricultural land use are quite clear. Perhaps the sharper bit of the debate is about how we get there and whether that involves a statutory or a voluntary approach to driving some of those actions, particularly around soil health and soil testing. Are there ways in which we can use the bill to sharpen the ambition and the statutory backstop around agriculture and land use? At the moment, we have an action plan that is very much based on voluntary knowledge sharing and on encouraging people to do things.

Lord Deben

Like most of life, this is not an either/or situation but a both/and one. I do not think that there is an all-voluntary future; on the other hand, you cannot launch into statutory arrangements unless you have really sought to find the basis on which those statutory arrangements should be made. The best way to do that is to try to work out as much as you can on a voluntary basis, recognising the urgency that is involved, which means that you must move faster than you might want to. It is not easy to be prescriptive before you have at least tried to see what it is that you need to do.

I remember that when I was minister for agriculture I was very questioning of some prescriptive arrangements over an environmentally sensitive area; I thought that the civil servants who were drawing them up thought that they knew too much about the issue. It is absolutely true that, after two years, we discovered that the civil servants had got all the dates wrong. Had we done things on a voluntary basis to start with, we would have found that the dates were different—it just needed that sort of approach. That was a very small thing.

I do not despise voluntary arrangements, but I do not believe that we will solve our problems unless we have a pretty tough statutory background for people to operate against. That is partly because this is tough in any case, and partly because there is no doubt that if we operate on a voluntary basis, many people will not do their part. That will mean that people who do their part will feel that others are getting away with it, which, in the end, will create an atmosphere and relationship in agriculture that none of us wants.

Alex Rowley

There is a danger of patting ourselves on the back and saying that we are doing great in Scotland, when all that we have done is pick the low-hanging fruit. The closure of Longannet power station no doubt made a big contribution to achievements to date.

Are data available that allow us effectively to estimate emissions from agriculture? Is there knowledge in that regard? This committee has heard farmers say that the information, support and knowledge that would enable them to start to take the necessary action and comply are not being made available to them. What is your view?

Lord Deben

It is always true that practitioners tend to believe that their immediate understanding is much better than that of the Government or the scientists. I was fisheries minister for seven years; you will understand that fishermen are always aware of there being more fish in the sea than the scientists have managed to calculate. There is an issue there, to start with, but there is a truth there, too, because someone who is doing something on the ground very often understands things that people who have never done it and who merely look at the science and the information can misunderstand. There is therefore a balance for us to strike.

There are two other things to say in response to your question. Although our science is better than it was and our baselines are more accurate than they were, as I said, those baselines must be improved all the time, and there is a great need for co-operation from the doers—the farmers—to make sure that we get ever-more accurate baselines. When we have got things wrong, we must be prepared to admit it and improve. That is not always easy; people do not like admitting that they are wrong, but we have to do that.

The other side is right, too: we have to always find better ways—comprehensible ways—of informing farmers of all kinds. One of the most worrying things about British farming as a whole is the gap between the best farmers and the worst. There is an enormous difference in that regard. If we can do something about that, it will make a huge difference. At one end, we are internationally comparable—although we are not at the top; it is funny how farmers in the United Kingdom as a whole always believe that they are more productive than their neighbours, although the productivity figures are not all that good. What is more worrying is the huge gap; how we approach that will be one of our biggest issues.

Alex Rowley

We are talking about taking a sectoral approach. The point was made earlier that the bill is very much about figures—numbers—and targets, but do we need more of a policy drive? Will such an approach require us to resource sectors such as farming and transport, if we are to reduce emissions significantly and meet the targets for which the bill provides?

Lord Deben

We certainly need the resources to be able to interpret the targets in such a way that people can actually meet them and that there is a graduated route to them. I am cynical about targets that are set for a date beyond the lifetime of the politicians who set them, because it is easy to say that in 2050 we are going to do X, Y and Z, when not many of us here will be around to take responsibility. That is why the climate change legislation is so good, because the concept of budgets and of having a cost-effective way of getting to those targets is crucial. It means that you cannot put off to beyond your electoral cycle the things that have to be done.

What is so important about the targets in legislation is the careful consideration of the steps that you have to take to get to those targets. The target in 2031 is valuable only if you know what you are doing in 2020 towards dealing with it, not just because that makes it credible but for the reason that Jim Skea put forward, which is that the more we do now, the bigger the effect will be, and the more we put off now, the more expensive and the less effective it will be. Both mean that you should be front loading this end of the arrangements for meeting those targets. To me, having a clear trajectory is the most important thing, not just because I want the end to be achieved, but because it is only fair on the people who are trying to achieve it. It seems to me that, if the farmer does not know what he ought to be doing now, but is told where he has to get to in 2030, that is an unfair relationship.

Mark Ruskell

I want to turn to the request for advice that you received from the UK Government, the Scottish Government and the Welsh Government. The letter said that you were not being asked for advice in relation to the carbon budgets for 2018 to 2032, and your chief executive said that he was quite surprised that that was the case. What is your interpretation of what you have been asked to do on the back of the IPCC report? What kind of reports will you be making back to the devolved Administrations and the UK Government, and to what timescales will you be making them?

Lord Deben

The first thing is that the powers that the Climate Change Act 2008 gives to the Climate Change Committee mean that we could have decided to do that work without being asked, if we thought that that was right. In that sense, how we approach it is in our hands. Indeed, we certainly feel that our independent position is such that we would have to decide what would be best in the circumstances to give the best advice. I am not presaging anything; I am merely saying that that is how we approach it.

It is perfectly reasonable to say that the Government had already received advice from the Climate Change Committee that there was no immediate need to change the targets for the fourth and fifth carbon budgets, because the trajectories that were envisaged gave it enough room, as long as it moved towards the left-hand side of those trajectories, to be online for what seemed to be necessary to meet a higher target.

It is not necessary to have much of an argument. One can be surprised by what was in the letter, but one does not need to have an argument about it. We shall seek to achieve the real purpose, which is to say what we have to do as a United Kingdom—and with reference to both Wales and Scotland, which have asked in the same terms for that advice—to meet the commitments that we have made in Paris.

That is the question and that is the question that we are going to answer. My view is that it is likely that as long as you tighten the approach to the fourth and fifth carbon budgets so that you do better than the least that you can do, it will be going in the right direction to deliver what we need.

You cannot do the work without going through and achieving those budgets—it is a logical impossibility. You have to think that through and work out what result from carbon budgets 4 and 5 you need in order to go beyond that. You have to make that assessment. The question is whether that assessment would be outside those carbon budgets. We have already suggested that it probably would not be. However, we are revisiting all that and we have until April to do so. It is a short period, but that is what we will do.

10:45  

Mark Ruskell

The letter talks about the UK carbon budgets, so it does not specifically relate to the budget and provisions in the Scottish bill. There seems to be a lack of clarity. Would you have preferred a letter from the Scottish Government to say what it would like the CCC to consider in the context of the Scottish legislation and the legislation that is scrutinised by the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee?

Lord Deben

We take the view that we will be as helpful as possible. After all, we know what is in the Scottish bill and what Scotland’s aspirations are. As you will have seen, we have been complimentary about what Scotland has been trying to do. Given that it is a joint request from the different nations, we will seek to ensure that we give indications that will be helpful to the Scottish Government in thinking about how its bill should work. We are talking about reporting in April; given the timetable for the Scottish bill, that should enable the Scottish Parliament to make any alterations that would be helpful.

Mark Ruskell

Will that advice be given before we conclude consideration of the bill?

Lord Deben

Under the timetable that we are working to, we will issue advice in April 2019.

Richard Lyle

Can you give the committee a brief outline of the process of compiling the evidence on which the CCC’s advice to ministers is based?

Lord Deben

In addition to me, the committee consists of the most senior scientists with an interest in the field and economists. We begin with an expert committee, which is very unusual: other countries that have copied us have tended to have a committee that is less expert and more representative. In the 10 years that we have existed, we have sought to uphold very specific scientific accuracy. We have a team of some 30 specially chosen people who work on various aspects in house. When considering the issues, we have to decide where we do not have in-house information, and when we need more material, we go out and net contract to major universities and research institutions to compile answers. We bring that together and, through a very detailed system, we create a report.

There are two stages: first, each area of a report has one of our members as a champion who works through it very closely with the people who are writing it; secondly, we, as a committee, go through the report line by line, adding or being critical. My job is to ensure that the report is always accessible.

One of the problems is that, as well as being accurate, scientific reports need to be comprehensible to people who have no more than a smattering of O-level or GCSE science. I try hard to carry through that responsibility and ensure that all of us can understand the issue.

Richard Lyle

You have touched on this, but is the evidence on which the advice to ministers is based still relevant? When does it date from and has it subsequently been superseded?

Lord Deben

We have a responsibility under the Climate Change Act 2008 to keep very close to the development of scientific evidence. That is why, for example, we encouraged the Government not to ask us to do this latest piece of work until we had the full IPCC report, which has opened up to us a body of information that was not there previously. I was concerned that we should not start on the work using the bits of information that had come out of the IPCC, because you never know how true those are—you must wait until you have the full report. We believe that we have the best evidence that is available. The people whom we go out to are those whom we recognise as being at the forefront of the science. Were we to find some aspect that we had not covered, we would return to it. We are recognised internationally as being absolutely at the front on where the science is.

Richard Lyle

Given that the IPCC has recently published further evidence and given the imperatives that are outlined in its report, has the Committee on Climate Change changed its view on the advice that has been given on the bill? I know of your long and distinguished career and record in politics—I am old enough to remember your actual name—but I have to ask this question because it has not been asked: the sceptics say that global average temperatures have risen over the centuries and that it is only the earth adjusting itself, so why should we bother acting? Do you agree with me that we have to bother and we must act now?

Lord Deben

It would be much more convenient for us not to bother. The fact that one is so passionate that we should bother is the result of understanding the science. I have taken that view since I was deputy agriculture minister in the 1980s, when I was one of the first to do so. I remember having a discussion with the other person in the Government who took that view, Mrs Thatcher, who said to me, “If you and I are the only two people who believe this, we are in a majority,” which was a typical example of her attitude to such things. She came to the issue as a scientist, and I came to it as a non-scientist who was looking at the science. I had learned that, as I am sure you all know, if you are working in a science-based industry such as agriculture, you have to learn how to listen to scientists and how to apply that. Although you might not be a scientist, you have to understand how to question them, what to say and how to ensure that you are sure of the science. By the mid-1980s, I was clear that climate change was happening and that human beings were causing it.

I say to the sceptics very simply—I am sure that you would do the same—that, if you go down into the ice for a million years, you cannot see a moment in which the temperature has risen so far and so fast as it has in the past 200 years. In those little globules, you can also find how the carbon has gone up. If you want to tease the sceptics, it is always worth reminding them that the earth was too hot for animals and human beings until gradually the carbon was pulled out of the atmosphere into trees and bushes, and that was laid down as oil, gas and coal. What have we been doing over the past 200 years? We have been reversing the process. Frankly, if we reverse the process, we should not be surprised if that reverses what has happened, and if we think that it does not, we would need a jolly good reason to explain why it does not.

If I produce a wonderful new cancer medicine for the market, I will be asked to prove that it is safe. I cannot say, “No—you prove whether it’s safe or unsafe. It is a good medicine.” That is not how the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence works. I have never understood why we do not stand up to the sceptics and say very simply, “You prove that it is safe to do something that we have never done before,” which is to pour vast quantities of pollution into the atmosphere and pretend that it does not have any effect.

Stewart Stevenson

I am merely a humble mathematician, rather than a scientist—and with an arts degree: it is a philosophy, rather than anything else.

I want to return to the numbers. The Committee on Climate Change is essentially recommending a zero-carbon future for us and a 90 per cent reduction overall by 2050. We should make provision for a 100 per cent reduction across the different gases, but should legislate only once the evidence base has been strengthened. What does the evidence base being strengthened actually mean?

Lord Deben

I am a practical man, and I do not think that one should set targets unless one has a very clear route to achieving them. For me, the strength of the Climate Change Act 2008 is that it has a very clear practicality. Laying on our shoulders is the question of what the most cost-effective way is of reaching our current statutory requirement, which is an 80 per cent reduction by 2050. Until we have done the work that we are about to do, I cannot, hand on heart, say that we have looked at everything, that we know the best way of achieving that requirement and that we could achieve it by a certain date.

I could make a general suggestion—and some political parties have done so. However, it seems to me, as I said earlier, that that is not very helpful, because that does not mean anything unless a route to reach the requirement has been created that impinges on you now. Otherwise, it is merely something that you leave to your successors. If you have a route, you have to start doing things now. Even if we say that, in the fourth carbon budget, we have to get to the top end of the requirement, rather than lower down, that still means that we must operate in a different way and commit ourselves to delivering that. However, until I have done the work, I cannot say to you what the date should sensibly be, nor can I describe the sensible route to reach it.

Stewart Stevenson

Turning that on its head, is it therefore proper that we should be driving the requirement based on need, rather than practicality?

Lord Deben

Yes. The need is why we are driving it. We are doing that because, if we do not do it, we will leave a planet for our children that will be extremely unpleasant, and perhaps impossible to live in. Yes, of course we are driven by the need. When people say, “It’s all very difficult. Why can’t we take more time to do it?”, I have to say to them, “Because climate change doesn’t wait for you to make it convenient.” That is absolutely true. On the practicalities, it is not that I think that you measure what is practical in the sense of doing the things that you think you can do and fix the dates on that basis—that is not what I am saying. I am saying that we need to show the practical means of reaching the target at a point that is sufficiently soon to deliver what Paris has asked for.

Yes, that is about the need. After all, Paris set the figure—staying below 2°C and going as far down towards 1.5°C as possible—as a political figure. It is now for us to make it a practicality. That does not mean to say that we ignore the need. Paris has given us the need, and it was right to have done so—I accept that. We must put in place the practical means to achieve the target without allowing the difficulty to drive us off course. You are quite right to raise the two bits that it is necessary to have the intention to seek to do.

11:00  

Stewart Stevenson

You used the phrase “practical means”. Is what is missing from our understanding of getting to net zero emissions by 2050 a technological development? In other words, is it the case that we do not yet recognise that there are technologies that it is reasonable to expect can be developed that will deliver that, or is there a financial inhibition that means that we cannot yet see how we can afford to do that? Are we talking about a combination of both factors, or is there an entirely different reason?

Lord Deben

From our point of view, the reason is primarily that we have not done the work. Previously, we have been constrained by law to deliver an 80 per cent reduction by 2050. That is what the law has said, so that is what we have sought to do. The prime reason for not immediately saying, “That’s the date,” and all the rest of it is that we have not operated on that basis. The only bit of work that we have done is the work that we did for the Government immediately after the Paris summit, which we did of our own volition. We said that if the Government kept to the budgets, there was sufficient opportunity within those budgets to keep on target to achieve a significant reduction beyond the 80 per cent. That is all that we have done.

The first obstacle is the fact that we have not done the work. We have a reputation for being very effectively science based. In 10 years—it will be our anniversary on 26 November—people have not been able to suggest that any of our work has been other than based on the very best science. I must keep to that. I suspect that there will be significant problems as far as technology is concerned, because the UK Government has been dilatory in dealing with carbon capture and storage, which will be crucial—for industry, in particular—in delivering what we need. It is not just crucial but necessary. If we cannot capture and store carbon, the alternatives are extremely expensive and extremely difficult. I think that the Government has now more or less caught on to the importance of CCS, but we have wasted time that we should have used for that purpose.

We must also be careful about the George W Bush technique, which is to say, “It’ll all be all right, because we’ll invent something.” In that sense, it will not be all right. We must set very demanding targets, not because we want them to be demanding but because they need to be demanding, and then create the atmosphere in which people will develop the technology that enables us to address the issue more easily than we thought. After all, that is what has happened. The offshore wind revolution has shown that we can deliver electricity at a price at which we never thought that we could. We can clearly say—although I was attacked by The Daily Telegraph for saying so and the BBC has been attacked for upholding my saying it—that it is now true that onshore wind is a cheaper way of producing electricity than all the old-fashioned ways. It is genuinely the case that that has come about through a mixture of setting the targets and providing the means for technology to achieve them. That is the approach that we must take.

The Convener

I want to follow up on what you said about onshore wind and carbon capture and storage, which are two areas from which research funding has been taken away. The removal of research funding from CCS has had an impact on Stewart Stevenson’s constituency. Subsidies for investment in onshore wind being taken away has also acted as a disincentive. Am I sensing a change in mood towards those two technologies? Will they be given the funding that they deserve?

Lord Deben

There is no change in mood in the Climate Change Committee: we have consistently said that we need CCS and we have consistently criticised the United Kingdom Government for not continuing the work on that.

It is not our job to say that this or that project should go ahead; rather, it is our job to say that we have to go ahead with sufficient projects to deliver what we need to deliver. The Government is the democratically elected body to decide in that regard. What it cannot do is opt out.

I will repeat what I have said on onshore wind—I am interested in how you phrased the question, convener—because the BBC criticised me when I said that the Government makes it impossible for people to have onshore wind, even when the locality wants it. Of course, the Government has said that it has devolved planning permission to the locality. That is absolutely true, but when a locality decides that it would like to have onshore wind power, none of the support systems that localities used to get, and which they need, are there. In effect, therefore, the Government has said that there will not be more onshore wind: indeed, ministers have made that point.

The issue is simple: if we do not have onshore wind where people want it, the Government should tell the public what the cost of that is to the taxpayer. If it is the cheapest approach, something else must be more expensive, so the Government needs to tell people that some of their green taxes are unnecessary because they are politically motivated, in that the Government does not want onshore wind, for reasons that I have always found difficult to follow. That should be the case, even if we think—as I do—that onshore wind cannot be forced on localities, which must be prepared to have it.

It would be much better to allow onshore wind wherever the local community will accept it. There is onshore wind generation just up the road from me in Suffolk, which was hugely opposed before it went up but is now a lovely part of the whole picture. It is amazing how things have changed now that it is there.

We have to be very frank: we must say that it will be expensive enough and tough enough to deliver what we need to deliver, and we really must not exclude things that are necessary. CCS and onshore wind are two of those things.

Mark Ruskell

I am interested in how you view innovation in that regard. You said that the US approach is, “We’ll just go and build something.” It could be said that some of your analysis around innovation is a little conservative. You assume that in 2050 we will still be extracting oil and gas at the same level, and that about 28 per cent of our electricity generation mix will still be from fossil fuels. There has been huge innovation in renewables in the past 10 to 15 years—the whole system is changing. Are not your assumptions, particularly in your analysis of the 2050 target, a little conservative? Could we go a lot further a lot quicker if we factored in the kind of system change that is needed?

Lord Deben

I am not sure that I agree with your assessment of our assumptions, but let us not go through those in detail, because we might start an argument that will not get us anywhere. Let us accept, for the moment, that you think that we are conservative in our assumptions.

I am a passionate supporter of innovation and believe that innovation will make a major contribution to our ability to meet our requirements. I am also always worried about the assumption that innovation will deliver being used as an excuse for not making changes in what we have, while we have it. It is really important not to assume that innovation will deliver, partly because doing so is a jolly good excuse for getting out of doing what we ought to be doing, and partly because we have not been all that good at timing innovation.

For example, offshore wind has moved much faster than we thought it would. However, we have been entirely wrong about how big a part ground-source and air-source heat pumps play; we have found it much more difficult than expected to involve those technologies.

I would be happy to talk to members after the meeting, or at some stage, about the things that they think we have got wrong.

It is about trying to get the balance right. On fossil-fuel generation, we are not saying quite what Mark Ruskell suggested. We are saying that, without carbon capture and storage, we will have to get all gas off the generation load by somewhere in the middle of the 2030s. That is a pretty tough statement.

In talking, for example, about whether fracking is acceptable, we have made it absolutely clear that it is acceptable only if we do not create an infrastructure that means that there is a reason for keeping it on the grid and on the generation load after the dates that we have laid down.

I hope that we have been as much in favour of innovation as one can be without distorting what we have to do now. If it turns out, when innovation comes, that we have done more than we really needed to do, we can move faster at that point. If we do less than we need to do because we overestimate how quickly innovation will arise, we will have a mess. I would prefer to be on the first trajectory.

Angus MacDonald

I will go back to the net zero and 90 per cent targets, and the two options. You will recall that the CCC, in its March 2017 advice, said:

“a reduction in GHG emissions of 90% would require strong progress in every sector and is at the limit of the pathways currently identified to reduce Scottish emissions. By adopting a more ambitious 2050 target than currently exists for Scotland, or for the UK as a whole, it would be important to identify the areas in which Scotland will go further than the rest of the UK.”

Has the CCC identified the areas in which Scotland will go further than the rest of the UK? Is the CCC’s current caution about suggesting a net zero target partly because progress has not been made in some sectors?

Lord Deben

I do not think that the caution is just for that reason; it is as much for the wider reason that we have to explain to people that this is not an easy thing to do. It is not sensible to espouse a target without being clear about what it really means. You can have any old target, but it will not work if you cannot come down to the terms for how you will get there. That seems to me to be the fundamental reason for setting a target.

I am extremely gratified that Scotland wishes to move to a point, as we have said, at the edge of what it can do, given the range of policies that it has adumbrated. I am very pleased by that, because I think that we are all going to have to do that. Scotland is setting an example in the United Kingdom; I think that I annoy people elsewhere quite a lot by reminding them that Scotland is doing much better than they are—and very good for them it is. I am very happy about that.

It is not for the CCC to lay down the precise details. We know that, although the target is at the edge of what is possible, it can be met. We have to help the Government to see what policy changes are necessary if it is to deliver what it needs to deliver; that is why we have emphasised the role of agriculture and transport. A huge amount has to be done—and can be done—in those areas, but it needs to be done now if the targets are to be achieved. It is always easier to advise than to deliver.

It is also always easier to be green in opposition, because you do not have to do the things that must be done at the time when they must be done. Our job is to try to help Scotland to deliver, particularly as you have set such a tough target.

11:15  

Angus MacDonald

I apologise for bringing the committee back to agriculture. However, under the option 2 scenario, the CCC’s advice notes that

“a 90% reduction in GHG emissions in 2050 does so by reducing CO2 emissions to around zero, with the residual net positive emissions comprising non-CO2 greenhouse gases (primarily methane and nitrous oxide from farming)”.

The CCC has consistently stated that agriculture needs to do more—as we all know. If more ambitious reductions were realised in the agricultural sector, would it be possible to recommend that a net zero target be set now?

Lord Deben

Given what I currently know, I do not believe that a net zero target would be possible unless agriculture were to play an important part in reaching it. I cannot conceive of a way of doing it that would exclude what needs to be done by the agricultural sector because agriculture is such an important part of the emissions. We can think of agriculture as both positive and negative—negative because it has to reduce its emissions, but positive when we think of forestry, ways of using the land and improvement in fertility, which was the point that I discussed with Mr Carson. If we get better fertility, we get better sequestration. If we grow more trees, particularly in the right places, not only will we get more sequestration, but we will be doing something about immediate adaptation for flooding and the like.

We cannot deliver unless agriculture plays a part.

Angus MacDonald

As you said earlier, the agriculture sector needs as much help as it can get in order to do that.

Claudia Beamish

Many of the questions that I was going to ask have been answered, so I will not reiterate them.

You have highlighted that you still have work to do, and I appreciate that, but are there scenarios that will require changes to the interim targets? Can you give us more detail about practical implications? In the first evidence session, I highlighted the IPPC report’s warning of the need for “rapid far-reaching change” in order to stay within the Paris limits. We would like to explore interim targets a little more.

Lord Deben

First, the Government of the United Kingdom must take on board the fact that the interim targets—the fourth and fifth carbon budgets—have been written on the basis that they will be met from our own action and not by carrying over banked arrangements from the past. It is absolutely clear that such a carry-over cannot happen. If we were to do that, we would have to change the targets, because they were written on the basis that we would do it through our own domestic abilities. We did that because the Government had said previously that that was what it did and why it did not bank the overperformance from the first carbon budget to the second. There can be no question of going back on that, or we will be unable to do what we have said we need to do.

Secondly, any dependency on the ability to buy credits from outside the UK must be thought of only in an emergency. In other words, one can imagine circumstances in which, for a short period, that would be necessary, but it cannot be put into the programme, partly because that would undermine the system and, more important, because it would, according to any assessment, be an expensive way forward.

If all the countries of the world are signed up to the Paris agreement—even if some of them do not achieve what they say they will achieve—there will not be a lot of freebies around. There will be a lot of countries wanting to buy, which will mean that there will be considerable competition and, inevitably, that the price will rise. It is bad husbandry to think that we could depend on that.

Thirdly, we will have to confirm this, but I think that I am able to stand by what we said in our initial work—in which, because it was so short, we could do only what we did—which was that we need not alter the targets for the fourth and fifth carbon budgets, as long as we accept that we have to perform at the top end of expectations rather than at the lower end. As with all such things, the possible outcomes of what we do take on a “V” shape. On one side, there are the outcomes that would result from less reduction, so clearly we have to get to the other side. That will produce not a new target but a different way of looking at the existing target, in recognition of the fact that it has to be hit at the top end and not lower down, in order that we get the right trajectory.

Claudia Beamish

Are the sectors on which the CCC offers specific advice—as I understand it, they are energy efficiency and generation, land use and transport—sufficient to give a complete view? Does the requirement to offer advice on the contributions that are to be made by sectors of the Scottish economy give adequate scope to cover all relevant emitters?

Lord Deben

At the moment, yes—but we keep a very close eye on the matter. The committee can be assured that if we felt that our advice was not complete or as accurate as we want it to be, we would ask to be able to give more advice—or, indeed, to give the committee advice. Again, the 2008 act is sufficiently open to allow us to decide for ourselves whether we really ought to give advice on something on which we have not given advice before, because we had seen something happening.

For example, there is no statutory requirement for us to give advice on bitcoin. Although it uses a very considerable amount of energy, it did not occur as an issue when the 2008 act was drafted. That is just a small example, but the point is that we do not feel that we should not give advice just because the issue in question does not seem to fit under any of the other areas that we are supposed to deal with.

Claudia Beamish

Thank you.

Stewart Stevenson

We are on target to go ahead of the 56 per cent target—[Interruption.] I am sorry—I was getting confused there. Has the Committee on Climate Change had any input into the target-setting criteria?

Lord Deben

I am sorry—I am not really sure what you mean.

Stewart Stevenson

You provide the scientific advice, and the Government makes its choices based on that advice. However, in deciding on the targets that it is going to set on the basis of that advice, does it have a feedback loop that allows it to check with you what it is doing before it makes those decisions?

Lord Deben

We set the primary target. As you have rightly said, the Government then decides how it is going to reach it; for example, it might set subsidiary targets, saying, “This, that or the other must reach this or that target, because it will all add up.”

In our annual report, which we have by law to produce every June, we constantly look to see whether the primary target is being met, whether it is feasible for it to be met and whether there should be a different way of doing it. There are of course internal discussions when one begins to question these things. We have a wider range of scientific and technological tentacles than the Government will have, so that will be the on-going position. However, we assess that every June, and then the Government has to answer before the end of October. It has just produced its October answer to our pretty tough statement in June. To be frank, it does not go far enough, and we will be making the point very clearly that it has a lot more to do.

We see in the Government a Government that wants to meet the target, so we do not have the problem of trying to deal with something that does not want to deliver, but we have to keep the feet to the fire. As Jim Skea says, and to quote Tesco, “Every little helps.” We have to get the work on its way, and every extra bit that we do this year will make a big difference next year and the year after that. As the IPCC report says, we have the crucial 12-year period and, if we do not get things in line, we will find it incredibly difficult to get back on track.

Stewart Stevenson

The Scottish saying might be, “Many a mickle maks a muckle.”

Lord Deben

It might be, but as a non-Scot I would hesitate to quote something like that.

Stewart Stevenson

Indeed. The final issue, which has already come up to some extent, is whether we should be disaggregating the overall targets in order to help agriculture and transport to get a tighter focus on the things that they need to do.

Lord Deben

We should be making clear to the sectors what they are supposed to do. In that sense, a certain disaggregation of the targets is required. Finlay Carson made the point—it was important to remind us of this—that the United Kingdom’s overall success in decarbonising the electricity supply has tended to hide our overall failures to improve in agriculture, transport and home heating. We also need to be very much tougher on obvious examples of nonsense.

I really wish that Scotland would set sensible standards for house building instead of those that we have at present, which are not sensible. Devolution gives you an enormous ability to do something of that sort. You could do to house builders what should be done throughout the United Kingdom and say, “I’m sorry, but if you want to build a house, you cannot build it on the basis that it will be retrofitted later. It’s got to be built more or less to Passivhaus standards.” If you did that, you would find that it did not increase the cost of houses in any real sense. In so far as it is more expensive, that would be reduced by the fact that such building would become mass production rather than niche production, and also because the cost goes into the cost of the land; it actually lowers the price of land, because that is how the price of land is fixed.

For me, there are real, individual issues that are not about sectors so much as about activities, and one thing that we should surely be saying is that no house may be built today that will make our problem more difficult in 20 years’ time. That seems obvious to me. How have we got ourselves into a position where I have to argue that everywhere? I have enough faith in the Scots to believe that you could force the rest of the United Kingdom to do it by doing it yourselves first, and you would not have one fewer house built, although Mr Persimmon may not be entirely happy.

Stewart Stevenson

A mere £50 million bonus next year, rather than the £75 million he got this year, perhaps.

11:30  

Richard Lyle

Lord Deben, I agree with you entirely. I have been pushing for more houses to be built with solar panels on their roofs. My son’s house has only two panels, but his next-door neighbour has put on an extra 10.

Lord Deben

It is called competition.

Richard Lyle

I have also been calling for houses to be built with charging points for electric cars, rather than cluttering the streets with them. You mentioned Tesco; Asda has put in electric charging points. Do you agree that houses should be built to that standard? I think that you do.

Lord Deben

I try to use slightly vague terms, because there are various ways of doing it. Roughly speaking, the Passivhaus standard—the sort of standard that Hastoe Housing Association has now reached, which it can do in the present situation—is the standard that we should have. We should be looking at all the things that stop it. There are technical issues about rents, for example. If you reduce somebody’s energy bill dramatically, which you can do by introducing such measures, there is no reason why the local housing association or the local authority should not share some of that reduction and put it into the extra cost of building, if there is an extra cost. There are ways in which that can be done and the law ought to be changed in order to encourage that, rather than to make it almost impossible.

There is a whole series of institutional things that could be done that would make a huge difference. We are seeking to build 300,000 houses a year in the United Kingdom. The idea of adding 300,000 to the houses that we have already got that do not come up to standard seems frankly barmy to me.

Mark Ruskell

Listening to that discussion makes me think that a net zero carbon target is potentially achievable, but how do you define achievable? What is the key test? It seems to me that we have lots of policy prescriptions and possible pathways, but what is the key test that allows you to say that it is now achievable?

Lord Deben

There is, of course, always a degree of judgment. We seek to ask whether it is financially possible. In other words, if we really put our minds to it, is it something that we could afford? Is the technology there to do it, is it likely that it will be there to do it, or is there a way of bringing the technology forward so that it can do it? That might be the case for carbon capture and storage. Can we put together a succession of scenarios over the years that are clearly credible to people and do not demand leaps in the dark about which you have no real answer?

That is the kind of picture that we have. Could I stand up and defend the scenarios and go through them in detail with someone without them noticing a hole and asking, “How on earth are you going to bridge that?” That is a question that I ask myself and it is one of the things that I am determined to be able to do. All that one can do about what is achievable is to say that, taking everything into account, it is by no means impossible, but it is hard. That is as it should be, because we have a big job to do.

Finlay Carson

On emissions accounting, the CCC recommended that the overall accounting framework should shift to one based on actual emissions rather than net accounting. You have covered that somewhat but, other than there obviously being more transparency, what are the advantages and disadvantages of emissions accounting, rather than looking at net emissions?

Lord Deben

The first thing is transparency. I listened with great care and interest to the witness who answered your questions on the issue earlier. He talked about the annual system in Scotland compared to the five yearly one that we have for the United Kingdom as a whole. I understand precisely what he meant about having an annual discussion in Parliament and the issue therefore being at the head of the political agenda. My problem with that approach is that one of our difficulties is to give people a target that they can hang on to and that does not constantly change. The fundamental reason for doing what we suggested is that it would give coherence, consistency and comprehensibility to the target in a way that previous and alternative ways would not do.

What do we want a target for? We want it to do two things. First, we want it actually to make people reduce their emissions. The other thing is that we want to make it possible for people to recognise that and see what they are trying to do. That is difficult, because so many things alter the situation. You will have to explain that, in a year in which you have a brutal winter, it will not be so easy to meet the targets, and similarly you must not get too excited if you have had the most wonderful winter and have not used any heating at all. That is difficult enough, so we attempted to give you a system that was as accurate as it could be but that did not confuse.

Finlay Carson

I should have declared an interest earlier as a former farmer and a member of the National Farmers Union of Scotland.

Do we need additional policy measures so that sectors get credit for what they are doing? For example, negative emissions will be important to achieve a 90 per cent reduction or net zero, and farmers and land managers can make a large contribution to negative emissions. Do we need more policy measures to encourage that by giving sectors, whether it is the transport, agriculture or forestry sector, credit for the benefits that they are bringing?

Lord Deben

I am a great believer in gratitude. If we say thank you and recognise work, people are more likely to go on doing it than if we just beat them about the ears when they do not do it. Instinctively, I am a believer in that. In Scotland, peat restoration is a crucial part of what we have to do. On forestry, we have not been successful in meeting our targets in any part of the United Kingdom, and that is another really important part of what we have to do. As we have said before, it is important that we recreate fertility in soils that have become less fertile. All those things require real effort. Measuring is important to ensure that that work happens and that it is not just anecdotal, but it is also important to recognise it. It is really for the Scottish Government to decide whether that means paying people money, finding another way of recompense or some other policy. However, it is important to make people feel that, when they have done things, that will be recognised and understood and they will get credit for it.

Finlay Carson

Finally, convener—

The Convener

Actually, we do not have time. We have to move on.

Maurice Golden

Will you articulate the advantages and disadvantages of setting annual targets, as the bill does, rather than the multi-year carbon budgets that are contained in the UK Climate Change Act 2008?

Lord Deben

Annual targets obviously concentrate the mind on a regular basis and ensure that, politically, people cannot forget about them for long because they are going to come up again. There is an obvious advantage.

As I have said publicly before, the disadvantage is that an annual target can be very much affected by, say, the weather, the closure of one particular installation or some slight change in the inventory. All those things can make a huge difference to an annual target; over five years, it can be much easier to make comparisons and to ensure less confusion for people, whereas the fundamental trouble with annual targets is that you have to explain them every year. The plus is that there will be a proper debate in Parliament and all the rest of it, but the minus is that you have to do that every year and, every year, there will be some people saying, “No, you’re just making excuses. You could’ve done better.”

That wearies the ministers who have to do this sort of thing. It is hard for a minister who has done their best and has achieved something really worth while in an underlying way to have to announce that they have not hit the target. That is what Scotland has had to do year after year, and it has not been very helpful.

Those are the balances that have to be struck. Scotland has made a choice, and we try to work with its choice and make it as effective as it can be.

Maurice Golden

Will the proposed changes to emissions accounting in section 15 of the bill reduce the level of risk attached to inventory revisions as far as the accuracy of targets is concerned?

Lord Deben

Clearly, they will not eliminate the issue. Our advice set out what we thought was the best system for reducing the arbitrary effects of recalibration as a result of new information bringing into the system things that it had not covered before. In fact, peat is a very good example in that respect. We tried to set out the least distorting way of doing that; after all, the role of targets is to encourage people to reach them and to make them see what the aim is, and moving the goalposts will have a damaging effect in that respect. As a result, we went through the various possibilities and tried to choose the one that most gave accuracy and consistency. However, it will not do both things all the time—that is the nature of life.

Maurice Golden

Thank you.

The Convener

Mark Ruskell will ask the final question, which is on the bill’s financial memorandum.

Mark Ruskell

I think that, in your advice last year, you stated that you had not costed the 90 per cent reduction target. What are the barriers to that? Will you conduct a study on that or indeed any other target that the Parliament decides on?

Lord Deben

In doing the work that we have been asked to do, we will have to do a lot of scenario planning to show that our proposals—and this brings me back to your earlier question—are attainable. In doing so, we will include costings, because you have to show such things in order to make things sensible.

With regard to the 90 per cent reduction, that will become clearer in the context of that work. After all, it is to some if not every extent the same policy—in other words, it is what you are already having to do, only more so—and we will include costings that I hope will be of use to Parliament and to the Government.

The Convener

Thank you for your evidence, Lord Deben. Do you wish to say anything else about the bill that you feel you have not said already? I note that you have already given 90 minutes of evidence.

Lord Deben

You have been very kind. All I would say is that we should be absolutely clear in our minds that what we are doing is really important. There is nothing else in a material sense that could be as important as helping people solve this problem.

Let me leave you with this thought. My son wrote what has become the standard book on the black death, and any of you who have been in the same position will know that, if you have a son writing a book, you are expected to read each chapter as it comes off the machine. I was busy reading my son’s book while I was doing fundamental work on climate change, and I was struck by a really frightening thing: although one in three of the population died in the black death, they had no idea why it was happening. As a result, they had no responsibility. Our problem is that we know what is happening, and therefore, we have absolute responsibility. Not only have we caused this, we know how to stop it—or at least how to pull it back and then reverse it. Because we know that, the responsibility is ours. All of us should recognise what a high calling we have and that we have to do this.

The Convener

That is an excellent note on which to end. Thank you very much for coming along and giving evidence.

11:45 Meeting suspended.  

11:57 On resuming—  

23 October 2018

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Third meeting transcript

The Convener

Agenda item 2 is to take evidence on the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill. This is our second evidence session with stakeholders.

I am delighted to welcome our two witnesses, who are joining us via videoconference from Sweden. Stefan Nyström is the director of the department for climate change and air quality at the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency, and Anders Wijkman is the chair of EIT Climate-KIC.

We will start with questions about how climate change is currently being tackled in Sweden. Scotland and Sweden have similar topography and land uses—densely packed urban centres and significant agricultural, forestry and other rural land uses. What have been the key challenges in developing and implementing Sweden’s environmental objectives and integrated climate and energy policy?

Stefan Nyström (Swedish Environmental Protection Agency)

That is a good question. Obviously, there are several challenges. One of the main challenges is that Sweden is a small country whose prosperity depends on international trade, and there is the issue of competitiveness in relation to how to maintain or increase standards in Sweden while facing competition from other countries that might not do the same. Will our doing that hurt our country’s competitiveness, or will we gain an advantage from it? Will it be costly? How can we protect ourselves and gain advantage in competitiveness? The pace of increasing environmental standards affecting competitiveness is one of the main issues.

Anders Wijkman (EIT Climate-KIC)

I agree. One climate policy advantage that Sweden has over many other countries is that we have a more or less CO2-free electric power system. We have a combination of hydro power and nuclear power, and nuclear power is now gradually being phased out and replaced by increased renewable energy production. That is due to peak around 2040, which makes us a bit special in the European context. Over the years, we have had discussions about whether we could be a much larger net exporter of electricity and help countries including Poland and Germany to close down some of their coal-powered stations. That is the advantage for us.

The convener asked about environmental objectives in general. The main challenge is to move away from the more or less silo-based approach in which we have tried to target each environmental goal in its own right. We are, increasingly, realising that we have to do much more in an integrated fashion. That goes for our environmental objectives and for the United Nations sustainable development goals. The vertical approach that has dominated so far, with each ministry focusing on its particular concerns, will not really work.

The Convener

Has buy-in been needed from all sectors working together in order for you to have achieved what you have achieved?

Stefan Nyström

Exactly.

The Convener

That buy-in has obviously happened.

Stefan Nyström

Yes, it has happened. The main difficulty, other than the things that we have spoken about, has been politics. We need to make sure that environmental policy is not treated as a right or left issue, because it is not: it is, for obvious reasons, a matter of the planet’s survival. We can see that technology can help us because it will be cheaper and more competitive to use better technology in the future. The main challenge has been to manage the political context, in which short-term squabbling is the main agenda of the day. However, 87 per cent of the Swedish Parliament now stands firmly behind the goals.

We also have a long-term energy remit that aims to create an electricity production system that is free from CO2 emissions by 2040. We can see that that will happen before then, because the wind energy industry is increasing extremely quickly in Sweden—so much so that it no longer needs any subsidies.

The Convener

Was the Paris agreement the catalyst for the wider agreement, or was that agreement already happening?

Anders Wijkman

The answer is yes and no. The Government set up a climate task force in 2015. Our goal was to reach net zero emissions by 2050, but the Paris agreement influenced the task force, so we moved the target date closer—we now have a target of reaching net zero emissions by 2045.

The convener asked about the challenges and difficulties: I will mention two, specifically. First, we have agreed on the targets and goals, which is the first step, but we will experience a lot of difficulties with implementation, simply because there is a tendency in our country—as there is in other countries—for our Ministry of Finance often to use a discount rate, which delays action because the assumption is that we will be much richer in the future. That relates to the old debate between Nordhaus and Stern, from 2006. The finance ministry is often wrong; we should do things much more quickly. The most recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change report speaks in favour of that approach; if people read the report carefully, they will know that the whole world has to reduce emissions by 50 per cent by 2030 in order to have a chance of meeting the Paris agreement. We cannot continue to delay action. That is one difficulty.

The other difficulty is in distinguishing between incremental change—which we have done so far by cutting fuel emissions year by year, for example—and the transformation that we now need. We will not get close to zero emissions with incremental change; we need transformation in several of the major sectors. We need transformation not only in the energy sectors, but in sectors including cement, steel, aluminium, plastics, textiles—which is a horror story—electronics and agriculture. We need to do things in totally different ways in all those sectors. Most people do not realise what that transformation means.

John Scott (Ayr) (Con)

Gillian Martin touched on this point. I note that Sweden has a long history of environmental protection, with strong public support and buy-in. How have politicians and Governments managed to achieve such a high level of support for decarbonisation and other environmental objectives? How did you manage to persuade your public and electorate that those are good ideas?

Stefan Nyström

That was done through a combination of means.

Anders Wijkman

Luck!

Stefan Nyström

As always, luck had something to do with it. The Paris agreement offered a window of opportunity for taking long-term rather than short-term action, which for obvious reasons often dominates the political agenda. We also saw that technology that was not currently available and which would help Sweden to decrease emissions from large sources was around the corner.

The mining and minerals industry, for example, has now put before us an action plan to become fossil free by 2035. That industry accounts for a large proportion of emissions in Sweden; the steel sector alone accounts for 10 per cent of our emissions, or more than 5 million tonnes.

The list is long, so the general understanding of the fact that climate change will harm our economy and will hurt us all badly if we do not take action is widespread in Swedish society, spurred by the climate agreement in Paris and then translated into action both in terms of political goals and in terms of action plans from the commercial side, which has helped a lot. As has been stated before, there is a long tradition of awareness in Swedish society, so the whole process has been shared, so to speak, and it has been spurred on and helped by the non-governmental organisations that wanted us to go further. There has been a movement in general since the window of opportunity opened up, thanks to a combination of the Paris agreement and technological change. That has facilitated transition.

Anders Wijkman

I interpreted your question a bit more widely—you asked about historical development. Sweden is in a rather special situation, as I said before. We are a small population in a very large land area. We have lots of forests, so we can use biomass cleverly if we need to, and we also have hydro capacity.

For a number of reasons that are not related to climate change mitigation, Sweden took a decision in the 1960s to develop nuclear energy. If we had not done that, we would have been 40 to 50 per cent dependent on fossil fuels for our electricity production. That decision was made mostly because of concerns about energy security at that time. You may recall the oil crisis at the beginning of the 1970s. At that time, I was a member of the Swedish Parliament and the question of how we could be less dependent on outside sources of energy dominated the energy policy debate. Nuclear energy was also seen by industry as a cheap way to produce electricity. In retrospect, you could say that for a period it was, but now, when we include the costs of waste disposal and long-term management of nuclear waste, that is no longer true, because the fee that reactor owners have to pay per kilowatt hour for disposal is increasing as we speak. Things have changed a lot, but that background is important.

John Scott

Sweden’s integrated climate change and energy policy has set testing interim and final targets for greenhouse gas emission reductions. What process was followed to pass that legislation? You spoke earlier about the beginning of the process and setting the targets. What key factors did you consider when deciding on the targets?

Stefan Nyström

Are you asking about the targets in the energy sector for 2040 and the climate change goals?

John Scott

Both or either—whichever you prefer to talk about.

Stefan Nyström

They are connected, in a way. There is a tremendous amount of academic work being done through close relations between the Government policy side and industry. Behind the system of energy goals was a job that was carried out by the Royal Swedish Academy of Engineering Sciences. For about three years it looked at various businesses and the possibility of their becoming fossil-fuel free by 2040.

09:15  

At the same time, we had a group of politicians closely following the work. That opened up a common understanding that becoming fossil-fuel free is possible, and that, rather than being costly, it will quickly serve our country well. For instance, wind power is going to increase tremendously quickly in our country because we now have a more market-based incentive system that is part of the whole equation. It was launched in 2003.

Generally, Sweden produces about 160 terawatt hours of power a year and consumes about 140 to 145 terawatt hours. In 2006, we produced our first terawatt hour of wind energy. Today, it is more, and we think that we will produce 30 terawatt hours by 2021, based on the decisions that have been made. The transition is very fast, and costs have come down to below what it would cost to introduce new coal-powered or nuclear plants. Wind power will dominate our energy system by 2040—it will be the new nuclear, so to speak. That was an important part of getting the politicians to agree on the energy goals for 2040.

Of course, that was done in parallel with the process that Anders Wijkman and I have worked on in setting the climate goals. The two aspects are very interconnected. If a country cannot at least get a CO2-free electricity production system, it will be difficult to reach the goals for transition in the transport sector, which needs zero-emitting electricity production systems.

That is the situation with regard to the energy system. Anders Wijkman will speak about the climate process.

Anders Wijkman

The first decision that we took in leading the task force was to ensure that each member of the committee, on which seven political parties were represented, had more or less the same understanding of the challenges. We spent about half a year listening to experts, travelling around Sweden, talking to people and doing deep dives into particular sectors to try to understand the challenges and the opportunities in terms of technology, substitution and so on.

As Stefan Nyström said, the energy system was a critically important area. Electricity is now more or less under control, and we look forward to rather rapid electrification of private vehicles. There is still a big question mark over heavy traffic, because we do not know whether the solution will involve electricity, hydrogen or synthetic biofuels. We have to have an open mind in that regard.

Other sectors are also of particular importance. I already referred to basic materials manufacture—cement, steel and so on. Most people do not talk about it, but basic materials manufacture makes up about 20 per cent of global emissions, and demand for basic materials is rising sharply, especially in developing countries. Unless we address that issue and consider it to be the responsibility of countries such as Sweden to provide the world with new technologies, the requirements of the Paris agreement will never be met. It is not just an energy-system issue—it is very much an issue that concerns infrastructure and basic materials. We have some policies in place in Sweden to try to incentivise change in that regard.

Of course, the agriculture sector is critically important. We talk a lot about meat and meat consumption, but I point out that every time you put a plough into the soil, you release a lot of carbon. We have more and more evidence from different parts of the world—in particular, the USA and Australia, but also west Africa—that a combination of rotation of crops and no-till agriculture is preferable, because that enables soil fertility to be built up, soil erosion to be halted and soil to absorb carbon from the atmosphere. We have not been able to convince the agricultural sector about that yet, never mind those who are preparing the next phase of the common agricultural policy.

I single that out as a very important issue. If Sweden, Scotland and some other countries, in particular France, could co-operate, there could be a breakthrough, with Brussels starting to incentivise farmers to do the right things and to stop building up carbon. That will be critical.

Those are areas of importance. City planning is another issue, and moving from a situation in which cars are all over the place to one in which public transport, biking and walking are the primary transportation modes is a major issue for the long term.

John Scott

Thank you for that. I declare an interest as a farmer. I am interested to hear you say that you have identified something similar to what we have identified in Scotland. Although those in our agricultural industry are prepared to shoulder their share of the burden, it has yet to be demonstrated to them by those who have the technology, or the ability to tell them, how it should be done. There is a lack of knowledge transfer here. Is it the same in Sweden?

Anders Wijkman

I do not want to sound condescending, but the agricultural sector is a bit conservative. There has been a rather slow uptake of the ideas. I suggest that you invite Professor David Montgomery from the US to give evidence. He recently wrote a fascinating book called “Growing a Revolution: Bringing Our Soil Back to Life” in which he uses a lot of examples from the midwest to show the benefits of what he calls regenerative or conservation agriculture.

We need to pilot schemes and pilot demonstration projects for farmers to see it work with their own eyes, because it is a risk to move from something that they are doing today to something that is totally different. The benefits are crucial. Of course, soil is different in different parts of the world, so the new approach would have to be applied differently. It is a very interesting area.

Mark Ruskell (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

I return to the questions about energy. You have a very ambitious target to remove fossil fuels from your heating system by 2020. That is an area that we have particularly struggled with in Scotland. What do you deploy? Is it biomass? Is it electrical heating? Is it district heating? How will you get to that target?

Stefan Nyström

It is a combination of all the measures that you have mentioned. We already have little fossil fuel use left in that sector. During the oil crisis in the 1970s, a conscious policy decision was made to decrease the use of fossil fuels tremendously. The target is ambitious, but I think that we will be able to reach it—if not by 2020, at least by 2021.

Anders Wijkman

We use district heating to a larger extent than most of Europe—about 55 per cent of households are connected to district heating, which has helped, because it is an efficient system. In parts of the country we have combined heat and power, which means that we use biomass—or whatever the energy source is—much more efficiently.

Over the years, we have used an increasing number of heat pumps. They have taken over. In some parts of Sweden, district heating faces difficulties, because energy demand is being reduced. Consequently, new business models for that energy source will need to be developed.

Those are the main responses.

Stewart Stevenson (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

I want to come back to farming, which impacts three of the seven greenhouse gases that are internationally recognised. We have talked about carbon dioxide and tilling. Methane mainly comes from bovine sources, but it is not particularly persistent. However, the gas that I want to ask about and seek an answer to is nitrous oxide, which persists for more than 100 years. It comes from transport and other sources, but a large source of it is the production of artificial fertilisers for farming. Has Sweden done any work to identify alternative sources of fertilisers to help farmers and perhaps, in addition to securing the climate change benefits, to reduce farmers’ dependence on artificial fertilisers as well as their costs?

Anders Wijkman

I do not think that either of us is an expert on this matter. Incidentally, though, the other week I met Hans Herren, the Swiss expert on this matter and head of the Millennium Institute, which is active all over the world advising farmers. In a talk that he gave at a conference, he basically said that he looked forward to the phasing out of conventional fertilisers through a change in farming practices, although perhaps not in parts of Africa where there has been tremendous soil erosion and loss of nutrients. There are some new developments, but I cannot say that we in Sweden have championed them. I am sorry about that.

The other day, I ran into an interesting article that suggested that methane from cattle can be reduced by mixing seaweed into fodder. There is obviously quite a lot of technological development going on.

Angus MacDonald (Falkirk East) (SNP)

You might be aware that, in Scotland, we publish a climate change plan every five years, setting out how emissions will be reduced in seven key sectors over the following 15 years. How does Sweden approach and report on sectoral greenhouse gas emissions reductions?

Stefan Nyström

Under new Swedish climate legislation that was launched on 1 January and which was the result of work that Anders Wijkman and I carried out, the Government must produce such a plan every fourth year. If year zero is an election year—in Sweden, the Government that wins the election has a four-year mandate—the Government will receive the relevant statistics from all the authorities at the beginning of the first year of that mandate period, which gives it as much time as possible to produce an action plan for the next four years. The Swedish Environmental Protection Agency gathers all the materials from the various sectors, produces that statistical analysis and hands the information over to the Government.

We also do the same thing annually, which allows us to see how emissions are developing in the various sectors each year. However, the Government has to present an action plan to Parliament every four years.

Anders Wijkman

As in the UK, we have a climate change committee that provides an independent voice and is supposed to provide both positive and negative comments on the Government’s plan. I assume that it will also come up with its own proposal if it thinks that the Government is not doing its job. However, that is a relatively new development, and we do not know how it will work yet.

We were inspired to a large extent by the British legislation. In November 2015, we visited London to meet Lord Deben—John Gummer—and that visit was instrumental in convincing some of the members that the idea of a special law or legislation was a good one.

09:30  

The Convener

I want to go back to some of the areas where progress has been a little sticky—the difficult sectors. In Scotland, we have a similar situation to the one that you have described. We have been reducing our emissions, but a lot of that has been down to closing a coal-fired power station. Anders Wijkman mentioned construction and agriculture, but what other sticky and difficult-to-change sectors are there? More importantly, what strategies have been put in place to facilitate change in those sectors?

Stefan Nyström

I think that we can share a picture with the committee. [Interruption.] No, it does not want to work.

The Convener

I am seeing something that says “Policy instruments”. Is that what we should be seeing?

Stefan Nyström

No. It is supposed to be a picture showing the largest emitting sectors in Sweden.

The Convener

Do not worry—you can send it on and we can put it into our evidence as supplementary evidence. Perhaps you could just talk us through it.

Anders Wijkman

Let us start with steel which, as Stefan Nyström indicated, is the source of roughly 10 to 15 per cent of our yearly emissions. The Government has offered a special package to the steel industry, which now has a major project to try to go from today’s steel production technology to using hydrogen for oxygen reduction. The industry is quite optimistic that that can happen before 2035. I met industry representatives a couple of weeks ago and said, “Couldn’t we speed it up?” They said, “Of course—if you provide us with more capital and financial resources, we could probably do it within 10 years.”

The cement industry is another challenge. I am a little bit at a loss on that. I do not know whether you saw the Chatham House report that came out about a month ago that basically said that, with present knowledge, we can cut emissions from cement production by 45 to 50 per cent over the next 10 to 15 years. However, when I meet senior officials in companies such as LafargeHolcim, they indicate that they already know how to produce cement in a way that is CO2 free but that the technology is too expensive and does not fit in their business model. We have to try to understand what we could do in the economy to incentivise that.

Steel and cement are two very important areas. The third one is of course plastics. On that, we depend a lot on what goes on in the European Union, where the Commission has taken on an ambitious role in that area.

Some consumption sectors, such as textiles and electronics, are also very problematic. We talk about the circular economy, but we should remember that less than 1 per cent of fibres from textiles are being recycled. The textiles sector alone accounts for 6 to 7 per cent of the direct and indirect carbon emissions in the world, so that is a huge challenge. The way that fashion is being offered, where people buy new stuff all the time, is definitely not sustainable. Consumers have to play their part, but the industry has to do a lot.

It is the same with electronics. I cannot even change the battery of the telephone beside me, because the plastics that are used are glued together. It is very difficult to recycle high-quality plastics. Today, the only materials used in the sector that are recycled and reused are copper and gold—the rest are incinerated. We have a huge problem because the sector is increasing so quickly, and there are areas in which we do not yet have any effective policy instruments.

Stefan Nyström

Those issues are obviously very difficult. I will complement Anders Wijkman’s answer by looking at territorial emissions. Can you see the picture that I am sharing with you that says “Transformational change needed”?

The Convener

Yes, we can.

Stefan Nyström

Excellent. The lower line shows industry, the red one shows transport and the green one shows agriculture. If you look at 2045, you can see that what will be left in relation to our aims and the goals that we have set will be emissions from agriculture and industry. We can see that it will be difficult, primarily in the agricultural sector, to reduce emissions with our current knowledge. Around the corner, we have technologies that might be efficient, but we do not know whether they will be able to be deployed.

Unfortunately, carbon capture and storage will be necessary to achieve our goals. Anders Wijkman mentioned the cement industry, which accounts for 5 per cent of Swedish territorial emissions—the emissions that are produced in Sweden. We cannot take emissions lower than 50 per cent without transformational change and that change is not possible at the moment, except through the use of carbon capture and storage.

The Swedish Environmental Protection Agency believes that we need to develop CCS infrastructure—not alone, for obvious reasons, but in a European context. Norway claims to own 30 to 40 per cent of the total known storage possibilities, and Norway and Sweden, as neighbouring countries, co-operate very closely.

For the years 2050 and beyond, which are not shown on the graph, we need negative emissions. Sweden is well endowed with forests, and we have 30 million tonnes of biogenic emissions from the forest industry. If we could store those emissions in proper bio-energy with carbon capture and storage facilities, we could produce negative emissions, but such facilities have not materialised yet. They are waiting around the corner and everybody is speaking about them, but they have not been created yet. We need them by 2035 in order to meet the goals for the cement industry and to achieve the goals of negative emissions in the latter end of this century that are needed but which have not yet been set.

Stewart Stevenson

I have a couple of relatively technical questions that have come from what you have said. The use of carbon capture and storage in the cement industry is being discussed to a limited extent in Scotland. However, that would require post-processing extraction of carbon dioxide from the emissions from the cement industry, which would be done largely through washing the gases with a nitric acid bath. That takes us back to the point about nitrous oxide being the precursor chemical for producing nitric acid.

Are other carbon capture and storage technologies being looked at? I know of seven different technologies, a number of which involve precombustion, which means using the right amount of oxygen and so on. Unless I am mistaken, the cement industry uses a post-processing extraction process that relies on nitric acid. Has Sweden done anything that might help with that issue?

Anders Wijkman

I do not think so. The Norwegians are running a project for the cement industry, and the Swedish cement industry is partnering with that project, but neither of us has visited the installation.

Stefan Nyström

I am going there in December but, unfortunately, I am unable to answer that question just now.

Stewart Stevenson

That is fine. I recognise that it was quite a technical question. My other question is also quite technical. We touched on the electronics sector, where the most recent gas added to the portfolio, nitrogen trifluoride, is a key part of the process of producing microchips, and most of it comes from the electronics industry. Is there any understanding of how we might eliminate nitrogen trifluoride from production in that industry? I make a small caveat because, as the gap between components in silicon-based chips has now reached the limits of what works, we may well be moving to a base material other than silicon, which may result in other issues, but I know so little about it that I will not make much comment on it. Has Sweden done anything about that?

Anders Wijkman

I do not think so, basically because we do not have an industry in that field, so it is not part of our territorial emissions, as we import all that stuff. Your question is very important and it is something for the Americans, the Chinese and the Koreans to address, but it is not something that we have any particular knowledge about. I am sorry.

Stewart Stevenson

That is fine. We should move on.

The Convener

I would like to return to some of the information that you gave in response to my earlier question about the difficult-to-reach sectors. Your graphic mentioned transport, which is obviously a difficult sector, and a lot depends on a change in the behaviour of people—in Sweden and in Scotland—in order for us to reach those goals. What is being done to effect those behavioural changes, particularly with regard to people’s lifestyles?

Stefan Nyström

Going into behavioural issues from a political point of view is extremely tricky. We live in a free world, so politicians are hesitant to go for that, although they can incentivise actions in order to facilitate people doing the right thing. For instance, there is a subsidy of 60,000 Swedish crowns, or approximately £5,000, for buying a new zero-emitting car. That effects a behavioural change through an incentive rather than through information or punishment.

We have the same for fuels. People generally do not have to worry about that, because we have a law demanding—through a market incentive-based system that is difficult to explain—that suppliers of fuels for private vehicles increase the bio element of fuels in the market. It is set to increase from 20 per cent to 30, 40 and 50 per cent over the years to come in order to facilitate a transition. We also have incentive programmes to facilitate the charging of electric vehicles all over the country. They cover both public charging facilities and the provision of cheaper private charging facilities in people’s homes and at their work.

You asked about transport, and there is a sticky issue with international transport, with the most difficult part of all being international aviation. Sweden’s public consumption emissions and territorial emissions, together with the exports, are about 11 tonnes per Swede today. Territorial emissions are around 5 to 6 tonnes, so the total is almost double. A large part of that comes from international aviation, and it is increasing tremendously fast. Just one journey from Stockholm to Thailand, for instance, which is a popular route at Christmas and new year, emits 2 tonnes of CO2 per person.

Anders Wijkman

That is in economy; it is three times more in business class.

09:45  

Stefan Nyström

That is a really tricky issue that we need to tackle together. The authorities in Sweden feel that the answer that the airline companies have come up with—namely the carbon offsetting scheme for international aviation, or CORSIA, which is the international system for reducing increases in emissions from 2027—addresses only between 15 and 20 per cent of overall emissions, because of all the exemptions and loopholes in the system. We are really worried about that and have no real solution to it, other than to suggest deeper international co-operation by all countries.

Anders Wijkman

Behaviour is changing; for example, people are changing to cleaner types of cars, which is a positive move. I would also say that, over the past five to 10 years, an increasing number of cities have been offering much more efficient public transport opportunities. Smart mobility is catching on. I do not think that there is any Swedish city in the lead in that respect—Helsinki and Lyon are the two European cities with the most efficient systems—but the idea is to make using public transport very easy. For example, you can purchase tickets on your mobile phone through an interface with the payment system. I also see a lot of new car-pooling systems in which you can use an app to order a car. You do not need to own a car if you live in the city, because you can use a combination of cycling, public transport and cars on demand. Those sorts of systems, which are developing quite nicely, will help to bring about behaviour change.

The Convener

However, as you said earlier, Sweden, like Scotland, has a massive rural population. The things that you have talked about can be done in cities, but what are you doing to give people in rural areas access to the public transport that will make it easier for them to change their behaviour with regard to car use? Is that a big issue in Sweden?

Stefan Nyström

Yes, it is. There is, for understandable reasons, a very clear divide between people who live in rural areas and people who live in cities, but that is not just a transport issue. It is also about education and, indeed, about jobs, with people moving to the cities and the central parts of countries where the jobs are.

With regard to the ways in which people transport themselves in rural areas, our analysis is that the introduction of electric vehicles will give those areas an advantage. Sweden is vast—it is 2,000km long and 600km at its widest—and it is sparsely populated in, for example, the north-west. If the gas station in an area closes down along with the school and the store, it is just not possible for people to stay there. However, everyone has those two holes in the wall that allow them to charge their electric vehicles, so the infrastructure is already there. In that sense, we believe that the rural areas will be the winners in the transition to electric cars. We will see whether that comes about, but at least it will mean that in, I think, five years, we will not need to have a discussion about whether this or that gas station can be closed or whether it will need to be subsidised by the Government.

Anders Wijkman

You should also bear in mind that 80 per cent of car travel in Sweden takes place in city environments. Although the divide between rural areas and cities is a political issue, it is, from an emissions point of view, a minor problem.

Claudia Beamish (South Scotland) (Lab)

I want to turn to the emissions trading schemes. For the purposes of the Official Report, I point out—I hope that I am correct—that, as you will know, Sweden has put in place targets for reducing non-ETS emissions to 63 per cent below 1990 levels by 2030, to 75 per cent below by 2040 and to 100 per cent below by 2045. Why do those targets differentiate between European Union ETS and non-EU ETS sectors? If possible, can you give us a simple explanation of which sectors are covered under each target? Are any flexibility measures available to help you achieve those targets?

Anders Wijkman

Around 40 to 45 per cent of our emissions are covered by the ETS—that is heavy industry. One of the suggestions made by the task force that Stefan Nyström and I were involved in was to make the ETS much more ambitious than it was at the time that the report was launched. We are not leaving the ETS sector all alone, but we cannot really influence it, apart from being part of the decision-making process in Brussels. We can, by and large, control all the other emissions through policy measures.

The 63 per cent target happens to be a compromise—some people wanted 70 per cent and some people wanted 55 per cent, so we ended up at 63 per cent. It is not easy to explain why it is that particular percentage. We wanted to move towards zero in 2045 and we made the calculation that 63 per cent for 2030 was appropriate. Of that 63 per cent, 70 per cent of the reduction is from the transportation sector, which is major.

Stefan Nyström

There is intricate arithmetic behind that 63 per cent, which we will not go into. The simple explanation is that we rely on the ETS delivering the reductions that it set out to deliver, and we do not want to be double steering, so to speak. We have confidence in the ETS delivering. If the ETS does not deliver, we will need to work via Brussels, or together with like-minded countries, to ensure that it will deliver.

Anders Wijkman

I referred to the Government scheme to incentivise technology change in the steel sector. That is an example of an area where we do not believe that the ETS alone will bring about the necessary technological change. That is because the price has been so low. There need to be complementary measures.

Over the past couple of years, we have seen that the ETS seems to be working better. The price has gone up, so that should be more of an incentive for companies to look for innovation—that was not happening when the price was about €7 or €8 per tonne.

Stefan Nyström

To elaborate a little on that, when it comes to the steel industry, which has always been very important for Sweden—the steel industry accounts for about £6 billion in net exports, which is a fair amount for us as a small country—the ETS is not enough. We need a complementary innovation policy. Even if the price in the ETS sector was high, the pockets of our large steel producers would empty, because it takes such a long time to innovate and put in place new, innovative, zero-emitting steel production methods. When it comes to those large transformational changes, we need the participation of the public together with industry in order to share risk; we need the public to contribute to the finances.

We have a special company that is made up of three companies working together: a steel company, an electricity production company and a mining company—two of those companies are publicly owned and the other is a private company. That approach will probably be needed in other areas, too, although we do not yet know which ones. Then again, competition in the international market is fierce. If change takes more than a quarter of a year and stock markets want a return, countries may need to share risk and contribute to the finances with public funds.

Anders Wijkman

As a policy maker, I find it interesting that when we compare the price at the point of sale of a tonne of conventional steel with a tonne of steel that is CO2 free, the difference is something like 40 to 50 per cent. That is not competitive. However, if you buy a car and the steel in the car is CO2 free, that car will cost £100 or £200 more. The difference at the consumer level is minor. I would hope that we could do something in the economic system so that the differential does not play out in that way.

Stefan Nyström

As Anders Wijkman indicated, preliminary research shows that although net-zero cement and steel are about 50 per cent more expensive—I think that the figures are 60 per cent and 40 per cent—the additional cost of using that cement and steel in rail and house construction is 0.5 per cent. For example, the price of constructing an apartment in central Stockholm would be around £500,000, and the incremental cost of using net-zero cement and steel would be £2,500, which is nothing. We are asking ourselves how we can use public procurement to incentivise our industries to provide us with net-zero cement and steel.

Claudia Beamish

How would public procurement help in those sectors?

Stefan Nyström

One of the largest buyers of cement in Sweden is the authority that is responsible for building new highways, bridges and railroads—that agency’s demand for cement and steel is very high. If demand for zero-CO2 cement was introduced, either gradually, directly or in close co-operation with companies, that is an equation that could work out. It would incentivise a large company that has about 96 per cent of the Swedish market.

Anders Wijkman

Fifty per cent of new apartment buildings are built by municipalities. One of our proposals was that we should build high-rise buildings out of wood. We have a lot of wood in Sweden, and houses that are built from wood are cheaper and quicker to erect. I would also say that they are more beautiful—I do not like concrete buildings very much.

There are many opportunities in public procurement. The EU’s public procurement legislation allows for such demands to be made. The critical issue is competence among public procurement officials. They have to be aware not only of the legislation and the legal aspects but of technology, carbon emissions and a lot of other issues. It is crucial that their competence is enhanced or brought up to speed.

Stewart Stevenson

The subject has come up of the competitiveness of steel production companies if they start to eliminate greenhouse gases from the process. To what extent has Sweden considered the potential advantage of being an early adopter of new methods of producing steel? That would apply to other industries, too. Whatever shortcomings there may be in the Paris agreement, it creates an international market in the longer term for new methods of production. The early developers, adopters and owners of intellectual property associated with that have a huge commercial opportunity if they choose to take it. Arguably, on the other hand, it may be one of those cases in which, because of the huge start-up costs, those who are first to be second have the advantage. Is that part of the discussion in Sweden?

10:00  

Anders Wijkman

Definitely. That is one of the arguments that a small country must give priority to. Our share of global emissions is very small, but we can make a difference by demonstrating good solutions. That would also allow us to benefit from future trade.

Sweden produces about 5 million tonnes of steel a year. It is mostly special steel. The world produces 1.6 billion tonnes of steel a year, half of which is produced in China. We have a long way to go until all the old steel-producing facilities are closed down and replaced by modern technology, but we have to start somewhere. The Swedish hydrogen project—there are similar projects in Austria and Germany—is very promising. We hope that that will benefit us in the future.

Stefan Nyström

I will add to what Anders Wijkman has said. After the oil crisis, the shipyard crisis followed in the late 1970s. At the time, we were a large ship producer and we produced lots of steel for the ship industry—neither China nor India were as large a producer as we were. There was an enormous cost crisis in the Swedish steel industry and we had to close down lots of facilities. The ones that are still in the market asked themselves at that time what they could do to continue to be in the market in 10, 20 or 30 years’ time. They moved to producing only special, hard steel and specialised products. They produced light steel for the car industry and the mobile industry, which includes Anders Wijkman’s iPhone. They managed to stay in the market, and they are not as sensitive to price issues.

We see that others are following the Swedish example—we are no longer alone in that segment of the market. Innovation is a natural step in taking the steel industry further.

We cannot be sure that the first to innovate will be the winner. We do not know how the Porter hypothesis works in reality—it works differently in different sectors—but we know that innovation is the key to our continued wellbeing and economic prosperity in Sweden. Nobody doubts that any longer, which is why we are going into the hydrogen project.

John Scott

In developing the theme of innovation, you mentioned the hydrogen projects in Sweden and Germany. On the development of fuel sources for trains—that is, electric versus hydrogen—I understand that Alstom has introduced hydrogen trains. Is that the future? How do you see hydrogen versus electric developing as a fuel source for large vehicles, or even cars?

Anders Wijkman

The Japanese would be the best people to ask about that, because they place a huge emphasis on hydrogen in parts of their industry. They believe that hydrogen will be as good an alternative as electricity is for private vehicles and for dealing with heavy traffic.

On trains, we will rely on the electric grid. We get 60 to 70 terawatt hours a year from hydrogen and, as Stefan Nyström said, energy increasingly comes from wind, so I do not see any reason why we should go for hydrogen there. However, heavy traffic is a bit special; it is still an open question.

Stefan Nyström

It is very open. I will elaborate a little bit on the issue. The industry, and especially Vattenfall, which is our largest energy producer by far, has started to discuss power to X instead of only power to gas.

We see that hydrogen is the future, because there are so many possible ways to use it. It can be used in trains. In the northern inland parts of Sweden, some trains cannot be electrified because there are no facilities there, and it would be much too expensive to construct them, so hydrogen could be an alternative to continuing running trains on diesel up there. That is not a very big part of emissions, but it could be done.

Hydrogen can also be used for cars and heavy vehicles, and we can produce methanol for shipping using hydrogen. There are also possibilities to use bio CO2 emissions that come from the forestry industry. There is already a project between the forestry industry and Vattenfall to produce methanol for shipping on the Swedish west coast, and we will see how that works out.

We are going into a situation with more weather-dependent electricity production. Windmills are now becoming around 250m high, so they tend to produce much more electricity than they did previously, because there is always some kind of wind up there, but we are still getting into a situation with more weather-dependent electricity. If we produce hydrogen as a back-up gas for power stations, that could be used to balance the power supply when there is no wind and the sun is not shining.

There is an increasing discussion on power to X in Sweden, but not too much of it has materialised yet.

Finlay Carson (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)

I want to briefly take us back to targets. It is a simple question. Why was a domestic effort target considered necessary alongside an overall target?

Anders Wijkman

Do you mean the overall target in Europe?

Finlay Carson

I mean in Sweden.

Stefan Nyström

So you mean the division between the ETS sector and the rest of the economy.

Finlay Carson

Yes. Why did you include a domestic target?

Anders Wijkman

The ETS covers 45 per cent of emissions, but we have to deal with the rest in Sweden. We need policies and a combination of regulation and incentives, because we believe that emissions would not come down otherwise. We need to address the ETS sector and the non-ETS sector. That is a given. Every country in the world has to do that.

Stefan Nyström

There is no escape there.

Richard Lyle (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)

Your targets are of course for the future, so let us look to the future. Do you expect Sweden to use international carbon trading or other measures to achieve its net zero 2045 target? What are the consequences of not meeting the net zero 2045 target or of using carbon trading to meet the targets?

Stefan Nyström

There has been intense discussion between the various blocs in Swedish policy making on international trading and offset mechanisms. Before the agreement that we now have on the 2045 goals, the reds and greens were not in favour of using credits, whereas the blue parties more or less wanted to use credits a bit more. We now have a very clear-cut distinction, which is that only 15 per cent of the reductions by 2045 can be achieved through credits. However, it is not necessarily the case that credits will be used to achieve that 15 per cent, as it could also be done through land use change, such as a large increase in forests. It depends on what is decided through the mechanisms of the Paris agreement, as the Kyoto protocol definitions of what is accepted as a credit will run out in a couple of years. We will see what happens.

I think that you asked what the consequences will be if we do not reach the target.

Richard Lyle

Yes. What will really happen? At the end of the day, we are all setting targets. In 20-odd years’ time, I will be about 93. It is great for politicians to set targets that they will not have to meet because they will possibly not be here. Is it a cop-out—I am sorry to use that word—to say that, if we do not meet the target, we will just buy credits and offset it? Does that debase your belief in what you will be able to do?

Stefan Nyström

The year 2045 is a long time from now.

Richard Lyle

Exactly.

Stefan Nyström

That is as far as Anders Wijkman and I went during the investigation that we led. What is currently happening is that the Government with the Opposition—everybody wants this—has launched an investigation into the 15 per cent and how we can best create a road map for how to use the credits. A certain amount can be used for reaching the target in 2030, as well, and we have to elaborate on that.

We did not count further than that in our investigation. That is now being done in another investigation, and we will see what people come up with.

Anders Wijkman

We know very little about the next 20 to 25 years, so we have to maintain flexibility. Five years from now, we might have breakthroughs in certain technology areas that will make the picture and the challenge look very different.

Offsetting can play a very important role. I know, as I have been involved in discussions about this, that the German Government is going to launch a major initiative in Katowice in which it will try to incentivise offsetting in many developing countries and help civil society organisations and Governments to restore degraded lands and grow forests, for example—to literally build carbon in the soil. The potential to do that is enormous. We do not talk much about that potential, because we have been so focused on the energy system, but there are hundreds of millions of hectares of degraded land that could be brought into fertility again and could store carbon. Offsetting is therefore an interesting area.

Richard Lyle

I remember the 1970s oil crisis. I was in Holland at the time.

It would be wrong of me not to ask the question that I am about to ask, although some people might think that I should not do so. You spoke about recycling. Does your deposit return scheme contribute to meeting your carbon targets?

Anders Wijkman

We have a chapter in the climate strategy, which we submitted, that focuses on basic materials. There is a combination of innovation, substitution, recycling and reuse and, of those, recycling is the least positive alternative. The reuse of components is, of course, the main target.

The problem is that most products are now designed in a way that means that recycling and reuse are very difficult. I chaired the Swedish Recycling Industries Association for six years. One of the main problems was that things were put on the market upstream that were very difficult to do much about downstream. When ministers went to Brussels and enhanced recycling rates, I often said that that was meaningless as long as the design issue was not addressed as well. Normally, there should be a principle that, when products are put on the market, it should be relatively easy to reuse and recycle their components.

We need a revolution. I was party to a recent study by a company called Material Economics, which we can share with the committee. Its estimate for the European Union was that, by adopting a circular economy approach, we could cut away roughly 70 per cent of the emissions relating to basic materials and infrastructure leading up to 2050 compared with a business-as-usual case. That is a huge amount, but that is not happening as long as the European Commission is not implementing the right measures. Unfortunately, Mr Juncker is not the right man for the job, because he is blocking the effective use of the ecodesign directive. I could elaborate on that.

10:15  

Richard Lyle

Thank you very much.

Anders Wijkman

Do you know why? In the Brexit campaign, Nigel Farage was travelling round Britain with a toaster in his hand, saying, “These bureaucrats in Brussels even have views on how we should design our toasters—such rubbish!” That argument was obviously quite effective. When Juncker heard that, he said, “Okay, let’s focus on the big things, not the small things.” What he obviously does not understand is that, if 500 million Europeans use a toaster that demands less electricity, that is a big thing, not a small thing, so the ecodesign directive is very important and we should broaden it to take into account design and materials.

Sorry for being so political.

Mark Ruskell

No, let us have more of it, please. You have one of the world’s most ambitious climate targets—net zero by 2045. There is some uncertainty, as we sit here in 2018, about exactly how you get there, and about the types of technological change that will be needed. How have you dealt with that question? It is a big question here as we look at our own climate targets and ask whether we have a precise thought-out pathway to whatever target we put into our bill or whether, to a certain extent, we can take a leap of faith and try to lean into the technology that might be coming and develop it over time. How has that debate played out in Sweden?

Anders Wijkman

The first necessary step is to set the targets, then the devil will be in the implementation. We have seen over the past couple of years, both at national level and at city or municipality level, quite a lot of initiatives to get closer to the targets: so far, so good. Emissions are still increasing—they went up last year—but they should start to go down as many measures have been implemented. However, we have to do much more. Having seen the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change report the other week, I think that we should increase our ambition.

Stefan Nyström

It is a good question. In the graphic that I am showing you, the yellow curve represents actual emissions, which do not perform as nicely as the projections do. They go up and down and we have no idea where they will go next year, for obvious reasons. The graphic shows that so far we have managed a reduction of 2 per cent per year, until 2017, but last year we had a cold and rough winter, so emissions went up. Industry is also running at a high percentage of its capacity, which is another explanation. We can see that we need to come down by between 5 and 8 per cent until 2045—by 8 per cent a year if we want to reach zero emissions and use none of the extra flexibility that is allowed, or otherwise by 5 per cent a year.

If we do not make calculations, we cannot make progress. We need to set targets, then evaluate, then maybe put in more measures if we do not reach the targets. When we set the targets, we saw that the technology was around the corner, or was perhaps already there, even if it was not yet on the market. You need to be a little bit bold and to stretch things a little bit, but not by too much. We can see that a reduction of between 5 and 8 per cent by 2045 is within reach. It will not come easily, and we will need to take more measures and supply more incentives to get there, and we will need to discuss how to create low-carbon alternatives to fossil fuels for the transport sector after 2030. Should we put a very high tax on them in order for them not to return when electricity has become the main fuel, or should we simply forbid their being on the market? We do not know.

We know very little about the future, but we can set the targets, evaluate and use more measures as evaluations come to hand. That is how we do it.

Anders Wijkman

I will make two additional comments. First, I do not think that any European country has cut its emissions by more than 1.5 per cent to 2 per cent from one year to the next, historically. Therefore, regardless of whether we are talking about 5 or 8 per cent a year, there is a huge difference. I stress that we are talking for many sectors about transformational change being needed in order for them to do things differently.

Secondly, we will, of course, face stranded assets along the road, and we have to put in place policies—not only in Sweden but also in central Europe—to help the regions that are very stuck in the coal-based economy to transform. I do not think that we have discussed that enough yet at European or national levels. That discussion has to come.

Mark Ruskell

I read about Sweden’s 15 sector action plans, and we have heard a bit about cement and steel this morning. How focused on the gaps are those sector action plans? We have heard about the transformation in renewable heating, which is obviously an easier target for you, given the progress that you have made with renewable electricity. However, in terms of the harder-to-reach gaps, is innovation coming from the sector action plans that gives you and the public confidence that the gaps can be closed, or are there still many unanswered questions?

Anders Wijkman

One of my tasks is to chair the European Institute of Innovation and Technology’s climate knowledge and innovation community—EIT Climate-KIC—which is one of the instruments that was set up by the European Commission some years ago. After seven or eight years of experience, we have come to the conclusion that to bring about transformation, we need what we call systems design, not vertical or silo-based design. We are no longer interested primarily in specific technologies; we look at the system and try to understand what is required in that system to make change really happen. Of course, there are areas where a particular technology can make a significant change, but with regard to transportation, infrastructure, farming and so on, you need to look at a number of components in order to make change happen. We need to be much more ambitious in that regard and to put in place public funding and support for that.

Stefan Nyström

I shared a couple of the action plans with the committee. If you do not have access to them all, I would be happy to share them with you.

Mark Ruskell asked whether the action plans are focused on the gap. I would say that they are not necessarily so. People have shown initiative in coming up with action plans for their own sectors and trying to see how fast they can translate from today’s emissions to a situation in which they are fossil-fuel free. As it happens, the fossil-fuel free co-ordinator who was appointed by the Swedish Government has worked with the sectors that need to be focused on if we are to close the gap. For example, members can see that the list of sectors contains the mining and minerals industry. The aim is to make mining operations, which are large emitters, fossil-fuel free by 2035. There are machines down the mines that emit lots of CO2 that are often forgotten about in the discussion. Those are about to become electrified—work on that will happen from next year. I think that the sector will reach its goal much sooner than 2035.

The steel industry accounts for 10 per cent of Swedish emissions. The aviation industry is obviously also a sticky issue, to use the phrase that was used before. There are a lot of other sectors on which there is focus and where Sweden needs to take action to close the gap.

The answer to Mark Ruskell’s question is yes and no. It is no because the plans focus on their own sectors, but it is yes because those sectors happen to be the ones that were chosen by the co-ordinator who was appointed by the Government, who has been in close contact with us as they have carried out the analytical work for the Government.

The Convener

The Swedish Government’s strategy of not including certain sectors when it is producing its targets and measuring its achievements in relation to those targets appears to be quite different from the approach of the Scottish Government, which sets a target that does not exclude any sector. Can you see a situation in which Sweden would adopt that bolder approach? Would that be politically possible, and might it be necessary?

Stefan Nyström

Could you repeat the question? I did not quite understand what you said.

The Convener

At the moment, when your Government sets its targets, it does not include emissions from aviation and certain land-use emissions, for example. The Scottish Government’s approach is different, in that it does not exclude any sectors. Can you envisage there being a political change in Sweden that would mean that those sectors were not excluded and 100 per cent of sectors were covered?

Anders Wijkman

The two sectors that are not included are aviation and shipping, but we will have to include them sooner or later. They were seen as being in the domain of the international agreement. I agree that we need to tackle the emissions from those sectors. We must undertake initiatives: if every country waited for the others to join it, nothing would happen. Some countries need to stick their necks out and be a bit more ambitious. I very much applaud the Scottish approach. We have not yet come that far, but I think that we will get there.

Stewart Stevenson

A slide that has disappeared from the screen said that aviation aims to make domestic flights emissions free by 2030, and international flights that originate in Sweden emissions free by 2045. I read those as being the industry’s aims. What status do those aims have? How will the industry sanction itself if it does not meet them? Do those aims mean much, if they are not part of the legislative framework?

Stefan Nyström

All aviation within Europe falls within the ETS, so the domestic part of our flying system is within that system, but international flights are outside it. All sectors are covered by the Swedish goals, except the two that have been mentioned. The haulage industry, the retail sector, the steel sector and the mining and minerals sector are covered by the 85 per cent target, so the status of their goals is that they are more or less a statement on their behalf to their owners, their consumers and society in general, but they are not connected in any particular way to the goals that the Government has set out. When it comes to what the Government can do, my answer is that, more than anything, it can incentivise.

We do not count CO2 uptake by our forests. In Sweden, we emit about 55 million tonnes of CO2 each year, and the net uptake by our forests is about 45 million to 50 million tonnes. We do not count that at all, but we could do. I was not sure from reading the committee’s papers what Scotland does with such information. We might begin to count the uptake by our forests in the future, but at the moment we look on it as a free service to the world, so to speak.

Claudia Beamish

I want to develop an issue that we have already touched on. In his article in The Scotsman, Stefan Nyström indicated that the setting of a net zero target had been a strong driver for business and local government. You will probably know that in Scotland there are mandatory duties not just on local government but on all public bodies. It is expected that those duties will be met, although there are support methods. What support—beyond the support that we have already discussed—is provided by central Government in Sweden for the public sector and business to achieve climate change targets?

Anders Wijkman

We alluded to the steel sector, for which the Government puts in some €30 million or €40 million a year to the hydrogen project. There are many similar examples. There are also particular incentives in the transportation sector—as Stefan Nyström mentioned—to incentivise consumers to do certain things and to oblige the petroleum providers to increase gradually the mix of synthetic fuels in conventional fuels and so on. There is a wide array of measures. We cannot give an exhaustive list here and now, but we could send that list to the committee.

10:30  

Claudia Beamish

That would be very helpful. The public sector is also very important. There are local government arrangements as well as the police and the health service. Is the Swedish Government able to support such bodies to effect change?

Anders Wijkman

There is a provision in the law that each and every Government sector—each ministry—has to take account of climate law in all that it does. Climate mitigation and adaptation concerns have to be taken into account in all policy making. That is one of the strongest parts of the legislation and has led to much more integration than was previously the case.

As I said, at municipality level, we have many examples of rather ambitious policies that engage the private sector and various parts of municipality services and so on. There is a sense of competition—not just domestically, but internationally. We have the C40 cities and the ICLEI, which is now called Local Governments for Sustainability, so there are many organisations at city level that co-operate and share experiences and so on. That does not need much input at national level.

Stefan Nyström

As Anders Wijkman has said, there are a lot of support programmes and we cannot go into them all—you probably would not want us to—but we can send a document over for the committee to read and ask questions about later.

Three Swedish cities have introduced their own climate change committees. Things are developing at a very fast pace.

One of the big challenges is that we traditionally work in silos—that is the case in all countries—both within Government and in policies. One example of the challenge that that presents is our statutory investment programme, which is financed by the Government—[Interruption.] There seems to be some background sound—a scraping sound—where you are, which is making it difficult to hear.

The Convener

I do not think that the sound is coming from here. Please just carry on.

Stefan Nyström

The scraping sound has stopped now.

The investment programme was launched last year. It is a 10-year programme for Swedish investment in new roads, railroads, surveillance and maintenance. The programme comprises, in Swedish crowns, some SEK690 billion, which is about £75 billion—a lot of money. However, so far, the authorities that are responsible for deciding exactly where to put the money have not even considered climate issues.

That shows that Sweden has a way to go, too. We have to find a way for co-operation between the silos. We are not there yet. As Anders Wijkman said, there is an important provision in the law on co-operating to consider climate concerns, but that is, largely, yet to materialise.

Alex Rowley (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)

My experience is that many more people are now aware of climate change but there is sometimes a tendency for people to see it as someone else’s problem to solve. What is your experience of engaging the wider public in the discussion and debate so that people can see that we all have a responsibility?

To return to the question of setting a net zero target, there is a debate in Scotland about whether that is achievable and the right thing to do. What do you see as the main advantage of setting a net zero target, given that the technology that we might need to achieve it has not yet been invented?

Anders Wijkman

On your first question, there are of course groups in Sweden and in other countries who are either climate deniers—we have those people—or very sceptical about a small country such as Sweden taking on such an ambitious goal. If I may try to categorise those people, most of them live in rural areas and they have a tendency nowadays to vote for the ultra right party that has emerged in the past 10 or 15 years. We have to convince them or show them that, if we do the transformation in an intelligent way, they should not become losers and that, rather, the opposite is the case, because we would do a lot of things in the context of a bio-based economy that would probably be beneficial to them. It is important to establish a dialogue with people and not to look on anyone as a hopeless case. Rather, we should engage everybody because, otherwise, we will not succeed.

That is the only way to address the issue, which I would say is an existential one. If you read carefully the IPCC report that came out on 8 October—not only the summary for policy makers, but some of the other chapters—you will see that between 1.5° and 2°, there are very serious tipping points that may turn life as we know it into something very difficult and challenging only a few decades from now. Therefore, we need to have very ambitious goals. So far, we have evidence that, when we do that, we can achieve it. I am not saying that it will be easy, but it is possible and in most areas we have the technologies.

We then need to add in behavioural change. It is not a God-given right to travel to Thailand every Christmas on vacation. People could start to reconsider some of their habits, and I think that that is needed.

Stefan Nyström

This is one of the most important issues because, if the general public are not aware and do not support the approach, it will be difficult for politicians to put in place measures to achieve the goals. There is a very strong consciousness of the issue since last summer, as I wrote in the article that was mentioned earlier. After that, discussions became very intense. We have never had such a hot summer—it was extraordinary, and harvests were halved. In spite of that, we had a very cold winter, with lots of rain and floods. At the same time in Sweden, we had flooding in five or 10 places and a severe drought. That served no one. Everybody understood that, if this is the beginning, we really need to put in place a strategy.

You asked about the advantage of having a net zero target. I would say that a net zero target or a fossil-free target is much easier to communicate to anyone than a target of 86 per cent, 93 per cent or whatever percentage, because what is that a percentage of? A net zero target is something to stand behind. It is like the Apollo project to launch a man to the moon—it is something that is needed in this period of transition.

A philosophy that is discussed in some leading newspapers in Sweden today is Kant’s moral imperative, which is that we need to do the right things because they are the right things to do.

The Convener

We have one final question.

Anders Wijkman

I had calculated that we would end at 11.30, or 10.30 your time, so I will have to start to fade out of the discussion, but please ask a final question.

Richard Lyle

I believe that we all wish to be green to secure the future. I turn to the costs of implementation on society. In Scotland, a figure of £13 billion has been given for the cost of implementing our proposed target, but there are several unknown factors in the methodology and analysis. What analysis has been done of the costs and benefits of Sweden’s net zero target? How robust do you believe that it is?

Anders Wijkman

The economic models that we have are not very good at calculating that, especially over the long term. That was one of the findings of the strategic work. Most of the economic modelling looks at the costs rather than the benefits. The models do not really have the capacity to anticipate the innovation that will probably take place as a consequence of the measures that have been taken. New companies will be started and new jobs will come into force.

My general answer is that we must take all such calculations with a pinch of salt. Of course implementation will cost money, but the benefits will be colossal. The health-related benefits that we will see in most countries as a result of less air pollution will be hugely beneficial to society.

Stefan Nyström

I am with Anders Wijkman. As an economist who has done a lot of modelling, I know that it is difficult to properly include innovation in models, which means that they always overestimate the cost and the difficulty. Given that the whole scheme of becoming fossil free or climate neutral by 2045 depends on innovation, which we cannot include in the models, it is extremely difficult to calculate any numbers for it.

However, we can see what the benefits of no-regrets policies such as electrification are when 1,100 people die 12 years before they should because of air pollution. We will have cleaner, less noisy cities. When we have electric cars instead of fossil-fuelled cars, we will be able to construct buildings in areas where there is too much noise at the moment, which will make it possible to brighten up the cities. Land is very scarce in such central areas. There are many no-regrets policies that we can identify.

Big emitters such as the cement industry think that they will have a competitive advantage in the future if we can find proper ways of sharing the risk and the finance with the public. That is what triggered the possibility of setting the goals. Everybody understood that it is not really possible to calculate the costs of taking measures or, for that matter, the costs of inaction, and that we must evaluate those costs in relation to reality as it develops.

Anders Wijkman

I will add two points. First, nobody knows the extent of stranded assets out there. The financial sector has only recently started to be aware that some of the things that it has invested in might lose value because of technological change.

Secondly, we did not have time to delve into the area of exponential technology. One of the most fascinating opportunities lies in trying to align climate policy with some of the exponential technologies that are emerging. I am thinking, in particular, of digital technologies and artificial intelligence. Most of those technologies are not really aimed at addressing climate mitigation goals—they have other objectives—but if we could align the two sets of goals, we would have some opportunities that are not available at the moment. As we have indicated, there is so much that is unknown, which we must explore.

Richard Lyle

Thank you very much.

The Convener

I thank Stefan Nyström and Anders Wijkman very much for their time. We have kept them a lot longer than we thought we would. Their evidence has been extremely interesting and they have answered our questions fully. I thank them for staying on, as their evidence will be tremendously useful to us.

At our next meeting on 6 November, the committee will continue its consideration of the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill by looking at the behaviour changes and governance structures that will be required to achieve more challenging climate change targets.

The committee will now move into private session, and I request that the public gallery be vacated.

10:46 Meeting continued in private until 12:01.  

30 October 2018

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Fourth meeting transcript

The Convener

Under item 3, the committee will take evidence on the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill. This is the third of the committee’s evidence sessions with stakeholders. We will hear from two panels today, one on behaviour change and one on governance.

I am delighted to welcome our first panel, who will look at the behaviour change that is required to achieve the targets that are set out in the bill. Joining us are Shane Donnellan, senior behaviour change specialist at Changeworks; Dr Rachel Howell, lecturer in sustainable development at University of Edinburgh’s school of social and political science; Mary Sweetland, chair of Eco-Congregation Scotland; and Jamie Stewart, policy officer with Citizens Advice Scotland.

We move straight to questions, and the first is from John Scott.

John Scott (Ayr) (Con)

Good morning and welcome. My question is for all panel members. How well has the Scottish Government’s approach to encouraging low-carbon behaviour change, including through the climate change plan, worked so far? Are there examples or success stories from other policy areas that it would be worth telling the committee about or which could be adopted?

The Convener

Panel members should indicate to me when they want to speak.

Shane Donnellan (Changeworks)

Whether the approach has worked so far brings us back to the question of how much behaviour has been included in the policy in the first place. There was some criticism that behaviour might not have been front and centre in the climate change plan and that its inclusion was something of an add-on. When it is not the driving force behind some of the policy, it can be difficult to say exactly how much it has or has not worked.

There have been really good examples of behaviour being front and centre with some intermediaries. There has been work with Scottish Water, for example, and I know that the Energy Saving Trust has had a pilot to try to change behaviour. There have been some learning and successes with regard to reducing energy use and making people more aware of the issue, but in the greater scheme of things, probably not enough work has been done in that respect.

Mary Sweetland (Eco-Congregation Scotland)

For the past eight or nine years, Eco-Congregation Scotland has been working on the issue, supporting congregations in bringing about change and encouraging them to look after God’s earth. With the different congregations that are part of our work, we have had a lot of success with recycling and looking at energy use in churches, for example. The European Christian Environmental Network gave us an award for a project in mid-Argyll that looked at which energy sources other than oil the churches in the area could use to heat the buildings.

That said, although the agenda with regard to the different behaviours that need to be taken forward is well known, things are always being done in a different way, and there is something of a spin-off effect. For example, the other week, I heard about what is happening in Orkney. They have no gas there, but instead of people being pushed towards installing renewable energy measures such as air-source heat pumps or redoing their home in ways that would reduce carbon use, they were installing oil boilers. All the energy in Orkney comes from renewables but the fact is that, even if they use that kind of electricity in their homes, they still cannot get their energy efficiency certification above band C, because electricity is very heavily weighted in the calculations.

I live in a Passivhaus, and I can achieve band A; however, the Passivhaus certification still requires you to say whether you have a boiler and whether it is gas or whatever. I do not have any of that. It is great when people phone you, trying to sell gas, and you can tell them, “I don’t have a boiler.” The issue is the way in which the commercial side has adapted these things and tried to turn them into a box that they can just tick and say, “We’ve achieved that,” without actually achieving the move to zero carbon.

Jamie Stewart (Citizens Advice Scotland)

There have been some really successful trials of energy-saving behaviours, and the Scottish Government has quite a good platform for looking at how those trials work and what the barriers might be for householders. However, there is no across-the-board recognition in Scottish households that this is the kind of behaviour that is needed. It is not high up their agenda.

As recent surveys have shown, there is growing recognition and awareness of the need to take action on climate change now. When we did a survey of a representative sample of people in 2017, although 73 per cent said that action needed to be taken now, they still perceived recycling and waste reduction as being the best things that they could do to save energy. There have been small pockets of success where households have been very much targeted, have received advice on how to save energy and have been given free measures. However, they are only pockets, and we need to look at how we can expand such approaches to ensure that there is effective action across the nation.

Dr Rachel Howell (University of Edinburgh)

Recycling and the plastic bag tax are two really good examples of policy having changed behaviour. It is interesting to think about why those policies have worked. With recycling, it is all about making it easy. We have easy kerbside recycling—people no longer have to get into a car and take things to a big bank in a supermarket car park. Because it is easy and noticeable—people put out a box or whatever in front of their house—it has changed social norms. Unfortunately, there has been a slightly negative effect, in that people feel that they are doing their bit and recycling is seen as a big part of what is required. Recycling is important, but it is a relatively small behaviour change in climate change terms.

The plastic bag tax has also changed norms. It has worked because it is such an easy behaviour to change. Putting a price on something that was previously free is, again, extremely noticeable. It was a simple change, and there is not really anything to be annoyed about.

I turn to some of the other bigger areas for change, such as transport, where emissions have not decreased since we started this approach. Transport is still a big problem. However, I was interested to discover from an excellent master’s dissertation that was submitted this summer that Edinburgh has a well-kept secret—the city has the largest proportion of public transport users and the lowest proportion of private car drivers in the United Kingdom outside London. Why is that? It is due not so much to a lot of integrated policy making but to a whole lot of structural factors—and it does come down to structures. It is about Edinburgh having an excellent bus service that is run by a local authority and is noticeably cheaper than most other bus services. It is also about density of living: it is difficult to own two cars—in some places, it is difficult to own one car—because there are no places to put them. Edinburgh is a very walkable city, too.

I am sure that we will come on to this, but we need to look more at how structures change behaviour, rather than just looking at the public engagement policies that are often part of the behaviour change agenda.

John Scott

I have often thought that the situation in Edinburgh may be something to do with its size. It is big enough to be a city but it also has an intimacy and a town feel about it. There may be an optimum size of towns and cities in future.

Dr Howell

Possibly. A lot of the cities that have high rates of active travel and public transport, such as Oxford, Cambridge and York, are relatively small, too. However, London is the prime example—there is no bigger city in the UK, yet it has the lowest rates of car ownership. I think that such rates can be achieved in different ways in most sizes of city. It might be as much to do with density of living as the size of a city.

John Scott

How fascinating. That leads me nicely to my next question. Can the panel provide examples of international best practice in achieving low-carbon behaviour change? What can Scotland learn from those, whether as a desktop exercise or in other ways?

Dr Howell

Again, I draw on examples of cities in which, in the Netherlands in particular, cycling is completely the norm. That is all about infrastructure, but how much is to do with deliberate policy or how those cities have developed? Indeed, the Netherlands is flat, so how much is to do with geography? It is not impossible to overcome things. Cycling is just one example of a low-carbon transport behaviour. We must look at places where the structures have made a big difference to behaviour.

In my 10 years of looking at the issues, I have done a lot of research on the behaviour change agenda in terms of persuasion, values and all the things that are the individual factors in the individual, social, material—ISM—model. I have come to the conclusion that, although the individual factors need to be right so that they do not inhibit change, the structural factors—the “S” and the “M” factors in the ISM model that the Government uses—do the most to promote positive change, and my whole research agenda is changing more towards looking at structural factors because of that. I have given up on the hope that we will make the huge strides that we need to make by focusing mostly on the individual factors, persuasion and the small nudges that encourage people to make choices to change their behaviour.

09:30  

Jamie Stewart

I echo what Rachel Howell said. Let us take the example of the take-up of electric vehicles in Norway. There is a tax incentive that encourages people to buy electric vehicles, but there is also the infrastructure—there is a good charging network. The approach might not be replicable in Scotland but, as a result, more electric vehicles are sold in Norway than diesel or petrol cars. Buying an electric car has almost become the social norm, but it is a result of having the structural support in place.

The Convener

I presume that it is important that that support is consistent. In London, people were incentivised to have an electric vehicle because it was very cheap to charge such vehicles, but then the contract changed. Now, there is a new provider and it is more expensive. Do you agree that consistency is important?

Jamie Stewart

Yes, consistency is important when it comes to things such as tax incentives. In the UK, the grants for low-carbon vehicles, electric vehicles and ultra-low-emission vehicles have reduced slightly. Although a grant cannot be guaranteed for ever, it is important for there to be some consistency so that households and consumers have confidence in the system.

The Convener

We have some other questions on the same theme.

Mark Ruskell (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

It is interesting that you are talking about system change to tackle climate change; it is difficult to unpack the different elements.

On pricing and financing, how effective would a measure such as free public transport within cities be? Are there complexities to do with making things free that could lead to consumption increasing? Are there good approaches involving a system that works from the point of view of decarbonising transport and providing effective service that is competitive with use of the private car?

Shane Donnellan

You have hit on an extremely important issue. Price, finance and costs are hugely important to people. People tend to think, “How will this affect me? How will it affect my pocket or my family’s income?” That is the single biggest factor in many situations, whether we are talking about transport, the retrofitting of houses or upgrading the efficiency of properties.

It is admirable when people express a wish to cut down on the number of domestic flights that they take, but when a flight to London costs a third of the price of going by train, it is difficult to expect people to make that change. They can have the best will in the world, but such a simple action can deprive them of a lot of money.

There is no straightforward formula for what an incentive should be. If there was free transport, as you suggested, people could abuse that or take it for granted. That could be one side effect. Consumer research needs to be carried out into any proposed incentivisation measure. Unfortunately, cost or the financial value that people attribute to what they will get is one of the biggest motivators.

Jamie Stewart

Finance is a key factor. If, say, public transport in Edinburgh was free, I think that the use of it would increase. However, there are other factors that might almost be more important. How often the buses run and whether they go to the right places—I am thinking of places such as general practitioner surgeries, hospitals and schools—are important considerations. How useful the service is is an important factor, especially in rural areas, where there is a lack of bus services.

Dr Howell

With public transport, it is necessary to consider not only whether making it free or much cheaper would work but what alternatives people might choose. There is the alternative of the private car, for example. We need to work on both sides of the equation. Encouraging people on to buses is not just about price and ease of use, although ease of use as well as price is very important. It has also got to be made more expensive and less attractive to use a car.

To avoid the potential drawbacks of incentives, it is important that the policy is consistent. If people are hooked into behaviours using the financial motive, other motives can be crowded out. If the financial motive is no longer there, people’s reactions can change. For example, at the University of Edinburgh, 50p is taken off the price of a coffee if the customer uses what is called a keep cup. I worry that, if people have become hooked into the idea that they ought to get money off if they use a keep cup and also use coffee houses near the university that do not offer that incentive, they will ask themselves why should they have the inconvenience of carrying and cleaning out the cup. If there is to be a financial incentive, it has to be consistent and able to be kept up for a while.

Stewart Stevenson (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

We are talking about individual behaviour and I want to make it very personal. I live in a remote rural area. We burn 4,000 litres of oil per year. It was 6,000 before the Government put 400mm of insulation in our loft. That cut 2,000 litres off the total, which was great.

The boiler is quite old. If we replaced it with a new oil boiler, it would cut our consumption by about 25 per cent or 1,000 litres. That represents about £600 per year at the moment. The new boiler would cost £2,000, so we would make our money back in about three years.

We would like to go for an air-source heat pump, which is £15,000 to £20,000. That would mean a 10-year payback period. However, the service engineer for the oil boiler is a 15-minute drive away, whereas the service engineer for the air-source heat pump is a two-and-a-half-hour drive away. Why would I not continue to burn oil?

Mary Sweetland

The answer is because you are committed to reducing your carbon footprint, rather than focused on the funding.

What you describe is an issue. There was a big gear-up in Scotland of companies that would support air-source heat pumps when there were incentives. The demand did not develop because of the costs, and therefore the manufacturers of the pumps have gone out of business. Farmers in particular have great difficulty in getting engineers to come. My cousin has an air-source heat pump. It broke down because it had been installed poorly. It is about making sure that the industry is prepared and ready to go, and that the industry is supported. The price for air-source heat pumps has dropped.

Stewart Stevenson

It is worth saying that my wife has the money. It is the engineer that is the reason she is not doing it. She knows from neighbours of similar experiences to your cousin’s.

Mary Sweetland

The experience of putting in plug points for electric cars in Orkney is the same. Someone had to be sent from Cheltenham—now Stirling—to install them. Someone had to drive all that way in a diesel van. The point is to incentivise the shift so that people really want to do it.

Stewart Stevenson

Forgive me, but we understand the problem and have all defined it; what we are trying to explore here is what the Government can do to move my wife and others to that different position. How do we do that?

Shane Donnellan

As has been mentioned already, there is a need for both a bottom-up and a top-down approach—regulation along with some of the softer stuff such as public engagement. Right now, what is missing in Mr Stevenson’s situation is not the motivation; the problem is that the cost benefits are not weighing up.

One of the things that is missing is the feeling of responsibility. In a sense, it should not just be up to Mr Stevenson. Everyone in Scotland has a responsibility. Some policies say that lifestyle changes will affect everyone in Scotland over the next couple of years. If we believe that, we need to get people buying into the message that the responsibility sits with you and me to make bigger changes. It is no longer just about LED light bulbs. That will not get us to the 2050 targets. There is a need for investment, hand in hand with a systemic approach to support.

Stewart Stevenson

Forgive me, but I am really looking at the rural versus urban issue. I would not own a car if I lived in Edinburgh, but the fact is that, from where I live, it is a two-hour walk to the nearest bus stop. Also, the current generation of electric cars will not get me to Aberdeen and back on one charge. What am I going to do?

The Convener

I will take a very short supplementary from Richard Lyle before we move on to Claudia Beamish.

Richard Lyle (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)

Dr Rachel Howell mentioned Holland. My mother-in-law was Dutch; I first went to the country in 1973, and I have subsequently visited quite a lot, so I know that its transport system is fantastic and very cheap. For example, a bus will come along every five or 10 minutes. Should we in Scotland have a more reliable bus service? Should we promote park-and-ride schemes more? When you go past some park-and-ride areas, you can see that they are just lying empty.

Mary Sweetland

The park and ride at Ingliston is not empty; it is full, and its charging places for electric cars are always full, too. Perhaps in some cases the location of the park and ride is the problem, but I know some that are being very well used.

Jamie Stewart

I certainly agree that we need a cheap and reliable bus service. Some of the targets for emissions reductions in the transport sector possibly rely on the use of electric or hydrogen vehicles, but the costs of them are prohibitive at the moment. Furthermore, a big section of society cannot afford private transport. Those people need to be supported and, in that respect, it is essential that we have a good and reliable bus service.

Dr Howell

A reliable and affordable bus service is very important, but I want to suggest other measures that might make using the car less convenient and not so cheap.

We can, for example, look at certain co-benefits. In Edinburgh, we are seeing more and more schemes in which the roads near schools are closed at pick-up and drop-off time for children, and parents and children are behind such a move, because of concerns about air pollution. That is the kind of scheme that can be rolled out and joined up with other things. After all, the issue is not just air pollution right by the school gates; children live in the streets near schools, and you could have driving bans in whole areas rather than individual streets at particular times. We could close more streets to private vehicles and make them places where only cyclists, walkers, taxis and buses can go.

The Convener

Before I move on to Claudia Beamish, I want to draw your attention to a point that was made by two Swedish experts from whom we heard last week. They said that, in rural areas, we are never going to be able to have the bus services that you are talking about. It is just not going to happen. That sort of thing might work as we move towards the cities, but certainly not where I, Stewart Stevenson and Rhoda Grant as a Highlands and Islands MSP come from. As a result, we are going to have to incentivise electric cars as the way forward. In that case, might there need to be almost a dual policy of incentivisation of electric vehicles in rural areas and something else more structural in urban centres?

Dr Howell

Absolutely. Indeed, the First Minister has said that fossil-fuelled cars are going to be phased out by 2032. Therefore, there will need to be some help for people, and we are going to have to set up the charging infrastructure for people who live in rural areas. It will become the norm, but that whole system will certainly need to be set up.

Rural and urban areas need to be treated differently. In response to an earlier question, I think that the Government will have to not only think strategically about very large-scale roll-outs of structural changes but target where such moves will work first. For example, even though air-source heat pumps are the best replacement for oil-fired boilers, it might not be best to target them at very rural areas, because the engineers who will install them probably live a long distance away. Instead, some of the smaller towns close to those areas could be targeted so that the network of engineers can get bigger and spread out. Once those engineers are in place, the most rural areas can be targeted.

09:45  

The Convener

Does it not disadvantage rural areas that they do not get the opportunity to access new technologies because of that? We have a situation where, yet again, it is more expensive to live in a rural area. We are almost being penalised for populating such areas. We have a drive for people to live in the cities because they have better bus services, access to all the new technology, cheaper fuel bills and so on.

Dr Howell

Yes. I am afraid that there is no perfect policy here. What we need to work out is where we have to get to and what we are trying to avoid. We always have to keep in mind that all policies will have some downsides for some people, but the biggest downside will be if we do not tackle climate change, because that will create an inhospitable world. We have to do the next best thing we can do to avoid that huge problem, rather than say that we cannot do this, that or the other because it is not perfect. We cannot allow the perfect to be the enemy of the good, or the good enough.

Claudia Beamish (South Scotland) (Lab)

I have a quick supplementary question. Do the panellists agree that one issue is the development of skills for smaller towns and rural areas so that rural dwellers such as Stewart Stevenson and me can benefit from technologies? I put my hand up in shame and say that I am another person who has an oil boiler and has kept wanting to change but, even on my salary, has wondered about that. Are skills an area that we should be developing everywhere from Eyemouth to Orkney? I see a lot of heads nodding.

Jamie Stewart

Having skills and the appropriate resources to provide support services to rural areas is really important. We can look at the smart meter roll-out as an example. At present, it is generally being focused on urban areas. We know that smart meters will bring lots of advantages, with people being more aware of their energy use, and they will also facilitate lots of different smart technologies. However, the roll-out is quite slow in rural areas, and—

Claudia Beamish

It might be encouraging to know that mine is being installed tomorrow, following a phone call to me.

Jamie Stewart

I hope that it works. [Laughter.] It is always going to be a difficult issue when we have isolated areas, but it is important to ensure that companies and Government support programmes are well resourced enough to ensure that people in rural and remote communities have that advice and support.

Mary Sweetland

I am an inhabitant of a rural village that is 22 miles from Glasgow and is in the Loch Lomond and the Trossachs national park but does not have superfast broadband yet. The infrastructure is an issue, and so is its reliability. I have an electric car, but how often do I go to a rapid charger and discover that it is not working? Chargers have been installed, but the engineers are not in place to keep them up to date, and when there is a storm such as Ali, they suddenly go off because they are not getting the broadband signal.

We need to consider such things from a skills perspective. We need to develop a circular economy, and in order to meet the targets, we have got to become more thrifty. That is a good old Scottish word. Actually, the expanding growth in the economy has got to move to environmental topics rather than being in big commercial projects.

Going back to the subject of international best practice, I add that climate justice is a major concern for the churches, because the communities that are suffering the most are the ones that have done least to increase their carbon use. They want Scotland to share its knowledge and experience, rather than selling it to them for profit. We have examples involving solar ovens in Bolivia, how solar panels work, the use of wind and so on. The developing world is looking for Scotland to share its skill sets. We have been doing some superb work on that, but we need the industry to change to a focus on development work.

When I built my Passivhaus, there were very few people around who knew how to build one, and they had only single skill sets. I needed a joiner and an electrician, so I was waiting about. We need to bring about a big change in the building sector.

Claudia Beamish

I want to follow up on the international issue with Mary Sweetland before I put a question to the whole panel. The Eco-Congregation Scotland submission says:

“One of the principal drivers of climate action in churches is the impact of stories from ... around the world.”

As I understand it, those stories are from places where the impacts of climate change are being experienced. To what degree is it, do you think, appropriate or useful for those stories to be told beyond the churches to effect behaviour change in the developed world?

Mary Sweetland

I think that that is essential—we see that with the work of the Disasters Emergency Committee. The churches work with all the big charities, including Christian Aid, the Scottish Catholic International Aid Fund and Tearfund. The telling of such stories is a key part of our supporting international development. That is one of the roles for which eco-congregations take responsibility.

Technology is great—it means that we can share stories and they can have an impact. We have all enjoyed finding out, through David Attenborough, about the impact of plastics. We can use the media to communicate what is happening and to share knowledge and experience of what we can do. The millennial generation is having the biggest impact in that regard. The churches have always said that those who are responsible for high use of carbon need to make a change for the sake of their grandchildren, but now there is a realisation that we might, in our generation, see the impact of climate change on Scotland.

Claudia Beamish

This question is for the whole panel. The committee has scrutinised the Scottish Government’s climate change plan. As I am sure you will know, it focuses on seven key sectors. For the record, those sectors are electricity, buildings, transport, industry, waste, land-use change and forestry, and agriculture. The plan is to be updated to reflect the bill’s new emissions reduction trajectory to 2050.

Should additional sectors be included? Last week, Swedish experts mentioned the fashion industry and said that reuse of the materials in mobile phones is difficult because components are glued together, which corrupts the plastic. Are there particular sectors in which it is important to develop further behaviour change? If so, what are they and what can be done? Perhaps the witnesses could comment on the sectors that they have most knowledge and experience of, or those that are the heaviest emitters.

Jamie Stewart

People have been highlighting the importance of emissions reductions from the residential sector, from which a third of our emissions come. There is an opportunity to reduce emissions there. I will come back to my earlier point: the problem is that people do not realise that the energy that they use in the home makes a big contribution to overall emissions. To an extent, people feel that what they do in the home is tokenistic. We need to provide people with more information and education to make them realise that turning down the thermostat can have quite a big impact if people throughout the country do it. That relates to the need for an aspirational awareness-raising campaign instead of telling people that they must do things such as turn down their thermostats. We need to help people to realise that they can have a positive impact. It is important to focus on positives. Small actions can facilitate change and a reduction in emissions.

Shane Donnellan

I will chip in here, and hope that I do not cover anything that Jamie Stewart has already said.

Buildings are a hugely important sector—they have been described as the low-hanging fruit. A huge amount of progress has been made there; for example, the Scottish Government’s great internal wall insulation programme, with its aim of upgrading existing stock, has been running for many years now.

However, if that sort of thing happens in isolation from behavioural advice, you might find that some people take the savings from their houses being warmer while others open the windows to cool their houses down a little. We are seeing that time and again; what you might call the rebound effect is a common problem in some of the large-scale retrofits. It has been known about since the industrial revolution; it is the equivalent of someone buying low-fat ice cream but eating twice as much of it, simply because it is low fat. We are seeing a lot of that happening in the approach that is being taken to buildings.

There is no point in doing things like giving interest-free loans or making full-on investment in upgrading properties if people and their behaviour are not put front and centre, and if the inhabitants of properties are simply ignored. They need to be given the skills and shown how to work their thermostats if their houses are too warm, for example. Not tying all that together has been a missed opportunity.

Finally, aviation is absent from the climate change plan. It has a huge impact on the environment—much more than some of the smaller things that have been included in the plan and which could be seen just as tinkering at the edges. Its omission is notable, but I am sure that there are reasons for it.

Dr Howell

As far as behaviours are concerned, we need to focus on food, because I think that one of the least-understood aspects is the link between diet and climate change. In that, again, there are fantastic co-benefits. We do not have to rely on a narrative that is all about climate change, which not everyone is connected to, because the need to change behaviour by reducing meat and dairy intake is exactly the same as the advice for a healthy lifestyle. There are ways of tackling that issue that do not have to involve climate change legislation. For example, really stringent animal welfare legislation, which would be very popular with a lot of people, would drive up the cost of meat and change the balance when it comes to people choosing their main source of protein.

You could also work with general practitioners and hospitals on ensuring that there was plenty of advice on healthy eating, which needs to include advice on how to find and cook alternatives. I am always astonished to hear my students saying that it is more expensive not to eat meat. I can only think that they are substituting meat with expensive processed alternatives such as Quorn, or are using recipes that involve very expensive ingredients such as cashews and pine nuts, and that they do not realise just how plentiful and cheap pulses and so on are.

As we have already talked a lot about transport, I will not go into that, but we have not seen the progress that we need in that area. We really need to focus on getting transport emissions down, because they have been static for a long time. As for land use, a nitrogen budget needs to be established in the bill to drive changes in farming.

The last comments that I made may have sounded rather harsh, but I want to make it clear that the level of change that we need will have significant impacts that will be different in urban and rural areas, and different in various sectors, in terms of jobs. That is why attention needs to be paid, in the bill, to ensuring a just transition, with some kind of commission having oversight of the matter to ensure that and to work out how to mitigate problems for people in rural areas. I certainly do not want people just to say, “Well—tough luck.”

John Scott

I am sorry, but I am quite exercised by your essentially having said that rural areas should be disadvantaged—

Dr Howell

Well—

John Scott

You said it earlier. I appreciate that you have now corrected it.

Dr Howell

“Should” is not the word that I used.

John Scott

The reality of what you are saying is that rural areas would be disadvantaged for the benefit of the majority.

It is not progress to benefit the many by disadvantaging the few. If that is what you are saying, something has to be done.

You are painting a fairly grim picture of a meat-free, livestock-free landscape where we are encouraged—if not forced—to eat pulses. That is not a future that I would welcome.

10:00  

Dr Howell

You are putting words in my mouth. I did not say that everybody needs to have a meat-free diet; I said that we need to reduce the amount of meat and dairy that people eat. People do not have to eat pulses at every meal. However, I suggest that people would be healthier: they would be eating a healthy diet that would cut down heart disease, for example. I am certainly not imagining a scenario in which everybody has to turn vegan—which is one of the very unhelpful messages that is coming out. This is not about extremes; it is about very large numbers of people making reductions, rather than about very small numbers of people going to extremes.

I am very sorry if I did not express myself clearly enough on rural areas. I certainly do not feel that rural areas should be disadvantaged, but no policy can be brought in without some disadvantage to some people. We have to try to mitigate that disadvantage, but we cannot simply say that we cannot do anything because there will be some disadvantage to some people. We have to consider how to offset that. There are ways in which we might be able to do that.

If we simply say that we cannot bring in the policies that we need in order to change behaviour at the required level, we are accepting 3°C to 4°C warming by the end of this century, which will be a tremendous disadvantage for everybody.

The Convener

There is another aspect to what we are talking about: people who are on low incomes are not thinking that they will eat this, that or the next thing because they want to change the environment; rather, they are thinking about how they can get through the week. We have to make things work for everybody. A just transition must not disadvantage people who are on low incomes. The idea of getting a new boiler will not cross a person’s mind if they cannot pay their electricity bill or put food on the table. How do we deal with that? The majority of people are not in a position to talk about getting a heat pump installed.

Shane Donnellan

You spoke earlier about the two-tiered approach. That is where the people who can afford air-source heat pumps need to be encouraged to do so, so that funding can be directed to those who cannot afford them, which is the approach that is practised. The self-funded body of people who may not have been prioritised over the years are more difficult to engage with. Lots of people do not know what the hook is, and I do not think that that has been fully cracked yet.

The term “self-funded” has gone through different iterations. We did internal research. Initially, we referred to people as “able to pay”—that is, anyone who was not at risk of fuel poverty was able to pay. When we completed the research, we found that people do not see themselves as being able to pay, they do not see themselves as sitting on a huge pile of money just because they are on a higher income, and they do not see themselves as squandering money and opening windows when the heat is on. Their threshold is a little bit higher.

I will use a coffee machine as an example. Some people say, “I like good coffee, so I’ve got a coffee machine. I’ve got a 50-inch TV, but I don’t waste energy. I just like my quality of life.” The threshold is raised and, through their lifestyles, people use a little bit more energy. Those are the people who really need to be engaged with so that they get air-source heat pumps and invest in energy efficiency—that is, the people that initiatives such as the home energy efficiency programmes cannot fund, because they fund people who are in fuel poverty. That would be the approach to take.

Jamie Stewart

The convener made a really important point. Through the citizens advice bureau network, we see people coming in from stressed and chaotic environments who might be in debt, including energy debt. Their having the financial capability, the time or the engagement levels to invest in a new boiler is a big risk for the Scottish Government. Where targets rely on people in those situations making such decisions, there is a big risk that targets will be missed.

On solutions, it is important that we provide holistic advice and support—and advice should be holistic through including benefits checks in order to maximise income. Alongside that, and perhaps further down the line, people might look at what grants and incentives are available to upgrade property.

Issues should be tackled in priority order—the most pressing issues should be tackled first. Once a relationship is built up through face-to-face advice, people can be provided with support, including Scottish Government grants that are available to some people to install boilers.

Mark Ruskell

There are some interesting examples from Nordic countries of services and the economy being focused on rural areas. What impact will broadband and the new economy have on rural areas? There is a tendency to think of everyone going to the city to work and access services. To what extent will the cultural shift around relocalisation make a difference?

Mary Sweetland

Scotland could do more on green tourism. If we want to stop visitors to the national parks using cars, there needs to be infrastructure to get them there and there is a need for reliable broadband. That would develop rural jobs, as well. It is quite a shift, even to encourage visitors to Scotland to do without their cars, which would reduce congestion at weekends at, for example, Balmaha, when there is no parking available. We have to think about a complete economic shift.

I will go back to the community effect of mitigation for energy. In some areas, there is the potential for community hydro schemes to bring in an enormous amount of funding to communities. The cost of developing them and putting in a turbine is considerable, however.

Apparently, 100 years ago most big old rural houses had their own hydro schemes, but they have fallen into disrepair. Those could be recommissioned, as has happened near Taynuilt, to produce community energy, instead of £10 million having to be paid to put in a new hydro scheme. Perhaps there is a way that Scotland could, in rural areas, be pushing to find these old schemes, and to re-establish them to generate electricity locally that could be used to charge electric cars and so on. If we put the infrastructure in place, we could attract green tourism.

The Convener

Claudia Beamish has a last question before we move on.

Claudia Beamish

I am going to try asking a kind of vision question. If anyone knows the answer, we will all sigh with relief.

What would need to change in behaviour to go beyond the 2050 target that the Scottish Government has in the bill—of reducing emissions by 90 per cent—to a net zero target? It is a probing question; if anyone has thoughts on behaviour change, we would value them.

The Convener

Who would like to go first?

Shane Donnellan

It is difficult to see where behaviour change fits in relation to 90 per cent or 100 per cent targets, given that behavioural targets have not been put forward. That was the thinking behind my opening comment.

The climate change plan refers to widespread uptake of EVs, but how widespread is widespread? It also refers to societal shifts in how we work and live, but how many is that and what are they? If we do not know what the targets are, it is difficult to add 10 per cent on to them.

Jamie Stewart

I apologise for focusing on the domestic sector again, but it is the one that I know most about. If we are looking at ensuring that all properties have a band C energy performance certificate by 2040—which is a target that will have to be met if we are moving towards even a 90 per cent target—we will have to rely on the owner-occupier sector and what are potentially quite expensive measures. Again, we have to make this aspirational for people and ensure that the right grants and incentives are in place to encourage them to upgrade their properties to be energy efficient.

Dr Howell

As you have recognised, there is no nice, neat answer to your question, so I cannot give you one. Nevertheless, I am feeling uncomfortable about our perhaps focusing too much on the issue of the individual and choice, which is what I hear when I hear questions about behaviour. Again, I want to point out that, in order to meet the targets that we need to aim for—which I should say is net zero, not 90 per cent by 2050—we will need huge structural roll-outs and an urgent phased closure of the oil and gas industry with a just transition to a huge programme of renewables. After all, Scotland has the best wave and tidal resources in the whole of Europe, and it could be a tremendous leader on the issue. We therefore need to be looking at going quite a long way beyond what we are doing at the moment. That does not mean that we are just going to ignore individuals—after all, we need engagement with new technologies and this programme of change—but we certainly cannot put all the responsibility on individuals to get us as far as we need to go. It will require much more than persuasion and voluntarism.

With regard to behaviours, we basically need to make, say, travelling or heating one’s home in ways that do not require fossil fuels, eating a lower-carbon diet and so on the cheapest, the easiest or the most normal thing to do. That brings us back to the issue of people on lower incomes. Given the very strong correlation between income and greenhouse gas emissions, we do not want to target lower-income people with messages about air-source heat pumps. People can end up feeling guilty and stressed about what they cannot do, and that is why we need a structural change that is aimed at the landlords and social landlords who can make a difference and which will, in turn, provide benefits for lower-income people. After all, it is the lower-income people in inner cities who are suffering most from air pollution, and part of the message that we need to get out is that the changes that we need will benefit them.

Mary Sweetland

The answer is to reduce consumption, but that does not fit well into macroeconomic models. We need to get back to a culture of make do and mend instead of a throwaway culture. Of course, that will mean bringing up people’s skill sets to ensure that they can repair things. Those are the kinds of drastic changes that we need; we need to bring it all back to thrift, but I think that economics people might struggle with such a suggestion.

The Convener

It might be good to follow up that question when we have businesses in front of us.

Richard Lyle

Dr Howell and Mary Sweetland are going to agree with me, but the fact is that we all need to change, because if we do not, we will be letting our children, our grandchildren and our planet down. However, are we just kidding ourselves on here? Are we just tinkering at the edges and doing the easy fixes? Do we need to get real? What barriers exist to achieving the required behavioural changes, how can they be overcome and who should be responsible for that? I am sure that you will have plenty to say about that.

10:15  

Shane Donnellan

Are we kidding ourselves? That is a question for the Scottish Government and the wider public. The ambitions have been globally recognised as being particularly ambitious, both at the time of the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009 and since then. There have been some really good targets, but we cannot celebrate the ambitions and congratulate ourselves if we do not then try to achieve them and really try to drive that change. There are some barriers to the acceptance that we will do that. The work will not be comfortable for everyone. There is going to be a need for some tough political decisions and a need for members of the community to step up and do more than they are doing. Business-as-usual approaches will lead to business-as-usual solutions. The targets are ambitious and we need to step up to them.

On other barriers, Jamie Stewart mentioned people not recognising the impacts of their individual behaviours. That needs to be emphasised, but we also need good leadership. People say, “I can turn my thermostat down by a degree, but there’s an industrial plant on the outskirts of town that belches out CO2.” There needs to be some regulation so that we have a systemic approach and not just the carrot and stick of Mrs Jones on the street having to change. This needs to be done across society, with businesses, industry and local authorities having roles.

That leads me to the point that there is a strong role not only for local authorities but for community groups. It is not necessarily the case that people always want what is best for their community. In my experience, they want what is best for them within their community. The community organisations are great at being in between individuals and local authorities and engaging with people who are concerned about how things will affect their families and what changes they will have to make.

Mary Sweetland

You will know that, nowadays, most of our members of churches are in the grey-haired arena. At the beginning, their view was, “What’s the point? We’re not going to be here.” However, we have seen a change, and with the communications and other things, they now accept that we need to do this work for our children and grandchildren. That is a big shift that we have managed to bring about through the 450-odd churches that are involved in the eco-congregation Scotland network.

However, the churches are also the main source of volunteers in Scotland. Through individual action and the things that they do, they talk to the community groups that use the church buildings and they see what they do, so they can make sure that polystyrene is not used anywhere and educate the people who come to the churches. We are beginning to roll that work out through different networks. It is a bit like the community asset model.

There are ministers and priests in Scotland who say, “Climate change isn’t happening. What’s it to do with us?” Part of the role of our environmental chaplain is to make sure that nobody from any of the Christian faiths—and they also work with other faiths in Scotland—questions whether they have a responsibility to bring about the behaviour change that looks after the world.

Dr Howell

I partly agree with Mr Lyle, but the Scottish Government is genuinely trying to lead here, and that is excellent. There is a real attempt to make changes, so in that sense I do not think that we are just kidding ourselves.

However, we will, unfortunately, be kidding ourselves if we just stick with the targets in the bill. We are kidding ourselves if we think that reaching 90 per cent by 2050 and 66 per cent by 2030, which does not represent significant change from what we already have, will be enough for where we need to get to, or in terms of justice. That is important in relation to psychologically engaging people, because we are going to be looking at very significant changes. Why would people make changes if they would perhaps get us nearly to where we want to be, but not quite there? It will not encourage people if they hear from organisations such as Stop Climate Chaos and academics such as Kevin Anderson that the targets that have been put in place are not going to be good enough. That is not an engaging narrative. That is one important point.

On whose responsibility it is, I have a lot of sympathy with policy makers. You are between a rock and a hard place. I was saying this to Jamie Stewart outside the meeting room. A few years ago, there was quite a strong narrative from the public about how people really want us to do something about climate change but they do not want us to do anything that really affects them. That narrative is changing now. People are looking for strong leadership and Scotland is in a fantastic place to offer leadership and a positive and aspirational narrative about leadership on climate change within the UK and the international community.

The Government has a huge responsibility, but we share it. We—me, as a teacher, my colleagues here—as public engagers all share the responsibility and it is ours, now, in this moment. Our generation has to do this. We have to make the changes now. The policy makers, teachers and so on of today have to change things. It is our moment.

Jamie Stewart

To reiterate what Rachel Howell has said, the Scottish Government is leading in this area. It has a low carbon behaviours team and the ISM tool, which is a good tool for looking at how behaviour should be incorporated into public policy.

However, it is important to have a bit more clarity about what is expected of people. That does not necessarily need to be communicated immediately to individual households, but the climate change plan has set targets for one-off behaviour changes, such as installing energy efficiency measures and, beyond that, people and organisations do not know what is expected of individuals and whether individual change is required. The Scottish Government should perhaps try to make that clearer so that the delivery organisations on the ground and the grassroots organisations know what behaviours they are striving for.

The Convener

As I mentioned earlier, we took evidence from two individuals in Sweden. They said that, until now, climate change has been incremental but transformational change is now required. Where do you see that transformation happening? Is it really going to be incumbent on Government to put things in place for such a transformational change to take place? If you were going to lead such transformational change, and were going to do X because it would make the biggest difference, what do you think should be tackled first to drive this transformational change that is not going to disadvantage ordinary Scots? I am sorry; I know that is a very difficult question but it is the big question: what is the transformation and how do we bring people with us?

Mary Sweetland

Part of what we do through the eco-congregation networks involves the early adopters. Yesterday, somebody asked me why I had an electric car and why I did not get a hybrid. My answer to that was there was an interest-free loan from the Scottish Government, and I wanted to show that we could travel from Gartocharn to Edinburgh using an electric car, that it worked and that it was reliable.

Three or four other people have now followed that lead. That is one of the things that networks can do. We had someone from the plastic free West Dunbartonshire campaign talking to our local network yesterday. People were sharing ideas, and we need to have communities who can do that. That is how we see bringing about that transformational change.

We need leadership that says that we have to go there and gives out clear messages and it has to come from the whole Scottish Government, not just the environment department. Sometimes, the approach is not joined up. There needs to be a straightforward approach to tackling the issue. Every department needs to think about which of its policies could have an impact on the environment.

Jamie Stewart

It is almost a cause of anxiety that people feel that a big transformational change needs to be made but they are not quite sure what they need to do. There needs to be recognition that a lot of that transformational change will be made by various sectors. I am thinking of sectors in which emissions have not reduced, such as the agricultural sector and the transport sector. I feel that all the emphasis should not be put on making the individual change through the use of a guilt-driven agenda. There needs to be agreement that the transformational change that is required will be made by all sectors and that individuals can play their part. Buying an electric vehicle is a way for individuals to reduce their transport emissions. Beyond that, we should encourage simple changes, such as changes in how we heat our homes and insulate our properties. We should not give people the idea that they have to make big scary changes; people should be encouraged to make simple changes that they want to make, such as reducing their meat consumption. I think that we should steer away from building up fear among people that, as individuals, they ought to make really big changes.

Stewart Stevenson

We are trying to tease out the barriers that exist to behaviour change. I want to briefly explore the issue of perception versus reality. The context for that is something that Shane Donnellan said earlier—that it is cheaper to fly to London than it is to get the train. I have just done a check. On 10 December, leaving at 8 o’clock in the morning, a train ticket costs £34, whereas the cheapest flight costs £58. On top of that, people who fly arrive at an airport; they do not arrive in the city. The cost of the additional surface travel for getting to the city centre is a further £21.60. Therefore, the train costs £34 and flying costs a total of £79.60, if you book a month ahead.

Is it not the case that there is a perception problem, whereby people think that, if they are going to fly, they must plan ahead, but when they want to catch the train, they can just get the walk-up fare? If people do that, flying looks cheap. How do we tackle that? In a sense, I am gently accusing Shane Donnellan of perpetuating a myth. Personally, I have never found it to be cheaper to fly between Edinburgh and London—except on one occasion—and it is certainly not quicker. It is also much more hassle. How do we tackle the issue of perception and reality, of which that is one example?

The Convener

Does anyone want to answer Stewart Stevenson’s question?

Stewart Stevenson

Shane Donnellan might want to.

The Convener

As you were mentioned, Shane—

Dr Howell

Shane wants time to think.

In some ways, you are right, but that is not always the case. There is definitely an issue with perception and reality. For example, research shows that people underestimate how long it takes to get somewhere by car and that they overestimate how long it would take to make the same journey by walking or cycling. We also have very different ideas about delays. If a train is delayed by 10 minutes, everyone complains about how poor the train service is. If someone was making the same journey by car, they would never say to the people whom they were visiting, “I’m going to arrive at three minutes past 12,” and consider themselves late if they arrived at 13 minutes past 12. They would say, “I’ll probably be with you around lunch time,” or, “I’ll be there somewhere between 12 and 1.” How people approach such decisions is an interesting issue.

One of the things that we can do is make people aware of that. People can sometimes change the way that they think simply by being aware of what they do. The bystander effect—the effect whereby, if several people witness an event in response to which action needs to be taken, all of them wait for someone else to do something—can be reduced or eliminated by telling people that that is what happens, so that they know that they need to take action in such circumstances. If we tell people and get them to think about the issue—in this case, if we get them to think about how long in advance they plan for a flight and how long in advance they plan for a train journey—that might help to change people’s behaviour.

10:30  

I do not think that it is always the case that it is cheaper to travel by train, so we need to tackle the real barriers that prevent people travelling by train. It is often cheaper to fly if people are taking a flight to London to go further on. Someone can buy a through ticket if they are flying down to London in order to get to Singapore. If they want to make a long-distance journey by train, they can go to a wonderful website—the man in seat 61—that will tell them about a load of different train companies, but they will not be able to buy a through ticket and there will be all sorts of different deadlines by which they need to book a cheap ticket in advance. For example, they could book from Edinburgh to London for £34 or whatever for one date, but they cannot be certain that they will get a follow-on ticket from London to Paris or wherever, because the booking window for that will not be open. We need to think about the different ways in which people are undertaking journeys and ensure that everything is much more joined up.

Stewart Stevenson

I use the man in seat 61 website. I had to fly from Krakow to Budapest and it was 11 times more expensive than Budapest to Bratislava, which was further.

The Convener

I am sorry, but we have to move on rather than talk about how to get to Budapest, as we have other questions that need answered. I will move on to Angus MacDonald.

Angus MacDonald (Falkirk East) (SNP)

Good morning, panel. In the evidence that we took from Sweden last week, Stefan Nyström and Anders Wijkman spoke about how much easier it would be to communicate a net zero target to the general public than to speak about lesser targets or percentages, which can make it difficult for the general public to comprehend fully. We have already explored this to some extent, but can you expand on how policy makers can secure popular support and, more important, buy-in for Scotland’s climate change targets?

Shane Donnellan

Something that has been mentioned before—it is a bit of a shock phrase—is war effort. A lot of people who are still with us refer back to the war and to how it was a case of everyone getting on board, doing their bit and playing their part. Everyone was part of the war effort. I will stop the war analogy, because I do not think that doom and gloom will be helpful and motivating for people. However, it is about telling people that they have a role and that it is up to them. It is not a case of people just doing one or two clearly visible behaviours; it is about a way of living their life, a new approach and building a momentum.

This week, a survey found that 600,000 Britons identify as vegan, which is a fourfold increase in four years. That is because it is now okay to be vegan. I am not saying that we all need to go vegan. However, being vegan has been normalised and better vegan options are available in supermarkets and restaurants; it is no longer just the pursuit of the elite who do not have to worry about where their next meal is coming from, but is now an option. There is also vegetarianism and—because everything needs a label—flexitarianism, which is about people reducing the amount of meat that they eat. In the national survey, two thirds of Britons reported that within the past couple of years they have reduced the amount of meat that they consume, largely for environmental reasons and because other people are doing it.

We do not need to refer to the idea of a war effort, but we need to bring everyone on board—that will be key.

Mary Sweetland

Media coverage of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s recent report suggests that people are very keen on doing their bit and that a net zero target would be well accepted across Scotland, because it would make people realise that they need to take some action.

Jamie Stewart

Gaining public support for a net zero 2050 target is the easy part; getting public support for the programmes that will come into place next year is the more difficult bit. If we look at the owner-occupier sector, is there a regulation that says that people will have to do something with their homes? Public support is needed for the short-term programmes that facilitate the long-term targets, which are the important part.

Research, including research on consumers, is important to understanding what makes people want to participate in short-term targets rather than just thinking that we should be net zero by 2050. It is important to think about what takes place in the next few years.

Dr Howell

The justice narrative is attractive and engaging—it is about taking a just approach in Scotland and across the world. Framing it as something that is about our playing a just part is very attractive to people, and all sorts of organisations will help to push that narrative. For example, Scotland has ties with Malawi, so lots of organisations will be interested in doing that as part of their work.

The Convener

Should the economics be an argument? Sometimes, the economic opportunity for people does not get talked about as much.

Dr Howell

My suggested structural changes would lead to a huge job-building programme, so long as we did it properly and with proper thought. As I mentioned, with a just transition you do not just allow people’s jobs to drop away; you bring in jobs, too.

The Convener

The tendency is to talk about giving stuff up and to say that things will change in a negative way. We need to reverse that and talk about the changes in a positive way.

Dr Howell

It is about gaining healthier lifestyles, safer streets and cleaner ways of living, and about our being looked up to as a leader—there are a load of positive narratives. I keep using the word “co-benefits”, which is very important. This does not have to be all about climate change legislation; it can be about all sorts of other concerns that people feel strongly about, such as air pollution and healthy lifestyles.

Rhoda Grant

Citizens Advice Scotland has identified four areas that are likely to influence how certain policies will impact consumers differently. We have spoken about two of those areas: those who live in urban and rural areas and the socioeconomic status of consumers. The other two areas are people’s local authority area and consumers’ housing tenure. Given what we have heard this morning—I say this with a degree of disappointment—it looks as though the policies could build in huge disadvantage in already disadvantaged communities, especially for those in rural areas and maybe for those of a lower socioeconomic status. How should those considerations be built into future climate policy and a just transition in a way that will not leave people behind or damage their interests? Those issues have concerned me this morning.

Jamie Stewart

Thank you for raising those points. Again, it is about looking at the potential co-benefits and opportunities rather than the negative impacts.

There are risks; there are negative impacts. However, let us take fuel poverty as an example. In Scotland, 26.5 per cent of people are in fuel poverty, and a lot of them live in energy inefficient homes. Programmes that have appropriate Government financial support to help people to insulate their homes would not, I hope, impact negatively on the household. If the grants are there to help, there will be positive health impacts from insulation. We have to look at such programmes in terms of their not only reducing emissions, but having the co-benefit of improving health and wellbeing. It is important to look at programmes that focus on co-benefits.

Mary Sweetland

I wonder whether the challenge is in setting targets that include a rural focus. The roll-out of superfast broadband has a great target, but any company will pick the low-hanging fruit and it is the final 5 per cent—which are the rural communities—that do not have broadband. We must ensure that there is a specific rural target, so that those communities are up front and are not left until the end. That might be something for you to focus on, in order to ensure that they are not left disadvantaged by climate change policy.

If people can work from home, they do not need to travel as much. They could videoconference in to meetings, rather than travel for two hours to Edinburgh for today’s meeting. The societal change that needs to happen is about not having meetings for meetings’ sake. We will have other ways of communicating and people will be able to stay in rural areas and do that.

Rhoda Grant

That works if people have broadband.

Mary Sweetland

Exactly. Do not talk to me about that at the moment.

John Scott

I should have declared an interest as a farmer and a one-time rural dweller in my previous exchange with Dr Howell.

Much has been said about what needs to be done, particularly in rural areas, which, as Rhoda Grant has said, are already disadvantaged through lack of services, lack of broadband and fuel poverty. If a two-tier society is envisaged, and de facto that is what is being said, what are the practical things that can be done?

To throw the challenge back to the panel, what is academia doing about knowledge transfer? You appear to have given up on the voluntary approach. Perhaps you should look at whether you are entirely satisfied that you have done all that you can in advising rural businesses on how to proceed in what they should be doing in the future. I am not certain that that work is being done by the Government. I am not sure that it is being done by academia. I would be interested in what you have to say about that.

Dr Howell

No academic is ever satisfied that they have done enough in terms of research or transferring knowledge. The job is never finished.

The pressures on my work mean that my main avenue of knowledge transfer is to students. It is becoming harder to do the job of going beyond the university, because of the pressure of the number of students. Partly because I am in the job because I love teaching and facilitating learning, I see my main sphere of influence as with students.

I have not done enough about talking to rural businesses, because that is not my area of expertise. I am sorry that I have been misunderstood in terms of my expertise and what I was trying to say. I was not envisaging a two-tier society. I was envisaging that there might be different speeds at which things are rolled out, and that there should not be penalties on people who live in rural areas if things cannot be rolled out at the same speed. For example, I am anti the idea of having a huge carbon tax, precisely because it would have a disproportionate impact on poorer people and people who live in more rural areas.

There definitely needs to be a whole load more research, and more people doing it. That is what any academic will always say.

John Scott

I do not mean it badly, but would it be fair to say that we are long on analysis today about what the problems are but short on solutions. Maybe others, such as Claudia Beamish, disagree with me, but that is what the debate is about. I would like to hear more about the solutions. I am not certain that we are being told about the practical solutions. I agree with the panel that there is a willingness to change that is manifest across every aspect of life in Scotland, but there is uncertainty about what needs to be done to put one’s shoulder to the wheel.

Dr Howell

I do not think that we are short on solutions. We are short on a very detailed road map of exactly how to get there and how to do it justly.

That is not entirely the fault of researchers. When you do research, you cannot be certain what the outcome is going to be. For example, Cancer Research UK has not yet managed to eliminate cancer, but that does not mean that it is not doing important work. Every time something is published that finds that a treatment does not work, that is just as valuable as finding a treatment that does work.

10:45  

As I said earlier, I am sorry to say that, in 10 years of research, I have learned a lot about what does not work, what does not work very well or what works only incrementally as far as persuasion, focusing on values and so on are concerned. However, that work is not useless, because it points us in the direction that we have to go in. That is why I am changing my research programme. All I can do is be honest about what I have learned and how that has led me to change my thinking.

I share Mr Scott’s frustration on this matter. I read academic papers that contain a lot of critique of Governments for focusing too much on psychological and economic levers and not enough on structures, and I want them to say exactly how it would work. Some papers do, and they talk about whole-system change, of which the congestion charge in London is a good example. There are just not enough good examples, but that is not necessarily because people are not trying to find them; it is because this is a really difficult problem.

Having an analysis of the problem is very important if we are to find solutions, but there are still some people in society and the policy world who do not accept what the problem is or exactly how serious it is. Last week, I attended Kevin Anderson’s public talk—I am sure that many of you were at his private event—and, although his analysis was rather short on very detailed solutions, he gave some broad-picture solutions and it was still valuable to hear exactly where he thinks we are at with regard to a fair carbon budget for Scotland and the overall picture.

Mark Ruskell

In my final question, I want to come back to the bill, its targets and the scale of its ambition. The United Kingdom Committee on Climate Change has offered its view by saying that the current targets in the bill are

“at the limit of feasibility”,

but what do you consider to be feasible? Do you, too, believe that we are at the limits of feasibility, or do you think that there are ways in which we could go further? What does feasibility mean in terms of behaviour change? Are we at that limit yet?

Mary Sweetland

I will tackle that question, given my experience of setting targets in the health service. I have always said that there should be goals, not targets. We should set a goal of being at zero carbon. We are talking about a long time from now, and the predictions that people are making will be adjusted over the next 30 to 40 years. I know that politicians get concerned about setting targets that they know will not be met. If the aim is to change behaviour, we might miss the target at the end of things and reach only 95 per cent, but at least we will know what we are trying to get to. That might help to bring about the change in a better way.

Jamie Stewart

I agree that it seems like a long-term target and like we have lots of time to change. However, if we are thinking about more structural behaviours such as the buying of new boilers, the fact is that people keep boilers for 30 or 40 years, which means that we are relying on programmes such as energy efficient Scotland being successful. We do not have the time to risk another green deal—in other words, a programme that might look really good on paper, but that is as far as it goes.

The targets feel relatively feasible if the programmes are designed well and work well. If they do not work with this opportunity, we will not have that much time to try again.

Mark Ruskell

What is your consideration of the UKCCC’s advice on the opportunities for structural change through technical innovation? Are we still very much reliant on people making the right choice, because they have seen an electric vehicle on a forecourt or whatever?

Shane Donnellan

There is perhaps a tendency to do that, but people need to think that electric vehicles and so on are more efficient. We need to stop tweaking and start changing things.

To go back to your earlier question, change is inevitable. Society will change, but what that change looks like can be shaped. In Scotland, things are different from how they were in the 1980s and in the 1960s. Any number of factors can be at play, but strong leadership can shift what the change involves. If people really think about how they consume and how they contribute to emissions, that focus can be capitalised on.

Dr Howell

The UKCCC is thinking about feasibility in terms of what it can see a complete road map to, which I think is a mistake, because the landscape will change as we move. In my life, things that I thought would be unfeasible for me to do have become perfectly feasible because, as I have made changes, that has changed the landscape in which I make choices.

There are two different ideas about what feasibility means. There is what seems to be economically, psychologically or politically feasible and then there are the immutable laws of physics, which involve a totally different level of feasibility. It is infeasible to imagine that we will solve the problem of climate change if we do not set strong enough targets. That wall has a different quality of hardness and a different quality of impenetrability from the economic and political stuff. That is an absolute, whereas the economics and the politics will change.

If we have a strong enough narrative about why the end is net zero emissions by 2050 or whenever, we do not have to know the absolute and total detail of how we will get to the end. That will make things more feasible as we go.

The Convener

The green deal was mentioned. Did the fact that some companies that do cold calling jumped on the green deal affect people’s behaviour? I remember a good six months of not answering my home phone because of such calls. A well-meaning aspiration to have solar panels or whatever was hijacked, which affected public confidence. How should the Government improve public confidence in any new incentives to drive behaviour change so that they do not end up having the opposite effect?

Shane Donnellan

Joined-up thinking between local authorities and community organisations and strong leadership from the Government are needed. No one ever intends a big infrastructure project to fail. The green deal did not work, but that was no one’s intention—it was the result of systemic issues, such as things that had not been considered in the planning phase or aspects of the change that had not been prioritised.

We spoke about incentives. The green deal is an example of an incentive, but it did not work, because it was not considered in the wider context of all the other factors that contribute to someone’s decision. When things such as cold calling happen, the situation can run away and lose its purpose. Instead of being associated with accessing finance, the green deal was suddenly associated with cold calls, and that became its meaning.

A holistic approach is needed from day 1 that involves local authorities as well as the Government in creating a holistic plan. The word “holistic” can be a buzzword that is thrown around, but that is what we must come back to.

The Convener

People need to know that they can trust an initiative and that they will not be ripped off, which is what happened in a lot of cases. Does Citizens Advice have thoughts on that?

Jamie Stewart

Public trust in any programme that seems to be Government led is important. Consumer protection might be on the drier side of things, but it is important. If a company that is involved in a scheme does not treat a household right or provides a poor service, and if public confidence in the programme drops, the huge risk is that the message that the programme is not a good thing to do will spread by word of mouth. As I said, we do not have many opportunities to implement such changes. Having a body that is well trusted and having appropriate consumer protections is important.

The Convener

We have reached the end of our questions. I thank everyone on the panel for their time.

10:55 Meeting suspended.  

11:00 On resuming—  

The Convener

I am delighted to welcome our second panel of witnesses today, with whom we will look at governance in the context of the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill. I welcome Paul Gray, chief executive of NHS Scotland; Mai Muhammad, energy manager at Aberdeen City Council; Tom Thackray, director of infrastructure and energy at the Confederation of British Industry Scotland; and Chris Wood-Gee, chair of the sustainable Scotland network.

I have a general question about the role of the public and private sectors in driving the changes that it is incumbent on our society to make. What role can the public and private sectors play in supporting a wider range of low-carbon behaviour? I will take the public sector first and start with Paul Gray.

Paul Gray (NHS Scotland)

Thank you, convener. Before I respond to your question, if I do not have the facts that the committee wants to know, I am happy to provide a swift response after today’s meeting. I just wanted to make that offer.

The public sector has to demonstrate a degree of leadership, although that is not to say that the responsibility rests exclusively with the public sector. For example, when we procure new build or refurbishment, we have to be exemplary in our design and specification. The way that we use our public health initiatives to prompt people to take more exercise is not just about public health and improving the health of the population; it is also about reducing the use of motorised transport.

We need to help our staff understand what terms such as “climate change” and “reducing emissions”, which often sound like umbrella terms, really mean in practice. If the committee wishes to hear them, I have some examples of what we are doing in those areas. Would that be helpful?

The Convener

It would be very helpful.

Paul Gray

You mentioned governance, and we have established an NHS Scotland national energy forum and a national sustainability steering group. Those governance bodies are intended to review and manage national health service board requirements. The steering group, in particular, provides oversight and governance of sustainability issues, including public sector climate change reporting responsibilities. It also provides guidance to NHS boards on the production of reports so that we are reporting to a common standard.

We are also doing a lot with procurement. When our capital investment group reviews business cases and investment appraisals, it takes advice from Architecture and Design Scotland on any build or refurbishment elements of procurement. Unless and until the architects are satisfied that the sustainability elements of that procurement are sufficient, the business case will not be signed off, even if it meets other value-for-money or deliverability criteria. The sustainability elements of procurement are critical to getting to sign-off.

In September this year, we launched sustainability action branding and a campaign. Again, I can provide the committee with more detail but, in principle, that work highlights that all NHS staff, whether they are clinical, public health, management or estates, have a part to play in acting sustainably. Anyone who is working on a sustainability-related topic or wants to promote change can use the sustainability action toolkit that we have developed to promote their activities. Examples will be shared more widely as they are gathered.

Would you like more detail, or shall I pause there?

The Convener

It would be good to hear from Mai Muhammad on what Aberdeen City Council is doing, and what she feels local authorities have to offer in leading the charge.

Mai Muhammad (Aberdeen City Council)

I feel that Aberdeen is well placed, as far as local authorities are concerned, as we have several strategies running. For a start, we are piloting the Scottish Government-funded low-carbon heat and energy efficiency strategy, and we are looking at a pilot area where we can deliver low-carbon heat and energy efficiency on an area-wide basis. That very current example brings in the private sector as well as the local authority.

Internally, we have introduced a building energy performance policy that covers new build, especially new schools, where we are building for the next 40 years and are thinking about not only the children who are being taught today but those who will be taught in future. We are future proofing our buildings with regard to energy efficiency and the use of technology in that respect. As a result of the internal policies that we have introduced, every project has to go through a building performance checklist.

As part of our sustainable energy action plan, we have the city-wide powering Aberdeen strategy, in which we bring in the private sector in Aberdeen—which has not only a large oil and gas sector but small and medium-sized enterprises and other larger-scale businesses and investments—and ask what it can do about climate change and how the council can work with it on the matter. That is a key issue.

It is one thing to show that we are leading things, but it is also important that we take a partnership approach. I think that Aberdeen is doing well in that respect by doing a lot of engagement and having a lot of meetings that look at sustainability, low carbon and energy efficiency. It is a constant theme for us. We also have a well-established energy services company, Aberdeen Heat and Power, which delivers a district heating network. We are growing that business in the city.

We are already doing a lot with regard to putting climate change plans in place, but obviously we will have a lot more to do as a result of the bill. As with most of the public sector in Scotland, the public sector in the city owns a large portfolio of buildings, and we have a duty of care in ensuring that they are fit for the future in terms of not only energy performance but how they might be used. We need to think ahead about whether buildings will be used in the same way and, indeed, what they will be like in future.

We are one of the city’s largest employers, and one of our local outcome improvement plans focuses on “prosperous people”. The issue in that respect is how we develop a climate change strategy that benefits the people in the city of Aberdeen.

Finally, for the past two years, we have been reporting on carbon emissions through public bodies duties reporting, and we have been able to track our emissions profile over that time.

The Convener

Both of you lead large organisations that engage with the general public in a significant way. Are you encouraging or incentivising behaviour change in everything that can help us meet our targets? After all, you have contact with the majority of the populace as well as your employees.

Paul Gray

As the committee might be aware, we are in the process of establishing a new public health body that will bring together some of the responsibilities of NHS Health Scotland and NHS National Services Scotland, partly to improve our impact on and influence over population-level behaviour change.

However, there are also small things that we can do. For example, one health board—and, unless you press me, I would rather not say which, because I am sure that this is happening in more than one—has a sign in its bicycle park that says, more or less, “You bring your bike at your own risk, and if anything happens to it, that’s not our fault.” I am paraphrasing, of course, but we could encourage people to use bikes by providing a place where they can leave them in safety, giving them an opportunity to padlock them and so on instead of adopting what I would describe as quite a defensive attitude.

Something else that we have sought to do—with rather limited success so far, I have to say, but that does not mean that we will not keep trying—is to provide access to public transport so that people do not have to use their cars to get to hospitals and other facilities. I accept here and now that that has not yet been a resounding success, but we need to get better at it.

We also need to maximise the use of technology so that people do not have to travel to get access to health and care services. For example, people in Cumnock with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease—or heart and lung disease—have been provided with facilities that allow them to be treated from a distance. That means that they do not have to come to hospital, which not only is good for them but saves on travel and emissions.

As I said, our sustainability action plan has just been launched. Part of it is about providing people with supporting tools and programmes that allow boards to baseline themselves in terms of not just what they are doing with their buildings and the other infrastructure elements that I have mentioned but our overall progress with regard to the Scottish national performance framework and the United Nations sustainable development goals. That matters; NHS Scotland employs approximately 163,000 people in Scotland, which means that we have a huge reach with regard to both the people whom we treat and the people whom we employ, and if we are not demonstrating exemplary behaviours ourselves, it is quite hard for us to persuade the rest of the population when we say that they should take more exercise.

This is about being not only an exemplar employer but an exemplar in how we design and build things, and we could say more about how we are saving public funds by adopting more sustainable approaches to delivering services. For example, Girvan community hospital in the NHS Ayrshire and Arran area was designed to minimise environmental impact. Without going into too much detail—although I can, if the committee so wishes—I can tell you that there will be a 3 per cent reduction in Ayrshire and Arran’s CO2 emissions, simply because of what we have done in that one hospital. It is really important that the public understands that we are taking this seriously in the services that we provide and in the way that we design and build things.

The Convener

Of course, it is incumbent on not just the public sector to lead the charge on this, and I wonder what Tom Thackray has to say about what can be done to encourage behavioural change in the private sector and how it can work in partnership with the public sector to help the country meet its climate change targets.

Tom Thackray (Confederation of British Industry Scotland)

You have hit the nail on the head by saying that this is about partnership. The challenge of climate change is bigger than anything that can be met by either the public sector or the private sector on its own.

What are the mechanisms that we have put in place to enable businesses to invest in tackling climate change and in green initiatives? At the outset, I make it clear that the CBI members to whom we speak are instinctively positive about the climate change agenda and the need for ambitious targets. In that sense, the bill’s proposals for more ambitious targets are being met with enthusiasm, with businesses seeing an opportunity in that respect. Alongside Westminster, Scotland can play an important leadership role in driving that change.

However, CBI members would stress that the targets must be accompanied by a systems-wide policy regime that makes them achievable and affordable. At the moment, businesses see policy gaps that in some instances prevent them from playing that leadership role.

The Convener

Can you be more specific about that?

Tom Thackray

Absolutely. We have seen massive cuts in carbon emissions from the power sector over the past five years—indeed, even further back than that—whereas the emissions from the wider economy, including industry, buildings and transport, have largely been flat.

The policy agenda that has driven emissions reductions in the power sector has not been quite so evident elsewhere in the economy. There are still opportunities in the power sector. For example, providing a route to market for onshore wind and solar technologies through contracts for difference is one quick win that most businesses would be aligned in supporting. There is also an opportunity to provide certainty on the carbon price in the context of Brexit and the European Union emissions trading scheme. Those are the types of policy frameworks that really matter to businesses if they are to make investments that enable them to play a leadership role and bring their customers with them.

11:15  

The Convener

We heard from the previous panel about the need for consistency in incentives. Obviously, that is an issue for anyone who makes investments in the private or public sector. People need consistency in policies so that, for example, if they are investing in a wind turbine, they know that they will not be disadvantaged in a couple of years by a policy change. Do you agree with that?

Tom Thackray

That is absolutely fundamental. The time horizon for the targets is up to 2050, so policy certainty is needed. For example, the moment at which we transition towards electric vehicles must be set out far enough in advance to enable the companies that manufacture those vehicles to invest accordingly. That is a prime example of the importance of such certainty.

We have seen a lot of chopping and changing in the policy environment in recent years. I will give just one case in point. If we are looking to establish a more ambitious target for emissions reduction, as is proposed in the bill, carbon capture and storage will be absolutely fundamental to meeting that target. The support from the Westminster Government was withdrawn a few years ago and has not been rebuilt with the scale that is necessary if there is to be real progress in the area. As we look forward to policy decisions over the next few years, that is a gap that business would like to be addressed.

The Convener

Obviously, Chris Wood-Gee’s organisation has an overview and does not look at the public and private sectors in silos.

Chris Wood-Gee (Sustainable Scotland Network)

Yes. The SSN leads on the public sector climate change duties reporting. To reiterate Tom Thackray’s comment, the word that I scribbled down when you asked about the public and private sectors was “partnership”. If we want to build a building, we always have private sector partners in there. The relationship between the public and private sectors is crucial. The examples that we can garner and pull together through the climate change duties reporting help to build an evidence base that private and public sector bodies can dip into to understand what is possible in order to achieve the targets that we are heading towards.

The convener commented on consistency of support, which is crucial. We are on a long-term journey so, although support for doing things over a couple of years is really useful and we will do our level best to buy into that, with the best will in the world, some of the projects and activities that the public sector needs to achieve might take several years to set up. If only short-term support is available, you do not have the wherewithal to take forward those activities. You get part way through and think, “I can’t carry on with that.” We need long-term consistent support. We need to have good examples of what works and we need to know what does not work so that we can work in the right direction.

John Scott

I hear what you say about consistency of approach, and, coming from a business sector, I well understand that. However, given the vagaries of life, climate change, Government and political events that are not yet foreseen, should the phrase “consistency of approach” be substituted by “a consistent direction of travel” because, not unreasonably, things might change over time? Could that point about a consistent direction of travel and the possibility that things might change be factored into the targets? I do not know—I am slightly playing devil’s advocate.

Chris Wood-Gee

They are perhaps two sides of the same coin, to some extent. If we know where we are heading, we will have that consistency of approach, although the technology that goes with that will change as time goes on. Better carbon capture and storage is a prime example of that. I was always very sceptical about CCS, but having read a bit more about it, I think that it is a sensible approach: we have some big holes in the ground so we can put the carbon underground and get rid of it.

A direction of travel or strategic policy that people can follow is really important, regardless of whether they are in the public or private sector. I suspect that the private sector would like to be able to understand the consistent direction of travel as much as the public sector.

Tom Thackray

Setting the strategic direction in the long term, ensuring that it does not change and is consistent, regardless of political colour or perspective, with more granularity in the expectations for each sector, would go a long way towards providing a bit more certainty for business.

John Scott

I agree.

Mark Ruskell

To what extent is the planning system delivering that strategic focus on carbon reduction, particularly in the way in which we plan our places? For example, if Paul Gray is planning a new hospital or a CBI member is planning a new industrial estate, are you building in opportunities for low-carbon transport, district heating and so on? To what extent are such things embedded in the planning system and is that delivering the certainty that we need around how we create low-carbon places for the future? Are you engaging with that?

Mai Muhammad

I can respond from the perspective of Aberdeen City Council. Planning has a huge role to play in influencing infrastructure, whether buildings or services. I find it frustrating that we are not given enough power to be able to say to a developer that it must put in, for example, district heating network infrastructure and that before anything else is built, it must consider the carbon value of the services that it will provide. We do not ask those questions; the only questions we ask are: “What does your building look like?”, “What is the footprint?” and “What buses will you put on?” That does not take it to the next level, which is where we need to be.

We need to consider digital infrastructure and future proofing how we service it. We do not want to keep digging up roads over and over again—we have that a lot in the council. We also need to consider the type of homes that we allow people to build. The current planning guidelines do not make space for innovation. The powers that we have are quite limited.

I hope that in the next 10 to 20 years, a transformational change will happen in how we deliver health, education and business services and how we think about people living in the same space, whether in an urban, rural or community environment. Today, that is not cohesive. A step change is required for us to get to where we want to be in 2050. There is still a lot of work to do.

Planning has a big role to play and I would love to engage with that. Putting energy infrastructure into the design early doors is key, whether for a hospital or any other development. If the building is up, it is already too late. We are always trying to retrofit, and it costs a lot more money to retrofit any type of business—manufacturing, industry, hotels, services, hospitals—than it would cost to put money into the design today.

It would be helpful if the Government could support us—whether through funding or other means—to get that message across.

Tom Thackray

When public bodies commission services from the private sector, one of the things that prevents such innovative dialogue and the coming together of more partners is the tendency of some of those bodies to procure on the basis of lowest cost, rather than to take a long-term view and look for innovation. For many of our members, that is the major bugbear in relation to public sector bodies.

Inconsistency of approach is also an issue. We accept that different areas have different priorities and that businesses can respond to that, but if public bodies use different processes and approaches, it takes time for businesses to learn the unique features of each area.

Claudia Beamish

I have a brief question for Mai Muhammad, but others are welcome to comment.

The Planning (Scotland) Bill is going through Parliament at the moment, and some of us have lodged probing amendments about future proofing the planning structures for large infrastructure projects. I am not asking you to design an amendment right now, but what would be a robust and good way of setting those at the Scottish Government level to enable that to happen while, at the same time, we give local authorities the respect that they deserve and enable them to shape the future of their communities?

Mai Muhammad

The statutory obligations that local authorities will have with regard to the local heat energy efficiency strategy, which is part of the energy efficiency route map, should be taken into account in any future planning legislation. It is important to understand how the council and its partner communities can make a place better—in terms of living space, service provision, transport and so on. Things are not linked up well at the moment; everything seems to be in silos, with different strategies dealing with different things separately. For example, planning deals with green space, transport and so on but does not deal so much with energy efficiency and how a low-carbon approach might impact on the future use of an area. For example, when I engage with colleagues on flooding risk, I try to promote an understanding of the importance of the way in which we build our buildings for their ability to take on the impacts of climate change—I might ask what they are doing about that, given that the climate is getting warmer. I do that because I have not yet seen a newly built school whose design considered that.

Such issues are not taken into account at the early stages, and they are not included in any of the planning requirements. If the bill took all of those impacts into account, we would be in a better place from which to move forward than we are just now.

Angus MacDonald

Both the Rural Affairs, Climate Change and Environment Committee in the previous session of Parliament and this committee have placed a strong emphasis on public sector reporting. The majority of our reporting bodies agree that mandatory climate change reporting is welcome, and they say that it has helped them to build on climate change action. To what extent is public sector reporting effecting real change across the public sector and beyond?

Chris Wood-Gee

It is starting to work. Local authorities have been going through the climate change declaration report since about 2007, and the mandatory report is now into its third full year. Getting the information together takes quite a lot of work, but it helps us to understand what we are doing across the whole of the public sector, which is crucial.

The process will need tweaking. We have worked with it for long enough to understand what the good bits are and where there are opportunities to improve it. It might be good for the Scottish Government to consider that.

It is important that we continue to report so that we can continue to develop an understanding of where we are going. In the past, there was the carbon reduction commitment, but it involved only gas and electricity and did not look at the whole picture. What is really good about the climate change reports is that they look at what individual organisations are doing in terms of emissions in buildings and wider emissions and how the governance works in various organisations. That enables us to learn from the people who are doing it best, so that we can all head in the same direction.

It is quite a lot of work, but I think that it is worth while and that you will get a lot more out of it as our datasets develop and we start to interrogate them, find the best things that are happening and make best use of the information that we secure.

11:30  

Paul Gray

I hold strongly to the view that public services are publicly accountable and therefore there should be no resistance to reporting. It might be difficult and complicated and we might not have all the data, but there should not be resistance to reporting, because we are accountable to the public whom you are elected to serve.

However, there are also positive advantages to reporting. We can baseline and see the differences between different bodies. Some differences can be explained, but some cannot, and if one body’s energy efficiency is 25 per cent better than another’s and they have roughly the same estate and footprint, that exposes something that we can quickly begin to look at and tackle. If one public body is far ahead of many others, we can look at whether there are examples that we could follow. Clearly, we cannot begin to knock down buildings and replace them with new ones ad hoc, but it means that we have a basis for looking at best practice when we are planning.

The points that have been made about partnership with the private sector are important in that context because, in respect of capital infrastructure, we are more likely to be engaging with different parts of the private sector on civil engineering, implementing digital services or whatever, and it would be good to have some baselines that show the best of the best. However, as Mr Scott said earlier, it is also about forward trajectories and using our baseline not just for what we are doing now but to plan ahead for where we would like to be in five, 10, 15 or 20 years.

Therefore, there are probably areas in which reporting will be difficult and might expose people like me to criticism, but I do not think that that makes it wrong. It is essential that we do reporting thoroughly and in a public way so that it is meaningful and we can compare.

Claudia Beamish

I want to follow up on what Paul Gray and Chris Wood-Gee have highlighted in relation to the public sector climate change duties, which we all know are now mandatory. The process was difficult, but that is where we are and I believe that it is the right place to be. It has been difficult for some smaller organisations and, indeed, some larger ones—without naming and shaming—to get to where they should be, although there has been a lot of progress. To what degree does Paul Gray, Chris Wood-Gee or anyone else on the panel think that there is a place for penalties once the process has bedded in? Paul Gray gave the example of bodies with similar building estates doing different things. We can have warnings, but is there a place for penalties?

Paul Gray

Maybe, but let me say what I think.

Claudia Beamish

I am asking it neutrally.

Paul Gray

Absolutely. I entirely accept the question, which is a fair and reasonable one. Let me put it like this: we have been retrofitting some of our energy centres to take advantage of the latest energy efficiency technologies. A recent example is what we did with our three main acute sites in Tayside. The work was procured under an energy performance contract, so there was no up-front cost to the board, and we put in the latest combined heat and power technology at Ninewells and two other sites. We have saved over 12,700 tonnes of CO2, which is equivalent to almost 30 per cent of Tayside’s total energy emissions.

What does that have to do with penalties? In my mind, the point is that we are saving CO2 emissions and also saving money, and I can give a similar example from NHS Lothian, where the savings have been quantified at £2.7 million in addition to the efficiency savings and so forth. Therefore, I would start with the positive advantages and say, “Look, here are some examples of health boards that have been able to reduce their carbon emissions and save money.”

However, there comes a point at which I might say to health boards, “You know what? You’ve had five years to think about this, so we’re going to set your budgets on the basis that you will make these savings.” Is that a penalty? Let me put it this way: there is a big incentive to make the saving, but there has to come a point at which there is no incentive to avoid making it. That is how I would look at the matter.

Richard Lyle

There are 32 councils in Scotland and many other public bodies—indeed, too many to mention. In its submission, Aberdeen City Council calls for stronger public body duties with a desire to see strengthened frameworks for and expectations on leadership, accountability, target setting, action planning and reporting across other tiers of the public sector. What would that mean in practice? Perhaps Aberdeen can answer the question first.

Mai Muhammad

I will try to answer it as best I can. Having mandatory duties is well and good—they help to establish a baseline and allow you either to see how you are performing in a standalone way or to compare your performance—but what do the information and data mean for improvement? We have already talked about penalties, but perhaps we should look at why other authorities are not making reductions and give them the necessary assistance to improve things. Penalties might not help with that, because they arise as a result of monitoring and might well not resolve the issue.

We believe that accountability and leadership are very important in anything to do with climate change and energy efficiency. We need clear direction and consistency across the different council departments, with everyone understanding where the issue sits. If one department, whether planning or another, takes on the delivery of climate change reporting, you can get almost a silo effect, and if others are simply feeding in numbers, there is no accountability. We do not have the answers to these questions yet—they need some development—but who should have ultimate responsibility for the information that is submitted and who should monitor whether improvement is being made? Should it be up to, say, the sustainable Scotland network to assess what happens to those who are underperforming? That is where we are coming from.

Therefore, we see the issue slightly differently. With the carbon reduction commitment, a lot of people make their reports and pay for the carbon—and that is it for the year. Because there are no incentives, penalties or whatever, the scheme has not delivered what it initially set out to deliver, and what is proposed might go down the same route. I know that the CRC is changing, but we just do not want the proposal in the bill to be in the same situation as the CRC.

Chris Wood-Gee

We need to improve the governance side of things. There are examples of good political leadership, and there is good leadership from senior management, but sometimes delivery sits so far down the organisation that that leadership does not get the whole way through, and it is really important that that happens. One of the key benefits of reporting is that we can pick up and share good examples that people can learn from; or, where there are weaknesses, we can speak to people who are doing the job right and find out what does and does not work. Disseminating the information and ensuring that everyone understands what works and what does not work are as big a job as putting the numbers down.

It is clear that some organisations have not done so well at delivering the reports, but there has been some good experience of sharing—indeed, I think that the NHS has helped another organisation get up to speed. There has been a natural inclination across the public sector to share experience, to find out what does and does not work and—I hope—to use the best examples to go forward as effectively as we can.

Richard Lyle

What is your view of leadership structures, the commitment to delivery across the public sector and communicating a vision through strategic planning in organisations? Do we have clear route maps for what is required of the public and private sector and are those translated for all areas of organisations?

Chris Wood-Gee

We probably do not have those yet. We are on a journey. Mai Muhammad mentioned local heat energy efficiency strategies, which will be a mechanism that we use to get an understanding across local authorities of where we need to go and how different partners in those areas tie into the process. We are heading in the right direction, but we are not quite there yet; it is a learning experience. However, reporting gives us a means of recording where we are and where we need to get to in the future.

Richard Lyle

What is the panel’s view of the governance body model that is proposed by the climate change plan?

Paul Gray

I will give the committee some credit. One of the things that being invited to appear before the committee prompted me to do was to go back and look at the extent to which the issues that we are discussing today have been discussed at chief executive level in the NHS. The simple fact is that these issues are not discussed very often—but that is not never and does not mean that such issues are not discussed at the boards at chief executive level.

I have a monthly meeting with the chief executives of all the health boards, and I have asked that, at this month’s meeting, on 14 November, the Official Report of today’s meeting, the background papers and ancillary documentation be put on the agenda.

To respond to Mr Lyle’s point, I would say that we have reasonably sound governance in the NHS—it is not something that will come in the future; it is happening now and has been in place since 2015. Our sustainability action campaign and branding was launched in September. We are taking action and we can point to some of the benefits of that.

However, I want to assure myself that the health boards, collectively, are taking action that is consistent and that they are considering the partnership options available, so that we are not taking a silo approach. The very fact that the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee is taking an interest is useful in prompting leadership action.

The Convener

Does anyone have any points to make in response to Dick Lyle’s other question on the governance arrangements?

Tom Thackray

I have one point to make, not on the public reporting side but on the private sector practice. We buy into the idea that what gets measured gets changed. In the spirit of reporting, that is a positive direction of travel, particularly if that conversation is being held at board level rather than just at the delivery function level in a business.

When it comes to reporting, the business experience is that sometimes we can become less transparent by reporting on more things. There is a question about the profligacy of things that businesses are asked to report on, whether it gives more transparency and accountability for consumers and whether we are reporting in a way that enables consumers to interact with that conversation. That question is as much for the public sector reporting side as it is for the private sector.

Finally, as I said previously, we need to consider whether we are incentivising the behaviours in different parts of industries that will deliver on those plans at the level of the strategic, long-term targets. The bill goes further than before in making that clear. However, the granular plans for what is required of industry, year to year, on a sector-by-sector basis, have not yet been drawn up. A dialogue needs to take place between the Government and industry to make that happen.

Richard Lyle

Before I ask you this question, Tom, I point out that I am not having a pop at you. Do CBI members have any concerns about climate change having an effect on their profits?

Tom Thackray

It depends on which members you are talking about. By the way, the question does not feel like a pop—it seems perfectly valid. The most common response that we get from people who want to talk to the CBI about climate change is that they recognise that becoming more innovative in green technology is a business opportunity rather than a business risk.

11:45  

Richard Lyle

Climate change and new technology could mean more profit.

Tom Thackray

They could, although there are obvious caveats to that. Businesses operate in a global marketplace. If they are in an energy-intensive industry, for example, and operate on a global basis and their competition is in China or India, which are not subject to the same regulatory regimes as we are, and that kind of enterprise is very mobile, there are immediate challenges with some climate change initiatives. However, those are not insurmountable. If there is a long-term policy framework that enables businesses to adjust and if we couple the domestic ambition with international diplomacy that helps other countries to meet those standards, we have a good chance of appealing to that segment of the business community as well.

Richard Lyle

Thank you.

Mark Ruskell

Going back to public sector governance, there is mandatory reporting, sharing of good practice and nudging each other along, but what about carbon budgeting? Aberdeenshire Council sets a carbon budget and links actions to targets and the reduction of carbon emissions from its assets and services. That is reported against each year and is linked to the financial budget, so what the council is spending and commissioning is linked to that. Is anything done in the organisations that you represent, beyond seeing how they are doing, that feeds into the budgeting and explicit financial planning?

Mai Muhammad

As you say, Aberdeenshire Council has been carbon budgeting for a few years, whereas Aberdeen City Council felt that we did not have adequate resources to do that. We looked at presentations, but we felt that we did not have the skills or resourcing to deliver proper carbon budgeting that linked to our financial reports. That, in itself, is quite resource intensive—I have spoken to some of those who are doing that—because it is almost like another piece of financial reporting that has to link, as you say, to different budget lines and so on.

We decided to approach the matter in a more traditional way. We felt that, if we could forecast well, set a budget for energy and reduce our energy spend, our carbon spend should also reduce. The remit for monitoring that work falls to my team. We ensure that it happens and that it is reported—that the governance is there—and I need to explain any increases. That is where the climate change reporting sometimes fails to pick things up. For instance, the absolute figures do not reflect how we use a building, weather patterns, occupational changes and that kind of thing. We feel that it is sometimes difficult to put that information in a financial report because it does not take all those numbers into account; it deals with absolute figures and asks, for example, why we are up 3 per cent for whatever it is.

Although carbon budgeting is good, it sometimes might not capture the reasons why we are not meeting our targets and why our consumption has gone up that year, or whatever, as well as the actions that need to be taken to manage that. That is why Aberdeen City Council has decided to focus on reducing energy consumption through specific measures or actions, or on delivering projects that do that. Of course, we have to report on that through the existing governance route.

Paul Gray

The issue falls into the category of “Just because it’s hard, that doesn’t mean you shouldn’t think about it”. We would never do anything hard if we did not want to think about it.

I will make two offers to the committee, if I may. First, the Cabinet Secretary for Health and Sport has committed to publishing a capital investment strategy by the end of this financial year, and I think we should reflect on that in thinking about how we might describe our strategy and how that might relate to carbon budgeting.

Secondly, although in principle I am here in my role as NHS Scotland’s chief executive, I would be happy as a member of the Scottish Government’s corporate board to get a brief note to the committee on the Scottish Government’s current position on carbon budgeting, if that would be helpful.

The Convener

That would be helpful.

Claudia Beamish

Are there any views on the public sector governance body model that is proposed in the climate change plan? Has that come across any of the panellists’ desks? Perhaps it is too early to say, because it has just been reported for the first time that the stakeholder engagement has raised a significant number of questions. We do not have time to go into those questions today, but I wonder about your comments more broadly.

Paul Gray

I should have been clearer in my response to Mr Lyle. I intend to discuss with NHS board chief executives how that governance body aligns—or not—with our governance arrangements, the merits of the proposal and how it would work with what we have. I confess to being keen not to dismantle something that we have had in place only since 2015 unless there is clear evidence that we could be doing something better. Again, I would be happy after that meeting—which will be fairly soon—to come back to the committee with better-formed views, having had an opportunity to discuss the issue.

Claudia Beamish

The Scottish Government responded to our committee by saying that “the final Plan”—that is, the climate change plan—

“sets out the key functions of the Governance Body which will oversee the implementation and monitoring of the ... Plan”.

It is important that we will have a monitoring body and that there is buy-in to that. I perhaps should have said that the body will go beyond the public sector, to the private sector and all sectors. Have the panellists any further comments to make about whether that has come to their attention?

Chris Wood-Gee

I am probably not sufficiently up to speed to make a meaningful and detailed comment, but it makes sense to have a governance body that is formally tied in. I have read about the issue, but I cannot pull it to the front of my mind. It will be useful to have the governance that we need at the appropriate levels.

Mai Muhammad

I have not read the proposal fully, so I cannot comment on it in its totality. I agree that governance should overarch the private and public sectors and that there must be some consistency in reporting, with clear definition that defines clearly what we monitor and evaluate and what the output is from that.

A lot of responsibility for reporting is being put on the public sector at the moment. I am not saying that the private sector is behind, but there is a lot of catching up to do. A proper governance route with a level playing field would be fairer for us. Even in the public sector and the NHS, the functions may be slightly different from those of local government. Therefore, I would like to see overarching governance with a level playing field.

John Scott

I was interested to hear Paul Gray say that he will be meeting chief executives to discuss the matter further, not having discussed it hugely until now. That was a candid and welcome statement. In that context, does he think that there is more room to achieve targets voluntarily rather than by regulation? We have heard people propose that the only future is for everything to be legislated for and driven in that way, because a voluntary approach will not deliver.

Paul Gray

Since 1990, the energy consumption of NHS Scotland’s estate has reduced by over 38 per cent and its greenhouse gas emissions have reduced by over 49 per cent. Those figures are well ahead of the national targets. Therefore, it is possible to make good progress and not simply aim at the targets as though they are a limit. They can be exceeded.

There remains considerable willingness to do better, but it is equally the case that the future is more challenging and many of the quick wins have already been taken into account.

You asked whether we ought to go for more mandation. My safe answer to that is that it is clearly a matter for the Parliament. However, my other answer, which has partly been given to other committee members, is that there is evidence that more is possible, that change has happened and that savings have been secured when boards have invested meaningfully. The most recent example from NHS Lothian—among many others—has been delivered at no net cost to the board. In other words, NHS Lothian has improved its performance on emissions and efficiency with no net cost to it from doing so.

For me, the path must be ensuring that the best practice is clear and exemplified. As I said in a previous response, there should be an incentive in the system to follow best practice and a disincentive not to do so. However, because some of our buildings were designed for 25-year and 30-year use, the capacity to retrofit is limited. Therefore, we also have to ask ourselves what mandation would produce. For example, if an improvement in energy efficiency was mandated, that would be delivered most readily in newer buildings or new builds, so there would be a disproportionate skewing. That said, Girvan community hospital—which I gave as an example—has delivered a 3 per cent reduction in NHS Ayrshire and Arran’s overall CO2 emissions through actions on one site.

Before I gave a view, I would want to understand what mandation would really mean and what it would produce. If it produced simply a lot of perverse incentives, it could take us off the trajectory that we are on and on to something else. We would also need to engage closely with our partners in the private sector to understand what they could deliver, because there would be no point in mandating something that could not be delivered.

John Scott

I am interested in hearing from Tom Thackray, as well.

Tom Thackray

I would go along with that entirely. My comments at the outset were about how we could make targets affordable and achievable. A strict regulatory approach at the headline level is probably not the way to secure the investment that is needed to make those swift gains.

On a more granular, case-by-case basis, the private sector is very much up for a dialogue with public sector partners on how we can improve the regulatory landscape so that it encourages investment. A good example of that is in building standards in Germany. The German house building industry has partnered with the German Government to set standards. Basically, they are writing the building standards for the BRICS countries—Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. That is a massive export opportunity born out of a regulatory approach in which the private sector and the public sector work together.

That approach is also evident in things such as disruptive technology—for example, drone maintenance of wind turbines. Currently, the regulatory approach does not enable businesses to invest in such areas, but with the right partnership with the public sector that could become possible.

John Scott

I have a related but different question about the targets. To what extent does the 90 per cent by 2050 target in the bill provide a clear long-term marker for driving investment, innovation and change? Would making the target net zero emissions increase that drive? Is it easier to communicate and achieve buy-in for a target of net zero? Should we be going for net zero, or are you happy with the 90 per cent target? Which is easier to sell?

12:00  

Tom Thackray

I repeat the same answer—we are after achievability and affordability. There is a lot of talk about net zero at the moment, and businesses want to be in that dialogue. If the climate science says that we should go for a net zero target, let us have a conversation about what policies we need to put in place to reach that. However, would we not rather set things that we will achieve than set things for which we do not at this stage have the scientific backing of the Committee on Climate Change, although it is looking at that now? That is the first point of call, so let us wait until we get the evidence back from it. Then, let us acknowledge that, as I said in my opening remarks, there are significant policy gaps in achieving current targets. We need to fill those gaps to meet 90 per cent, and we will need to go even further to meet net zero. There needs to be some realism along with ambition.

John Scott

Do others want to comment on that?

Paul Gray

I agree whole-heartedly that we should go where the evidence points us, but there is also an important point about our ability to be internationally influential. We spoke about how other countries have different regulatory frameworks that could be disadvantageous for some of our commercial activities. If we wish to be influential, it will be hugely important that we are pursuing targets that are demonstrably world leading. I do not have the scientific knowledge to opine whether that should be a 90 per cent reduction or net zero emissions.

However, the more we do that can be exemplified publicly—by which I mean not just by the public sector but by the private sector—the more influential we will be elsewhere in the world when we are talking about the trade terms that we might want. There is a clear diplomatic advantage in thinking carefully about what stance we want to take and what position we want to represent.

Stewart Stevenson

One approach would be to start today and aim for 2050 with a straight-line reduction, which is kind of what we are doing. Alternatively, if we did nothing until one day before the target in 2050, we would still meet the target but we would emit twice the amount of greenhouse gas in that period. The two triangles on the graph are the same. The intermediate targets are, therefore, designed to take us on the line, rather than to postpone.

However, there is a huge advantage to the agenda of early action that reduces the amount of carbon and other greenhouse gases that are emitted. Carbon, in particular, endures in the atmosphere for hundreds of years, so the less we put out there, the better. What are we doing to help that agenda, or is that too difficult? Chris Wood-Gee is nodding.

Chris Wood-Gee

It is very difficult. It will be hugely challenging. In the new targets that are coming out of the climate change bill, the public sector was looking at something like 96 per cent decarbonisation in the first iteration—it was ambitious, challenging and probably impossible. Where we are now at 53 per cent is still ambitious and challenging, but it gives us something to work towards. It is working from live figures, as well, rather than baselines, although those are useful. It is—

Stewart Stevenson

I am sorry—we will probably come back to this, but I am asking a very narrow question so that we can make progress. Is there scope for your organisations to do better than the line that is currently being sought?

Chris Wood-Gee

Potentially. It depends on how far along the organisation is. A lot of organisations have hit all the low-hanging fruit; others have further to go on that. There are still good opportunities to take, but we need to take those opportunities and work on it.

Stewart Stevenson

Let us rattle along and see whether others say the same thing.

Mai Muhammad

Although the private sector is concerned about the cost of going towards net zero and a 90 per cent reduction by 2050, it is important to understand that the financial modelling that we are doing looks purely at the cost of it; the modelling is not putting a value on the benefits. How do you quantify the health benefits, for instance, and how do you project the value of those to 2050? How do you measure the health implication and the savings that can be achieved in health services? It is unfair just to ask whether it is financially viable today. We need to include in the financial modelling other sectors that can benefit, particularly health. That is a key point.

The cost of technology today may be prohibitive for whatever reason and that may inhibit innovation. This is where Government has a role to play. For the early adopters, there has been the low-carbon infrastructure transition programme—LCITP—and so on, but we need to have more of these programmes that encourage innovation and we need industry to be excited to be part of it. If the Government puts out very small pots of money for innovation schemes that may be limited to the public sector, I think that it limits innovation. If there is more encouragement of the early adopters to try to push and accelerate innovation in the next 10 years, the technology that we thought would be too expensive may be viable. That is key. Today, there is just enough being done to encourage that innovation. If we encourage more, we can get the benefits of that innovation in 2040 and 2050.

The other key point is digitalisation. A lot more work can be done on how we deliver services that way and there are huge opportunities there that will help us to achieve our targets. It is about how we deliver services differently and that step change I spoke about earlier. It is key to do that. To make sure that it is transformational change, we need to think differently about how we do things. I think that we can achieve that change by doing these things.

Mark Ruskell

We have had tranches of private finance initiatives and public-private partnerships in the past and we have had new public sector financing models since then, such as the hubco model. Do those models incentivise the reduction of carbon, energy efficiency, the best technology and the best solutions? Are there issues in how we procure assets and contracts and deliver buildings and other services in a way that perhaps does not deliver the best carbon value for society?

Paul Gray

That is a good question. I do not know the whole answer to it, but I will say this. Before our capital investment group, which I mentioned earlier, signs off a business case or investment appraisal, certain standards need to be made, and it has not been put to me in any of the things that I have been asked to sign off that the non-profit-distributing model or the hubco model is somehow inimical to meeting the targets. The question that I do not have a sufficient answer to, although I am happy to get the information for the committee, is to what extent those models are driving innovation. In other words, I am saying that they are not getting in the way of innovation, but you are asking whether they are driving it. I will check on that so that I can give a factual answer to the committee.

Mai Muhammad

Councils across Scotland have looked at the NDEEF, which is the non-domestic energy efficiency framework. It is a way of procuring energy efficiency works in retrofits as well as potentially new builds. We find that, because there is a monitoring and verification duty placed on the contractors, there is a good learning curve. Such a responsibility after the completion of the build was never put in place in previous PFI and PPP contracts—basically, the contractor designed, built and walked away. There were different contracts, such as design, build, finance and maintain, or just design and build.

Having a monitoring and verification process as part of the non-domestic energy efficiency framework is important, because the contractor has to prove over 12 or 24 months, that it has delivered on the calculations for the carbon saving and energy efficiency measures that it has installed—whether that is innovation or technology led. That is a huge improvement for local authorities. It gives us a method and governance route. We can use the contract to say, “Mr Contractor, you haven’t delivered.” The contractor needs to prove that it has delivered. That verification and monitoring process needs to be part of the contract, rather than an add-on at the end.

Tom Thackray

I would like to repeat a point that I made earlier. The broad perception of industry when engaging in PPPs is that, more often than not, businesses are competing on cost, rather than value. We did a survey over the summer that bears that out, showing that 60 to 65 per cent feel that that is the case. I would be happy to share the results of that with the committee.

When we speak to public authorities, a lot of blame is shifted towards European public procurement regulations but, in reality, contracting authorities have a lot more flexibility than they realise. Brexit might give us an opportunity to examine that in greater depth and start to tackle some of those challenges for business.

John Scott

Unsurprisingly, I want to deal with the costs of the bill. The financial memorandum suggests that additional costs of around £13 billion will be faced between 2030 and 2050. However, it does not outline on whom those costs fall, who should meet them, or the timescales in which they will be incurred. What economic modelling of the costs and benefits of mitigating and adapting to climate change has been carried out by your organisations? How much investment by the private sector could be expected to accompany the costs? What do you think about your share of the £13 billion of costs?

Chris Wood-Gee

One of the challenges that we all face is that energy inflation tends to be significantly higher than the retail prices index. For example, the advice from the Scottish Government on gas prices is that, over the next two years, they will rise by 18 per cent compared to the RPI at 3 per cent. Although we might make savings by taking action, we will not necessarily be getting cash savings—the carbon will go down, but the cash might not. When we talk about investing massive amounts of money, that is very challenging.

One of the questions that have been raised through the climate change process is how we get the money together to do all this. The local authority sector—and I am sure that this is also true of the health boards—is very financially challenged in that respect. The issue will be where the money should be invested: is it for education, social care or carbon? I do not know the answer to that.

It is very difficult to get climate change high enough up the agenda. It makes sense to do it and we all understand the health benefits of a better climate and fewer heat problems and so on, but one of the biggest questions about the whole agenda is how we deliver it financially.

John Scott

What are the views of the other witnesses? We know that it is going to be difficult.

12:15  

Tom Thackray

The energy cost dynamic that Chris Wood-Gee described should be an incentive for private sector companies to invest more, so it is interesting that there is market failure. We can look at the energy prices and say that such companies should be investing, but before the situation becomes critical, the private sector, except in some industries, needs to be nudged in that direction, whether that is in the form of best-practice campaigns or showing what works.

On the more negative side, I am not sure whether the £13 billion figure takes into account the changing tax base that comes with the changes. For example, if we move to using electric vehicles and less money comes in from fuel duty, how will that play out in the public finances? We need to have a much broader conversation about how the economy will be financed in 12 years’ time, and we need to have it fairly quickly.

John Scott

We are unclear—at least, I am unclear; maybe others are not—how the £13 billion figure has been arrived at. Nonetheless, even if the figure is open to variation, if the scale of the costs to be incurred is somewhere between £10 billion and £15 billion, how are we to afford it? I expect Paul Gray to have the answer. [Laughter.]

Paul Gray

Thank you, Mr Scott. In 2018, we are as far away from 1986 as we are from 2050. If you had asked in 1986 what the technologies of today would be, some people would have got it right and many would have got it wrong. One of the issues is that we are trying to imagine what the world will be like in 2050 in order to make the estimates. The significance of the £13 billion figure is simply that it is not easy. As you said rightly, the figure could be £10 billion or £15 billion, but it will not be £0.5 million. The issue is significant and it will require thought.

What I can tell you is that, if the national electricity and gas grids were fully decarbonised, for example, that would save us the cost of retrofitting our energy infrastructure in order for there to be net zero carbon to the tune of £300 million. Of course, that rests on two assumptions. One is that the grids are decarbonised and the other is that all the infrastructure that would need to be retrofitted will still be here in five years’ time. Clearly, some it will not be here.

It is possible to make calculations about the costs. The risk is the calculations being based on the world in 2050 simply being what it is now, but decarbonised. That is not a realistic future to imagine. The way in which we deliver services, the way in which people travel and the way in which they think about their health and their lives will all be very different from how that is done now.

However, there are some imperatives. For example, if temperatures rise over time to the extent that they could do, there will be an increase in the prevalence of what are called vector-borne diseases associated with species migration—in English, species will come to this country that are not here now, and they will carry diseases with them, which will have an impact on the population. Therefore, it is not just about the £13 billion figure, plus or minus; it is about what it will cost not to take action. Clearly, even if Scotland were the world-leading exemplar, other countries would need to follow in train, as vector-borne diseases would not stop at Carlisle. Again, I go back to the point about being nationally and internationally influential in the way in which we approach the issue.

Calculations can be done, but they have a very big confidence interval. If we are serious about tackling climate change, we will need to plan for it and plan for affording it. If we are not willing to do that, the implications and impacts will be much more profound than whether we can afford to run a health service. They will affect the whole population. That is a partial answer to the question.

Claudia Beamish

Last weekend, I was in Aberdeen, where I saw for the first time—not that I have never been to Aberdeen before; my gran was from there, so I know it well—the scale of the oil supply ships and other parts of the industry. In respect of low carbon, I was heartened to see turbines ready to be taken out to the bay for use by the offshore industry.

On the bill’s targets, Aberdeen City Council’s submission says:

“How compatible these targets are with those of our present economy; there is still a heavy emphasis on fossil fuel sectors.”

You may know of a recent University of Aberdeen report that models the potential of Scotland’s offshore industry to 2050. It estimates that the equivalent of 17 billion barrels of oil could still be extracted. The industry has a well-educated and well-paid workforce. How does maximising economic recovery for the industry fit in with reducing carbon emissions—if, indeed, it does? If it does not, what of the just transition for workers?

I do not know who wants to answer.

The Convener

Tom Thackray is the obvious person to answer the question.

Claudia Beamish

The witness from Aberdeen City Council could answer, too.

Tom Thackray

There is huge expertise and supply chain capability in the oil and gas industry that needs to be celebrated. There needs to be a managed transition as we get the most out of the resources that we have. The Scottish and Westminster Governments and the industry need to have an honest conversation about that.

There are massive opportunities in new forms of energy generation that are particularly relevant to Scotland. We know the prowess of the wind companies here, and there are supply chain opportunities.

There has to be a transition; I think that the industry accepts that. We are not yet exploiting the new generation capability that we have for renewables, particularly because we do not have the routes to market through, for example, the CFD. If signals on that are sent early enough, that would enable industry to invest, which could pick up some of the slack in the overall economy. A signal of change to the CFD would be critical for the UK generally, but for Scotland specifically.

Claudia Beamish

Is there robust conversation about that in the CBI?

Tom Thackray

Yes, there is, and we are making representations to all parts of Government to make sure that it happens.

Claudia Beamish

What is the perspective in Aberdeen? We are running out of time, so you will need to be brief.

Mai Muhammad

I will try to respond quickly to your—

Claudia Beamish

It is such a momentous question for your city.

Mai Muhammad

Indeed it is. As you will have seen from the supply ships in Aberdeen, the oil and gas industry is still there, although it is currently in a downturn. New fields have been discovered, but we must take cognisance of the fact that there is a large cost of taking out, refining and supplying the gas, or whatever. On top of that is the carbon issue and all the other associated costs.

In Aberdeen, we are, as you know, trying to diversify, but we can use the same skill set; the skills are transferable. We are looking at the offshore wind industry, we are developing a new harbour and we are looking to expand other industries. We are not moving away from our history, but we want to use existing skills to develop other economies.

We are still trying to be at the forefront in being an energy city. Hydrogen is a huge step for us: we are developing heavily in hydrogen and putting in a lot of infrastructure, for which we have secured a lot of European funding. We are almost running a parallel economy, so that we are ready for the transition. We do not want to reach a cliff edge at which many skilled people suddenly have no job. We are ready.

As part of the local heat and energy efficiency strategy that we are putting together, we have an implementation plan and we are looking at improving insulation, installing district heating, putting external wall insulation in our buildings, removing air conditioning units and using air-source heat pumps. That is creating a market that the private sector and industry can consider entering.

The point of an LHEES is to identify projects. There is a cost attached to their delivery but, equally, there is a market opportunity. That is particularly the case in the north-east, given that companies that deliver such things are not based in the north-east or readily available there. When we go out to procurement tender we find that a lot of the skills in energy efficiency are held in central Scotland.

There is therefore an opportunity for Aberdeen to develop a training industry that encourages energy efficiency. That is the transition that I envisage. Oil and gas will still be in there, but we need to understand that there are other markets that can use the transferable skills, particularly in energy efficiency, renewables and hydrogen. There are massive opportunities.

Claudia Beamish

District heating is already available, through Aberdeen Heat and Power Company Ltd.

Mai Muhammad

That is correct. We need to expand on what we do best. We have an established workforce and skill set, so Aberdeen is attractive to investors. That is the way forward.

The Convener

We must move on.

Mark Ruskell

In the private sector, the services sector has struggled to reduce emissions and has achieved only a 6 per cent reduction since 2009. How is the sector innovating? There are a lot of disruptive businesses in that sector. Where might reductions come from?

Tom Thackray said that business does not like regulation. I would have fallen off my seat if he had said that it does. Do you see a way for the private sector and the services sector to innovate, if business is regulated? Is there a danger that in countries that are going down the route of stronger regulation or setting higher ambitions, disruptors and innovative businesses will take the lead on innovation, which will leave us behind?

Tom Thackray

It certainly was not my intention to make a blanket comment about business not liking regulation. There is good regulation and there is bad regulation.

Drone technology is a great example of a disruptive technology that is bringing in many disruptive businesses and has the potential to transform many sectors, including energy generation, without a regulatory approach being taken. There are no rules of the game, so businesses can innovate.

There are also huge opportunities in artificial intelligence, particularly in the services sector. However, there are complex regulatory questions about ethics, for example, which will need expertise from the private and public sectors if they are to be answered. The quicker we can make progress on that, the better, although great progress is already being made.

Mark Ruskell

I see. You are not talking about climate regulation and climate targets restricting activity, but about regulatory frameworks that govern innovative technologies, and about freeing up businesses to compete.

Tom Thackray

Having climate targets is useful: businesses welcome clear targets that are set by sector, with milestones along the way to the longer-term targets. However, there will be huge opportunities, particularly in the context of the disruptive model, if there is more focus on facilitating innovation, which I think your question was partly about.

Mark Ruskell

What more should we do to facilitate innovation? We are talking about technology that we do not yet know about. It is not stuff that the UK Climate Change Committee can put into an advice letter to the Scottish Government.

Tom Thackray

That is right. If we consider the power sector, for example, we see that innovation there has brought down the cost of renewables far more than was anticipated, without central Government having taken an overly regulatory approach. That has happened through partnership with industry, and particularly through the carbon price, contracts for difference and electricity market reform. There are great examples of things that we have achieved in the context of emissions reduction, which could be expanded to cover the broader economy.

Those could be seen as the low-hanging fruit, however. The power sector in particular might be more engaged with discussions about emissions reductions and climate change than is the wider economy. How do we make the issue number 1 on the boardroom agenda, rather than number 3, 4 or 5?

12:30  

Mark Ruskell

What sectors need to catch up? We heard last week evidence from Sweden that it has 15 action plans, a strong focus on how its steel sector positions itself globally, and all sorts of interesting technologies. Where is the resistance within the private sector? Are there particular areas that are showing huge leadership in innovation?

Tom Thackray

We have a gap in investment in energy efficiency in the private sector, particularly among small and medium-sized enterprises. As was said in the earlier conversation, we have not had a consistent policy framework in that area for a long time, and businesses are not sure of the pay-off. It has been much easier to make the case for investment in new information technology systems or in higher wages for staff than in energy efficiency because there has just not been a business case, in the perception of those who would invest.

Transport is another area in which there will be a huge amount of demand for and disruption to services in the coming years, and in which there is a huge need to decarbonise. The transition to electric vehicles could be a huge opportunity for the UK economy, given the manufacturing strength that we already have. However, it is necessary to make decisions about supply chains years in advance, so the policy signals must be got straight early. By “policy signals”, I mean that you need to create a market for the product.

Norway is the country with the highest take-up of electric vehicles, but it has had the best consumer incentives for take-up of those vehicles. When those incentives were cut—hey, presto!—the pace of transition also dropped. We have not had clear and consistent policy incentives for the transition to electric vehicles.

Across industry, there are examples including electric vehicles and buildings in which partnership between Government and the private sector could yield quite rapid results.

Stewart Stevenson

Paragraphs 45, 46 and 47 of the financial memorandum provide five cost scenarios for the Scottish Government, for local authorities and for “other bodies, individuals and businesses”. It takes the £13 billion that we have talked about—the origins of which are a mystery to me—and offers scenarios at 0 per cent, 25 per cent, 50 per cent, 75 per cent and 100 per cent of costs. In other words, it is just an arithmetical distribution of figures for the three sectors. I do not think that that tells us anything. Is it useful or should we have something else that properly informs us what the view is? Those paragraphs suggest to me that there is no view, so should not they be deleted from the financial memorandum?

On the other side, of course, should not the financial memorandum include the economic opportunities? There are now 126,000 people employed in renewables, earning £3 billion a year. That gives a context in which the £13 billion is a trivially small number.

Paul Gray

As Mr Stevenson knows, a civil servant will not comment on the detail of something that the Government has produced. However, I will offer the view that the scenarios are helpful. They might be wrong, but they are helpful, because they allow us to test assumptions against what might or might not be. Even if we do not think that a specific scenario will happen, if we test it, we might at least come up with one that does.

As I said earlier, I can provide the committee with scenarios that we have been thinking about and have costed—with all the caveats that I have offered to do with their being based on today’s technology and not on tomorrow’s technology.

It is important that we have at least a sense of the scale of what we are looking at. We have discussed whether we ought to be aiming for 90 per cent or 100 per cent of costs. In a sense, the financial memorandum is telling us that whatever we aim for will come with an associated cost.

Stewart Stevenson is right that there might well be as yet undefined associated opportunities. That prompts us to think hard about how we work together with the private sector, the third sector and academia in order to understand as well as possible the threats and opportunities.

From my perspective, if the financial memorandum and a set of scenarios promote conversation, that is a worthwhile exercise. If the committee wishes to ask for more, that is entirely at its hand.

The Convener

I thank the panel for giving us evidence. We have kept you a good 10 to 15 minutes over the allotted time, so thank you for indulging us and answering all our questions so comprehensively.

At the next meeting on 13 November, the committee will continue its consideration of the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill.

12:36 Meeting continued in private until 12:55.  

6 November 2018

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Fifth meeting transcript

The Convener (Gillian Martin)

Good morning and welcome to the 32nd meeting in 2018 of the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee. I remind everyone present—including myself; I will just check—to switch off their mobile phones, as they might affect the broadcasting system.

Under agenda item 1, the committee will take evidence on the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill. This is the fourth of the committee’s evidence sessions with stakeholders. Today, we will hear evidence from three panels on the sectoral change that is required to meet the targets that are set out in the bill. We will consider agriculture, freight transport and active and public transport.

I am delighted to welcome our first panel of witnesses this morning, who will focus on agriculture. Joining us are Andrew Midgley, environment and land use manager, NFU Scotland; Pete Ritchie, director, Nourish Scotland; Katy Dickson, head of policy, Scottish Land & Estates; Kate Rowell, chair, Quality Meat Scotland; Patrick Krause, chief executive, Scottish Crofters Federation; Professor David Reay, University of Edinburgh; and Professor Eileen Wall, Scottish Environment, Food and Agriculture Research Institutes Gateway.

I will open with a general question about what has been done to date with the Scottish Government’s approach. How well has the Scottish Government’s approach to encouraging low-carbon farming practices—for example, in the farming for a better climate programme—worked to date?

Professor David Reay (University of Edinburgh)

My perception is that it has not worked very well. The farming for a better climate programme gives some great exemplars. If they were implemented across Scotland, that would be a huge success. However, we are all very concerned about emissions, and they are not really going down in the sector. We need either much more uptake from those exemplar farms or a different approach.

The Convener

How can things improve? What is missing? There are exemplar farms, but you have said that there has not been a huge uptake. What would be the right strategy to get that uptake?

Professor Reay

I suspect that we have loads of really good practice, but a lot of farmers and landowners need to know about that and need more support to implement it. We have some great exemplars, but it is about bringing the average up in adopting low-carbon strategies. That will also give increased productivity. I think that we will discuss how to do that.

Time is running out for voluntary measures only and relying on people seeing and adopting good practice through word of mouth. There can be a more incentive-based approach. If there is good practice that delivers on climate change and other key objectives, including increased profitability, it needs to be overtly incentivised.

The Convener

Maybe people will want to pick up on your statement that the time for voluntary action is running out. I imagine that the NFUS and Scottish Land & Estates will have something to say about that.

Andrew Midgley (NFU Scotland)

To answer your first question about how far we have gone and how good the approach has been and to echo the points that Professor Reay made, I would say that there has been lots of good work but it has not had the reach that it should have had or that we would like it to have had. From our perspective, climate change is not at the top of the priority list. There is so much else going on that other extremely important issues take precedence. Issues such as Brexit and the future of farm support are critical to the future of the industry.

From our perspective, tackling climate change is not necessarily at the top of the Scottish Government’s priority list for agriculture. Addressing climate change in the industry is at the crux of the way forward, and the Government is not demonstrating that it is driving that change. We are left with initiatives—however laudable and excellent in what they are trying to achieve—that will only ever have limited reach, because the emphasis seems to be elsewhere.

How do we change that position? The Government has a huge role to play in setting the direction of travel and the priorities for the long term. Clearly, the NFUS has a role to play in that, too. If we want to, collectively, we can put much greater emphasis on climate change than we do today. We are willing to work with the Government to do that.

There is then the question of which measures we want to adopt. It is probably useful to be a bit more subtle than to talk about voluntary versus mandatory measures. When the United Kingdom Committee on Climate Change took evidence recently in Edinburgh, whether there should be voluntary or mandatory measures was a crux issue. We argued that there should continue to be voluntary measures. If we were to take a slightly more subtle approach, we could think of a spectrum with voluntary measures at one end and regulation at the other, and education through incentive to regulation could be mapped on to that spectrum. Our position is that regulation is not necessarily the best way to encourage people to change their behaviour; we are more likely to achieve results through incentives and education. That is where the emphasis should be.

In our “Steps to Change: A New Agricultural Policy for Scotland” document, we have set out a structure of farm support that would include measures to support active farming that delivers on mitigating emissions. There are ways of reducing emissions that encourage behaviour change without necessarily resorting to changing the law to force people to do things, because that might not be the most constructive approach.

The Convener

Would anyone else like to come in on that general question?

Patrick Krause (Scottish Crofters Federation)

I add support to what Andrew Midgley has said. The Scottish Government could do more to help. The committee will have heard me say previously that crofting exists in an area that is noted for its high nature value but the Scottish Government’s agri-environment schemes almost exclude crofters because they are inaccessible. That is a specific example of what Andrew Midgley is talking about. The Scottish Government could do more with what we have at present.

The Convener

What makes such schemes inaccessible?

Patrick Krause

It is the way in which they have been set up. The schemes are based on a points system. Small producers—not just crofters but smallholders, small family farms and so on—find it almost impossible to gain the points that they need. Larger industrial agribusinesses employ consultants specifically to write their proposals.

Katy Dickson (Scottish Land & Estates)

I, too, add support to what has been said. We do not believe that the voluntary approach is not working, but it is simply not working well enough. The schemes that are in place are fantastic, but they are not resourced efficiently to ensure that everyone can access them, as Patrick Krause said, and farm to the benefit of their business and the environment. We need further education, to understand the baselines from which we are working and to make it easy for people to make those differences. Brexit brings the opportunity for the Government to align good practice and ensure that everyone understands where it is trying to go. Scottish Land & Estates very much has a role in that, as well as in ensuring that people learn from where farming is being done sustainably, so that that can be rolled out across the country.

The Convener

There is also a financial and economic argument for farming sustainably. Does that get put across as much as it could?

Katy Dickson

It could be put across better, but sometimes it takes more than statistics or figures to convince people. They like to see examples in which somebody stands up and says, “This is the real difference that farming like this has made to my business.”

Mark Ruskell (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

The convener mentioned the farming for a better climate programme. How successful has that been relative to other schemes? I was reading a number of the submissions about the origin green programme in Ireland, which I gather has delivered 117,000 beef carbon assessments and 20,000 dairy carbon assessments. Where do you see our programmes relative to best-practice programmes in other countries?

Pete Ritchie (Nourish Scotland)

As Andrew Midgley said, we simply have not been clear enough that this is a priority for Scottish agriculture. If we were serious about doing this, we would invest resources that are commensurate with the scale of the challenge. As the NFUS said in its evidence, it is not an easy problem. A lot of small businesses, which are often not particularly well capitalised or well resourced in terms of management time, will have to change their practices. That is still the challenge that we have.

The origin green programme shows what it looks like when you to try to do something at scale. We have not been doing anything at scale and, as Katy Dickson said, we have not given the clear message that doing better on greenhouse gas emissions equals doing better on profitability. The Quality Meat Scotland figures show clearly that more profitable farms generally produce lower greenhouse gas emissions. We need to get the message across very clearly and help that long tail of farmers who are not doing well on greenhouse gas emissions and profitability to do better. That means a massive increase in the amount of training, support and advice; it means working with people and taking them with you.

I agree that regulation is a blunt instrument, but it will be needed soon if we do not rapidly scale up what we are doing. It is not just that we are not going to meet our climate targets; our reputation as a producer country will go downhill. It is undeniable that people’s attitudes towards meat and dairy consumption are changing. Retailers are increasingly looking for evidence of sustainability. That is what the origin green programme is about. It is about producers convincing the supply chain that they have got their act together on climate change. If we do not convince the supply chain of that, Scottish produce will be less sellable in the international market.

Andrew Midgley

Farming for a better climate is a good initiative. Its precursor was the monitor farm work, which was established as a good way for farmers to open up their business to explore the future of that farm with their neighbours. It was a learning experience that had demonstrable benefits. We took it from New Zealand.

When we came up with farming for a better climate, the intention was to build on that monitor farm work as a good way of sharing expertise and knowledge. That logic is still robust and it stands, but I understand that the farming for a better climate programme is being assessed and we are waiting for the outcome of that assessment. The question is one of scale and how to scale from the farms and people involved to a much wider-ranging industry.

The origin green programme is a different way of doing it in that, according to my understanding of it, it is led by the Government deciding that it wants to achieve a market benefit for the industry by improving environmental performance. That is quite a top-down approach. It is being led from the front. In order to do that, there has to be widespread uptake of measures across the industry to ensure that such a label has some sort of legitimacy. It is a different mechanism that can be used to achieve change across a broader spectrum of the industry. The two programmes are slightly different.

09:45  

Patrick Krause

I am interested in what my two colleagues are saying, because it touches on an issue that we in crofting have thought about a lot, which is how we market croft produce. Over many years, we have had a great deal of advice on how to sell directly and how to use niche marketing and so on. When we started doing that, such things were not in the main stream, but they are now.

The Brexit catastrophe presents us with the question of how we are going to compete in the international market, which Pete Ritchie talked about. The basis on which we can sell produce involves our credentials on the environment, quality and provenance. That gives the consumer the message that we are presenting something that is good food. In that regard, it struck me that Kate Rowell’s organisation is not called Quality Meat Scotland for nothing. That is where we need to be heading—quality. Quality means traceability and produce that is good in terms of the environment, climate change and so on. Therefore, even when we are being production focused and profit focused—crofters also need to make a profit—we have to bear in mind that that is how our business is going to succeed. We need to be seen on the international market as producers of quality produce.

Kate Rowell (Quality Meat Scotland)

We have done quite a lot of research into origin green in relation to our standards. We have the farm assured scheme for Scottish beef and Scottish lamb, and we have looked at the origin green standards in comparison with ours. Those standards push farmers to put sustainability into their standards, which is laudable. Personally, I think that that is the way we have to go. However, the problem is that we run a voluntary membership scheme for farm assurance and, if you push too fast too quickly, people do not come with you. We are definitely considering the issue. Some impetus from other parts of the industry—or from the Government—might help other people to come along with us on those schemes. I must emphasise that we have not done anything about it yet, but we are actively looking at it.

Mark Ruskell

Is the fact that you have to cajole people to take up such a scheme just one of the problems with voluntarism?

Kate Rowell

You have to persuade farmers to see the benefit of a farm assurance scheme. They are paying for it, so they have to see a benefit from it. If you make life too hard for them, they will not get involved in the scheme.

John Scott (Ayr) (Con)

I must declare an interest as a farmer and landowner, and as a member of the NFUS. I would like to put some figures on some of the issues that have been talked about. On the lack of dedicated staff in the Scottish Government, I believe that it was the NFUS submission that said that there is just one full-time equivalent person in the Scottish Government dedicated to reducing carbon in agriculture. Am I correct?

Andrew Midgley

My experience in the policy area is that there is one go-to person who leads the climate change stakeholder work. However, I am sure that the Scottish Government will probably say that you should look at all the other stuff that it does in terms of advice and so on.

John Scott

How many people have been through Scotland’s Rural College’s farming for a better climate programme this year? Is it 1,000? Kate Rowell, do you know that?

Kate Rowell

I am sorry; I do not.

John Scott

I am sure that I saw that in one of the submissions. I believe that there are 12 monitor farms and that, in total, 1,000 people will have been involved in that programme this year. If those figures are correct, that shows you the scale of the problem, given that there are—if my memory serves me correctly—about 20,000 farmers and crofters in Scotland. There is certainly a need to roll out that programme.

Kate Rowell, your submission—perhaps challenging the view of Professor David Reay—highlights the view of Quality Meat Scotland that the current systems of measurement for carbon output are not adequate. Could you expand on that further?

Kate Rowell

I did not write the submission, but I will do my best. I have been in the job for only six weeks, so please bear with me.

The problem that we have with the measurement of emissions is that it is a very blunt instrument. We are counting the number of cows—that is basically how we are measuring emissions from cows. To make an analogy with the transport industry, that is exactly the same as counting the number of cars and not taking into account anything that car manufacturers are doing to make individual cars more efficient. We were recently privileged to be at the SRUC’s green cow facility, where the emissions from cows are measured and cows are given different feedstuffs and additives to see what difference that makes to their emissions. In the current measurement system, that is pointless, because there is no mechanism for more efficient cows to be measured.

I am a farmer as well as being the chair of Quality Meat Scotland, and I am going home this afternoon to pregnancy diagnose all our cows. The best result for me would be that every single cow is going to have a calf, and the best result for efficiency is that every single cow is going to have a calf, because we have fed the cow and she has produced all her emissions, so we want a calf from every cow. The trouble with the measurement system that we have at the moment is that that is almost the worst-case scenario, because it would double the number of cows, so even the most efficient farmers are adding to the figures. We would like there to be investment in research for a new, world-leading measuring system for agricultural emissions.

The Deputy Convener

Thank you. Professor Wall—would you like to comment on that?

Professor Eileen Wall (Scottish Environment, Food and Agriculture Research Institutes Gateway)

Kate Rowell referred to the research. A lot of work has been done across the UK Governments on improving our national inventory, which is simply refining the counting of cows, and taking account of management systems, dietary elements and—to continue the analogy with makes of cars—differences between breeds. There are ways of doing it; it is not impossible. The underlying aim is that, however big the population is, if every one of Kate’s cows is pregnant—the hope is that 100 per cent of cows will calve this year—the calves will automatically be included in the audit.

That does not really give any measure of emissions efficiency, however. That 100 per cent calving rate would massively improve the efficiency of her breeding herd, compared with if it was down at 80 per cent, if you look at the return of product from the whole system. That is where we get into the conflict between what we are required to report on an inventory, which is absolute emissions—which is a factor of the number of animals and how we are planning, ploughing and managing our fields—versus the efficiency per unit of product. The stuff that we are doing on the policy side and on the research side is helping to inform that debate.

Claudia Beamish (South Scotland) (Lab)

There is an extremely interesting discussion to be had about measurement that should perhaps feed into the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill. I was on the Rural Affairs, Climate Change and Environment Committee during the previous session of Parliament, when our remit included agriculture and climate change—we will leave aside the discussion about whether the division is good or not. I heard a lot about excellent practices and developments that have been happening for a considerable time.

Also, as a rural dweller, I know about the isolation that families who work in farming, forestry or land use more broadly often experience, and I question why programmes such as farming for a better climate, which John Scott mentioned, have not spread more. Is that something that the witnesses could comment on?

I am thinking about issues that are raised with me, which the witnesses will all know far more about than I do, including dietary change for animals—rather than for humans; we will have that conversation later—genetics, for which money is available in the agri-environment scheme, and development of soil testing. Why are such things not being shared so that we are in more of an agroecological environment? I am sorry to go on for so long, but those activities help profits in farming, as has been highlighted, so why are we still where we are?

Professor Reay

The others on the panel know much more about the barriers than I do. As an academic, I suggest that one of our issues is knowledge transfer. We need to get better at that.

There will be a host of reasons why we have only 1,000 rather than 20,000 stakeholders taking up good practice through farming for a better climate. One of the comparators that I have looked at is Denmark, which had a similar big problem with high use and high waste of nitrogens in agriculture. Although there was a lot of good practice—as we have—many landowners and farmers were not accessing information and implementing good nitrogen-use efficiency. Regulation was therefore brought in to address the large number of farmers who, in essence, needed help to move up. That has been successful for Denmark. Denmark is still not as good as we are on that—it uses more nitrogen—but nitrous oxide emissions there have come down significantly, whereas ours have not. There are lessons to learn from Denmark.

Andrew Midgley

The question is on the spread of change and why we have not gone further. We have to think about the folk on the ground; it is hard to generalise, because in any walk of life there is a spectrum of folk. There will be people who are fully committed and signed up environmentalists. What do people want to do? They want to grow high-quality crops, manage their land well, rear high-quality animals and be viewed with respect in their communities. If we are completely honest about it, climate change emissions reduction is still not right up there as a thing that people are judged on among their peers. As I said, it is difficult to generalise and I do not want to do so in a negative way, but the reality is that climate change has not risen so far that it is seen as a critical thing to address.

For the NFUS, there is a really important point about how it will all happen if we are to achieve what we want, which we have tried to convey in our submission. The climate change agenda might be seen as someone else’s agenda rather than as our collective agenda: that is a really important issue that we must address. Obviously, the agenda is for all of us, and that is what we have to work on.

We have individuals and their practice and we have the industry—bodies such as the NFUS and people who represent the industry. Both are actors in this. It is unfortunate that sometimes when climate change is raised it is done in a way that feels like an attack so, as an industry, we end up defending. That is not a constructive way to get to the point at which climate change is accepted as a collective issue. At the moment, the approach is still almost a confrontation rather than a collective effort.

The Convener

John Scott has a short question on that.

John Scott

On Professor Reay’s point—I defer to his knowledge—does the panel agree that there is an opportunity with the proposed agriculture bill that the Cabinet Secretary for the Rural Economy has said he will introduce to deliver a half-way house between regulation and the voluntary code of practice? For example, to qualify for future support, farmers could have a menu of options, given that the 20,000 farms in Scotland are all different. If they were to tick, say, six of 10 options that would be available on a menu, they would qualify thereafter for agricultural support. Crofters might have fewer options being open to them, so they could be looked at differently.

10:00  

Professor Reay

I agree absolutely. I have discussed exactly that with John Scott before. As Andrew Midgley described, the issue is how to bring everyone along with the idea.

Denmark made some serious mistakes in implementing policies to drive change. It has had some successes in mandatory action, but it lost a large amount of support from the farming community, which has set the country back. We can learn from that and not make the same mistakes. There are good exemplars in the Danish situation, but there are also exemplars of what not to do.

John Scott suggested incentives to good practice that would be voluntary, but the farmer who chose not to have a low-carbon strategy would not be eligible for incentives. That could be very effective.

Katy Dickson

I agree with that approach. It is important that everyone sees the opportunity for the individual as well as how activity feeds in to targets.

If people are to take land out of active production or change their business significantly and invest to do that, we need to ensure that they can trust the system and know that in the long term it will support them. Otherwise, people will say that the system will just change in the future, or that the good thing that they are doing has no impact, because their neighbours are not doing it. We need to make sure that everybody is on board.

Professor Wall

I also support the idea of incentives. The evidence is that a menu of options may be the best way forward. We have been working on the carbon-auditing side of the beef efficiency scheme. That scheme has been rolled out just over the past year. We get feedback in conversations with farmers. We discuss inefficiencies and use that as a tool to focus on what will work for the individual. It is early to use that to underpin a whole act, but it highlights that everything in the system can be bespoke, at a given point in time.

Climate change is long term and cows are long lived. To improve efficiency, it is not possible to make a decision on one day for one five-year period for the Scottish rural development programme funding, and then to expect that changing the message the next time round will continue to have the same benefit in the target rates as the previous one.

The Convener

We will move on to questions from Stewart Stevenson on a similar theme. There will be an opportunity for the panel to come in on those points.

Stewart Stevenson (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

I declare that I have a very small registered agricultural holding.

I want to explore the numbers and mathematics. Given that biomathematics and statistics Scotland is part of SEFARI, Professor Wall should be on high alert immediately.

The target in the bill for 2050 is 20 per cent, and net zero emissions is also being discussed as an option. Neither target is for the agricultural sector. We have heard that many things can be done in the agricultural sector that are economically beneficial while they also support the climate change agenda.

Would it be cheaper, given that we have a quarter of Europe’s tidal power, to put all our investment in tidal power and let farming get on with it? That may well take us to net zero emissions.

Professor Wall

I cannot speak for the whole of the economy and all its various sectors. Certainly, it is a fact that if we are going to have agriculture, with its livestock and crops, there will be emissions. More than 70 per cent of the land in Scotland is suitable for livestock—the quality product that Kate Rowell and Quality Meat Scotland promote globally, and which has brand recognition. That land needs to be managed. If we can make money and achieve climate benefit and wider ecosystem benefits from it, and foster community stability, why would we do what you suggest? We should still invest in tidal energy, however; a multisectoral approach is required.

Stewart Stevenson

I am being deliberately provocative; I am not advocating investment in tidal power as the magic bullet. What I am really asking is whether an attempt is being made across all sectors, including agriculture, to work out what climate benefit we get for every £1 that we invest. In other words, is an attempt being made to find out how many pounds we should put into agriculture, power generation, transport and so on? It is worth bearing it in mind that not all the money is public pounds. Is any work being done to address that? I see that Professor Reay wants to jump in.

Professor Reay

That is a good and provocative question. We want least-cost carbon reduction. In all sectors—including agriculture—there are areas in which reduction can be achieved at no cost or negative cost. We cannot, however, get to net zero greenhouse gas emissions simply by having loads of tidal energy because that will not sequester carbon. We will also still have emissions of methane and nitrous oxide from other sources.

Stewart Stevenson

I would like to pull you up slightly there. I understand what you are saying, but methane is a carbon equivalent, which means that if we have negative emissions from electricity generation, in arithmetical terms, given the way in which the targets are structured, we would be offsetting the methane without reducing it. On top of that—this is a complex issue—methane disperses very rapidly, whereas carbon dioxide is there for hundreds of years.

Professor Reay

On energy generation, we could get to zero carbon, which is where we need to get to, but we will still have emissions from agriculture and land use that we cannot fully mitigate unless we have sequestration. Globally and in Scotland, that must be part of the strategy. We cannot just address the issue in the energy sector. In fact, we cannot meet our net zero emissions target without agriculture being a key part of delivery.

Pete Ritchie

With regard to the suggestion about a menu of options, I do not think that that is good enough as a response to climate change. We cannot simply say, “We’re going to have a new farm support scheme, and one of the options is to do something about climate change.” Tackling climate change must be front and centre of what all of us—including all farmers—do. As Andrew Midgley said, we need a very clear signal from the Government that mitigating climate change is not optional for farmers, any more than it is for any other sector of Scottish society. It is an issue that we are all invested in, and which we should all be doing something about. It is not enough just to have one option that farmers can take, but do not have to take.

Whatever shape the post-2020 support system takes, we must move towards a position in which every farmer is doing something about climate change. It is very clear that that is where public opinion is going. If control of farm support lies at Holyrood, people will want to see farmers doing their bit alongside everybody else. That does not mean punishing farmers; it means getting behind them and working with them over the long term. It takes time for farmers to change their practices and to change their herds. It will take a long time to get the new genetics into our herds, for example.

People do not take such measures quickly, because they are running small businesses. If what they are currently doing works and there is no significant reward for changing, why should they take the risk? If what they are doing works well enough, that is an incentive for them to keep doing what they are doing. The Government needs to walk alongside people to help them to make the changes.

We must continue to recognise that the reputation of Scotland’s produce depends on our doing a really good job, and being seen to do a really good job, on climate change. It is true that we will never reduce agriculture emissions to zero—nobody is suggesting that we will—but we can make sensible reductions that will increase the profitability of farming and we can lock up a lot more carbon in Scotland’s soils than we are locking up at the moment. Such perfectly sensible strategies can help the industry and will not undermine it.

Stewart Stevenson

I will close off the bit of my questioning about how farming will have to change. Is there a list that a farmer can look at to help them understand the order in which they will get the best benefit? As we already know, there are an awful lot of things that farmers could be doing, but do they know which ones to hunt for first? There will be different answers for arable farming, beef farming, hill farming and so on—I understand that—but is there a list of the kind that I have outlined?

Professor Wall

That list is one of the things that the farming for a better climate programme is coming up with, and the education and communication around that vehicle have been very successful in identifying some of its elements. However, the options are very broad, and the specifics that will work for one particular system at one particular time need to be managed. It is all about having a conversation about—and an understanding of—the fact that something might work one year but not the next. The question is how we take that from the education and awareness stage to the understanding and uptake of best practice on a farm at any one time.

Of course, it will also depend on what has already been done—in other words, the added benefit. The options do not necessarily work independently of one another; a lot of them have additional and cumulative benefits that we should be trying to capitalise on. Again, that is part of a longer-term conversation to reach a certain level of understanding of how this works in practice. What works very well is being able to highlight particular examples.

Katy Dickson

We need to be careful of what we count as agriculture. We need more recognition of the other things that farmers are already doing and which do not count towards agricultural impacts. They might already be planting trees, carrying out peatland restoration or have other on-going activities, but all that the figures show is that agriculture is not improving.

I find it interesting that rough grazing is not counted as agriculture and that all the soil underneath such grazings is not seen as used or productively farmed land—I am not quite sure what the term is. As I have said, we need to be careful, because a lot is happening that is not included in the figures.

Stewart Stevenson

So we should really be looking at the whole land use, land-use change and forestry—or LULUCF—area.

Katy Dickson

We should carefully assess which things sit in which category and be really careful not to draw a definite line between the categories. They are all part of land use. It could be useful to understand that better.

John Scott

Although I appreciate the different synergies and ways of working, I am going to make things awkward and ask each of the panel to give me one solution, given that we are looking for lists of solutions. Could each of you, in your own time, provide us with a brief solution for achieving the 90 per cent target and the net zero target?

The Convener

Who is going to go first?

Professor Reay

I should declare a bias as a nitrogen researcher, but my solution would be nitrogen-use efficiency, just because of the wins of improved productivity, reduced air and water pollution and reduced emissions through a reduction in nitrous oxide.

The Convener

Would anyone else like to chime in?

Patrick Krause

I am trying to work out how I can condense my 10 points into one, and I cannot do it. As a result, I will have to go for sequestration as a solution. The conversation that we have been having over the past 10 minutes is really key to the issue, and people have made some absolutely essential points. We have to look at this holistically. The area of carbon offset—the idea that if someone is doing something good, it is okay for me to do something bad—is somewhere we cannot go. We all have to be doing good, and striking the balance is, as Professor Reay has said, about locking the carbon up again. That is particularly important to crofters, given that we are conservation grazing on a lot of Scotland’s prime peatlands. It is absolutely essential that we get the peatlands into a healthy state.

Andrew Midgley

I would focus on the fact that this is all about people. The solution that I will give you is not about what measure should be implemented but about what has to happen to encourage more action. We need to get a large number of people who are running businesses to change their behaviour.

I was really encouraged to hear that the majority back the suggestions on supporting action under future farm support, because that is what we have been suggesting. We support future policy change that enables people to work in a way that addresses climate change, and that happens through farm support. We also support the Government leading from the front—

10:15  

The Convener

John Scott’s question was about what sustainable farming could look like on the ground and what measures could be taken to change farming. If we are even to have a stab at achieving net zero, for example, what will that look like?

Andrew Midgley

We know the measures on nitrogen use—there is a big long list of them. One potential solution is to do with the circular economy and how we use nutrients in the wider economy and get them from where they are created to where they are used. Some work may be needed on that.

Pete Ritchie

I will rehearse things that people know. Improving animal health is the number 1 no-brainer. It is really important to get rid of some of the soil compaction that we should not have. We need to get more organic matter into our soils—that does not necessarily mean farming organically, but that is one way to do it. On nitrogen use, we could, quite simply, use a lot more clover. We have known about clover for hundreds of years, but we still have farms that do not sow clover in their mixes, which is strange. We could do a lot more on agriforestry. It is a good idea to have more trees on farms. We have had a culture in which farmers who have planted trees have been told that they have failed as farmers. We need a culture in which farmers are told that farms should have trees on them and that agriforestry means that we can maintain the same yields while locking up a lot more carbon and providing a lot of other biodiversity and flood-prevention benefits.

Professor Wall

Like Dave Reay, I, too, declare an interest: I am a geneticist. We have seen mitigation benefits in pig, poultry and dairy, and we can track at least 50 per cent of them to the genetic improvement that has happened over the past 20 years. To go back to Andrew Midgley’s point, we do not have the same uptake of such tools in beef and sheep—in part, that is what the beef efficiency scheme is trying to address.

This is against my own interest, but that is about data and about farmers understanding what is happening on farms from year to year and making decisions on that basis. That information feeds into my research and the tools that we help to develop, but farmers need a discussion about what their calving rate is year on year and what they can do to improve. Getting into data-driven agriculture will underpin many of the actions that people have mentioned.

Kate Rowell

I echo that. We need to be as efficient as possible with our livestock; we need to be farming as efficiently as possible. Well-managed grazing is so important—it can increase the carbon sink of our grasslands. Getting the message out is the important thing. The answers are there; we just need to get them out there and taken up.

John Scott

Can anyone comment on whether soil pH is included?

Pete Ritchie

Yes, absolutely.

Claudia Beamish

My question is about transformational change, which is a topic that we have discussed a lot. The phrase “just transition” is used in some sectors—the energy sector, for example, and I am often asked what it means. I will not define it today, but it is an inclusive phrase. My question touches on some of the issues that we have been exploring together. To what degree is “just transition” a valuable phrase for agriculture, forestry and land use? I would like the panel’s comments on that, after which I will ask a couple of quick follow-up questions.

Pete Ritchie

It is a very helpful phrase for agriculture. We know that agriculture in Scotland and across the world is facing a crunch point in delivering a sustainable food system. We have had massive losses in biodiversity globally and face the huge challenge of climate change. Agriculture needs to shift. To walk with farmers through that shift in Scotland means having a just transition. It means having a new deal with farmers and saying that we will support them if they will support us to deliver on our social objectives for climate change and the environment.

Taking farmers through that just transition is where the focus of our next farm support policy and our agricultural policy needs to be, because business as usual is simply not an option for farming.

Professor Reay

I think that “just transition” is a useful phrase. The point has already been made that there is a danger that agriculture in Scotland and around the world will be vilified as a problem sector for climate change. We know from the special report “Global Warming of 1.5°”, which came out a couple of weeks ago, that the urgency is very much ratcheting up. We need to avoid that vilification, because I see farmers as the champions in terms of where we go on climate change through to 2050 and beyond. When it comes to delivering on our climate change targets, there are many other positives, and that narrative needs to be the one that farmers, as well as the general public, hear.

Andrew Midgley

We support the concept of just transition. My understanding is that the concept came out of the union movement and that the intention is to try to deliver climate change action without that action having huge negative consequences for workers.

Claudia Beamish

And for communities?

Andrew Midgley

Yes. With such things in mind, my union thought that there was great crossover: there is going to be change in agriculture, but we can deliver that change without necessarily having huge job losses in the industry.

The Convener

Angus MacDonald has a supplementary question.

Angus MacDonald (Falkirk East) (SNP)

I take on board Pete Ritchie’s point that business as usual is not an option, but there is an argument that transformational change could result in land abandonment, not least in less favoured areas, which we should not ignore. I will quote some stark comments from the submission that we received from the National Sheep Association. The NSA says that it

“does not believe the ambitious targets laid out in the paper are realistic and with regard to the livestock sector we believe there will be serious impacts on red meat production for Scotland. With 85% classed as Less Favoured Area ... hill flocks managed across vast areas of Scotland already contribute significantly to reducing climate change targets purely by the way in which they graze and control grass growth where no other animal or human can do that.”

It also states:

“If breeding sheep numbers were to be reduced, purely as a mechanism to meet GHG emission targets, then the social, economic and environmental impact would be devastating across rural parts of Scotland. People would simply disappear from the remotest areas, as without sheep and sheep farming, there will be no reason for people to live up many of the remote glens of Scotland. Evidence of this land abandonment can already be seen in many parts.”

I just want to get those comments on the record. Does Patrick Krause want to comment?

Patrick Krause

We would agree with just about everything that was said there, except for the opening statement that we should not be trying for net zero. Certainly, in my experience of surveying crofters, once net zero is explained, people understand that it is a worthy target to go for. Why go for 90 per cent if we could go for net zero? The concept of net zero is really important. As I said, it is not about just having zero emissions but about the fact that we are managing our land in such a way that there is a balance. That equilibrium is what we are after.

The Convener

Mark Ruskell has some questions on this theme.

Mark Ruskell

I want to go back to how we manage transformations. There seem to be a huge number of possibilities around agriforestry, forestry and how the sector is addressing the situation. I think that it was Guy Smith from the NFU in England who said that there were big opportunities with a net zero carbon economy, and he very much pointed to timber. Culturally, is the agriculture sector taking those opportunities? It might mean a lot less sheep and beef, and a lot more timber.

Andrew Midgley

As it stands, there is probably a division of sorts between agriculture and forestry, but activity is on-going to try to counter that division. Several years ago, the woodland expansion advisory group sought to explore how the forestry targets could be met in the context of continuing agricultural production, and it found that it would be possible to meet the forestry targets without necessarily hugely reducing agricultural production. Since then, there have been initiatives involving sheep and trees to try to encourage extra planting on farms, which we have supported. We support the on-going efforts to encourage planting of trees on farms. In the range of things that farmers can do, that is on the credit side in terms of sequestration—it is a very positive thing.

A tension arises when the forestry industry buys whole farms, which has consequences for communities, especially in remote locations, and gets very contentious. Pete Ritchie may have more insight into this, but I know that, although agriforestry is in the current SRDP, it is not taken up to any great extent. There is an issue with the demonstration and spread of those ideas.

Mark Ruskell

Why is that? I gather that there was only one application to the SRDP last year for agriforestry, which seems counterintuitive, considering everything that we are talking about.

Andrew Midgley

When people apply for an agri-environment scheme, they look at what they have, their business and how they can match that with the scheme. They consider how they can deliver for the public good and how that fits with their business. Everyone always starts from what they have been doing. There is an element of stretching into something new and, I guess, there is inertia. It comes down to trying to demonstrate the effectiveness or consequences of the change, such as saving money, the diversification of cropping and that sort of thing.

Work was done in the past by the Macaulay Land Use Research Institute at Glensaugh, but that has not really continued or been pushed out. There is potentially an opportunity to carry that work on.

Patrick Krause

My understanding is that the agriforestry scheme is really difficult to get into, which is why there are very few applications.

For me, Mark Ruskell’s original question about forestry conjured up the issue of forestry blocks. We have to be careful about what we are thinking about. Industrial timber and monocropping have the same problems, including environmental problems, as monocropping in agriculture. As Pete Ritchie said, we have not used agriforestry enough. We should be heading for a cultural transition to the acceptance of trees on farms and crofts. It is not as simple as just trees; it is about what goes on under the trees. My understanding is that in quite a few locations we are pulling trees out because they have been drying out peatlands. Obviously, it is about finding a good mix and balance.

The Convener

We will have a quick question from Claudia Beamish before we move on to another theme.

Claudia Beamish

I just point out—I am not asking for comment on this, as it is not my question—that Tom Archer is doing agriforestry, so that might show the lead. Anyway, never mind about that.

We have had an interesting exploration of the issues with a mandatory approach and a voluntary approach. There is also the question of setting sectoral targets in the bill and breaking those down further. Pete Ritchie highlighted that point in Nourish’s written submission in relation to agriforestry and other areas. That could be another way of pushing things forward. I ask him for a brief comment on that. We are running short of time, as we have a lot of other questions, so others might weave their comments on that into further comments about targets. However, as Pete Ritchie raised the issue in his submission, I ask him to comment on it.

10:30  

Pete Ritchie

It is all part of asking for clear leadership from the Government on where we are going. As Mark Ruskell said, we introduced the agriforestry scheme in the last SRDP partly because of the woodland expansion advisory group, but there was no oomph behind it and no leadership. We asked the Government for a 10-year research and development programme to develop the approach at scale, but nothing happened. Nobody was responsible for promoting the uptake of agriforestry among farmers or ensuring that it happened. The same could be said of organics and a number of other best practices. It has been nobody’s job in Government to promote them, and it has been left to the union or to individual farmers to make that move. We do not have leadership or direction.

Statutory targets might be a crude instrument, but at least they are one way of saying that we want to get to X by Y, or that something is good to invest in and we are signalling that we will invest in it.

I want to pick up briefly on the point that Angus MacDonald made about depopulation. There is a perfectly reasonable case for saying that it is really important that we maintain people in very fragile communities in parts of Scotland, and subsidising farming in a particular way might be the best way of doing that. Sometimes—although not always—sheep farming might be the only way of doing that. We have to consider matters much more on a regional and case-by-case basis rather than saying that we need to preserve the number of sheep at all costs in a national scheme. The number of sheep in Scotland is going down, and it will probably continue to go down whatever any of us does about that. Therefore, let us not get caught up in the idea that somehow the only way forward is to keep every sheep that we now have into the future.

Finlay Carson (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)

I declare an interest as a member of the NFUS.

We have heard about various potential changes that there can be in farming for it to play its part in addressing climate change. Professor Wall, we know that SEFARI is looking into the effectiveness of the farming for a better climate programme and how effective the mitigation practices might be. What are the barriers to changing agricultural practices, such as those involving feedstocks or breeding, that we could face?

Professor Wall

It is about people. Andrew Midgley raised that point. A lot of the work that we are doing in SEFARI—particularly in this funding round, but it carries on from previous work—is about really trying to understand the KE and KT vehicles that get people understanding. It is also about understanding the barriers to uptake. We are only halfway through the current five-year programme and are not yet there with the answers, but we are already beginning to get messages about the KT vehicles and to learn from them. It is not the case that we have not said things in various ways; it is just that we have not said them correctly in all cases. Where there has been uptake, we can demonstrate that it has worked. The issue is getting that out to the masses, to be crass about it. We are certainly doing research not just about what is happening with respect to the soils or the animals, but about understanding the behavioural change that will support that.

Finlay Carson

Do you think that just an improvement in the knowledge base or the passing on of knowledge would be enough to achieve a lot of the changes?

Professor Wall

The evidence is that we have passed on knowledge and have not achieved changes in all sectors and in all parts of sectors. Therefore, the way in which we have done things has probably not always been correct for the broadest of audiences. We are definitely learning from that and learning about the right ways to communicate. The farming for a better climate programme has been given as an exemplar. People seeing the knowledge working in practice has been a key part of the approach, but that is not the only vehicle.

It is not my area, but there is a whole heap of social science on understanding the behaviours of people. It is not just about the farmers; it is about the groups that support them and the policies that the Government puts in place. We are beginning to learn lessons, particularly in the more technologically advanced industries in which there has been uptake.

Stewart Stevenson

Will Professor Wall say what KT and KE stand for, for the benefit of the Official Report? We know what they mean, but others will not.

Professor Wall

Apologies. They stand for knowledge transfer and knowledge exchange.

Katy Dickson

I want to go back to an earlier point. We need to ensure that all the strategies are aligned. We have a land use strategy, a climate change strategy and a forestry strategy. We need to ensure that they talk to each other and are aligned and that we do not look at them only by the sectors. Every piece of land is not exactly the same. There has to be the right land use in the right area, and that use will be different across Scotland.

Andrew Midgley

The question around barriers is really complicated. I have been seeking to raise the issue of people and social change, but if we drill down to individual farms, there are structural issues to do with size and the capacity of a farmer to invest to deliver change. Farmers are running businesses, so there are market issues and issues around the degree to which the changes that they might need to make fit with their ability to make a living. In lots of cases, those issues are complementary, but they could be constrained by things that are hard to change, such as size and capacity. On top of that are the attitudes and behaviours and so on.

Finlay Carson

We need to address the lack of knowledge of the barriers.

Andrew Midgley

A lot of work has been done on that in relation to similar issues, such as the take-up of agri-environment work.

Pete Ritchie

There is also a more traditional approach to genetics and how you work out what a bull, ram or tup is going to be good for compared to how we do that in the pig and poultry industry. However, we and others have called for continued professional development as an area in which investment in a new scheme could help all farmers to learn a bit more about climate change and what they can do. That could be built into the programme.

Richard Lyle (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)

Let us look at agriculture emissions. The greenhouse gas methane makes up 44 per cent of those emissions, and the cause is cattle and sheep. Its global warming potential over 100 years is at 25. Carbon dioxide accounts for 29 per cent of agricultural emissions, its cause is land use and its global warming potential is 1. Nitrous oxide accounts for 27 per cent, its cause is nitrogen fertiliser and its global warming potential over 100 years is 298.

Kate Rowell hinted earlier that the only way to reduce those figures is the totally unacceptable suggestion that has been made by some people in society of doing away with all the animals, reducing animal stock or stopping using fertiliser in planting. They are ridiculous suggestions. We need to produce more good food, and we have farmers who can do that.

Are we at the limits of feasibility? Has the full range of options to reduce emissions in agriculture been properly examined? Have we discounted actions for technical or political reasons? Are we just tackling agriculture emissions wrongly?

Pete Ritchie

We are nowhere near the limits of technical innovation or feasibility. We could significantly increase the efficiency with which we produce the same amount of food while reducing nitrous oxide and methane emissions considerably through a mixture of genetics, animal health and the sensible use of fertiliser.

Scotland’s nitrogen balance is getting worse. During the past 10 years, we have been wasting more nitrogen than we used to. We are not getting better and we are nowhere near where we could be with technical efficiency. If we become more efficient, we also become more profitable.

For Nourish Scotland, the idea that we are going to double production in certain sectors of Scottish agriculture is a mistake. We need to improve profitability so that individual farmers can make a living and do the right thing for the environment.

Richard Lyle

I have sat here for the past hour and agreed with most of what the panel has said. Should we not take one farm, do it right, and then lead everybody else that way? Farmers have to earn a living. I live in the real world. We must also ensure that farmers produce the food that we need to eat. Should we not be doing that rather than sitting here criticising farmers or saying that they should do this or that and produce more trees and not have too many cattle? Should we not get an example farm for a couple of years and then lead people the right way?

Pete Ritchie

We do have some cutting-edge farms; there is no doubt about that. Some farmers go around the world to improve their practice and learn from others. However, Andrew Midgley has already talked about how slowly such innovation spreads and how challenging it is.

I agree that we need to praise the people who are doing well and show the headlines about why they are doing so well. How to get other people to take up such measures when they run small businesses that are often working on tight cash flows with minimum amounts of money to spend is still a challenge. It is not straightforward. It is not just about doing one thing that everybody will copy.

The Convener

Eileen Wall, do you want to come in?

Professor Wall

I was just going to echo what Pete Ritchie has said.

The Convener

Do you want to follow up on any of that, Richard?

Richard Lyle

I was waiting for Kate Rowell to come back in. I like to drive out in the country and see sheep and cattle in the fields. Some people believe that we should do away with them because they are causing too many emissions. Is that not a crazy suggestion?

Kate Rowell

Yes, it is. Getting rid of everything is definitely not the answer. That would just export our problem, because we would then bring in food from elsewhere, and there are water issues in other parts of the world. We have a huge resource that allows us to grow fantastic grass that we can then convert, through ruminants, into protein that we can eat. That is good for us all and works really well for the country and the economy. The red meat sector contributes £2 billion to the Scottish economy.

I want to echo what we were saying earlier. We have an industry development department and we want to run estimated breeding values—EBV—workshops. That is the science behind the genetics and choosing the animals that we want to use. To get farmers to want to come to those workshops, we often have to dress them up as something a bit more interesting to the farmers. We are calling them getting ready for breeding workshops, and we are kind of putting the science in by the back door. If we say up front that the workshops are about the science, certain farmers will definitely come because they are very interested, but a large proportion will just not think that it is for them, so we need to approach the issue in the right way.

The Convener

It is called marketing.

Kate Rowell

Yes.

Rhoda Grant (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)

I will direct my question to Kate Rowell. Do recent improvements to accounting for agricultural emissions through the new smart inventory address concerns about the accuracy of the greenhouse gas inventory?

Kate Rowell

I am afraid that I cannot answer that question definitively, but I do not think so. As far as I know, we are still working on a very simple system of counting the number of cows. I am sorry, but I do not know enough to answer that question properly.

Andrew Midgley

The inventory was reviewed last year or the year before. The previous system used a very general set of assumptions about emissions per cow or per sheep. The inventory has been improved because it has been differentiated. For example, in dairy, there are three different systems, and there are different systems for beef that take into account age, feed and so on. We now have a much more accurate understanding of emissions from agriculture, which has reduced the amount of emissions that we attribute to the industry. Under the old inventory, we thought that we had one set of emissions, but, when we improved our understanding of the complexity of emissions and of how they are different in different circumstances, we found that the emissions were lower.

An outstanding issue is the degree to which the inventory is revisable. The inventory is still a collection of a set of assumptions and some data, which is brought together to give us a figure on emissions from agriculture. If we change what we do on the ground, that will not necessarily be reflected very easily in the inventory. That would be accounted for only if there was a sufficiently widescale change in behaviour that could be recorded in the assumptions through which the inventory is created.

We have improved the data in the inventory, so we have a more accurate understanding of emissions. However, as Professor Wall said, we need to improve the data and continue to make it more responsive, so that it reflects what is happening on the ground.

10:45  

Professor Reay

It is a good news story, I suppose, but Scotland and the UK are leading the world in terms of improving the resolution in the inventory. Nitrous oxide is a really good example in that respect. There is a lot of uncertainty about it in a lot of the world, so what is called a default emissions factor is used to estimate emissions from, say, a certain amount of nitrogen fertiliser. However, we in the UK and Scotland have gone way beyond that; we use something that has been developed specifically for us and which takes our climate and soils into account to give us a 10km2 resolution for nitrous oxide. We are therefore way ahead of most of the world on this issue, and it gives us a better basis on which to manage things. The inventories will always be a work in progress with regard to taking local information into account and providing a baseline on which we can act, but compared with most nations, we are actually really well placed.

Mark Ruskell

On the basis of consumer trends and compared with current consumption levels, it seems likely that we in this country will certainly be consuming less meat—though not, I would say, no meat—by 2050. Does that create opportunities for Scottish agriculture, particularly horticulture?

Pete Ritchie

If we can get it right, it will create opportunities for Scottish agriculture as far as livestock production is concerned. The argument will be about eating less but better meat and will give us an opportunity to demonstrate that we do meat better here. We do not want to turn all land over to trees, because using it for grazing purposes not only has great amenity value but has great conservation value. There is a good story that we could tell about sustainable livestock production in Scotland, but at the moment, we are not on track to get that right; we are just not going down that road.

There are certainly opportunities in field horticulture and protective cropping and we could be doing a lot more to grow the sector in Scotland to be not just self-sufficient but able to export. There is a huge opportunity to invest in horticulture, which is highly productive and generates a lot of jobs and revenue. However, we should not lose sight of the idea that we can do livestock production well—without keeping dairy cows inside all day and feeding them on imported soya. We can produce good animal products very efficiently from our own resources and then integrate that activity with tree planting and biodiversity work.

Andrew Midgley

The drive to eat less meat is an important social trend, but Scottish agriculture has a lot to be commended for. A lot of that particular narrative is based on international reports on livestock farming that take such farming as a whole, but actually it works in different ways in different places. Naturally, Scottish agriculture has a very good story to tell, and we should be supporting Scottish farmers. Even if what Mr Ruskell has suggested were to transpire, if we supported Scottish farmers, we could still have a bright future.

Mark Ruskell

Does your union cover the horticulture sector?

Andrew Midgley

Yes, we have horticulture members and a working group. Did you think that we just represented the livestock sector? We actually cover the whole thing.

Mark Ruskell

I was just interested in hearing whether you think that there is any jobs potential in horticulture with the shift towards a more flexitarian diet.

Andrew Midgley

There is potential, but it is not necessarily a zero-sum game.

Rhoda Grant

It seems to me that, although we might be measuring things, we are not doing it well—and it is even more worrying to hear that we are world leaders in this. Going back to the point about sequestration and the difficulty of seeing a farm unit’s output, I wonder how we can encourage people to change their behaviour. They might be doing good things, but those are not measured against the bad things; and they might be taking the science into account to lower greenhouse gas emissions, but that activity is not being measured because the instrument in that respect is quite blunt and takes everything as a whole. How can we encourage people to change behaviour if we cannot really reward it?

Andrew Midgley

There are lots of different issues there that it is important to tease out.

The inventory works at a national level. It will always be the best that we can do and it is never going to be absolutely perfect, but we have to work with that. In our submission, we said that there is an issue around how things are reported in agriculture. That relates to your question about how we can encourage people to buy into the approach. At the moment, the inventory views agriculture as a collection of measures that are only about emissions. The things that farmers might do on the positive side—around sequestration, for example, or reducing the amount of energy consumption on their farms—tend to be viewed in a different box. Agriculture gets talked about as being a problem because of that, but farmers do not work in only one box; they do lots of things in different boxes, but people talk about them only in relation to the box that has the problem. That positions farming as somehow just being about emissions and, therefore, just being a problem. We would like some work to be done to better reflect what farming does as a whole, because then farming would be able to tell its story fairly. At the moment, it feels more like farming is being attacked, because it does not seem like all the good that we do is represented.

We have to work within certain structures in relation to the inventory, because of internationally agreed standards, but if it were possible to arrange for some sort of shadow way of accounting that enabled that story to be told, that would be a positive thing, because it would enable proper acknowledgment of what the industry is doing.

Pete Ritchie

We agree with that, but we also think that it is important that individual farmers know how they are doing and can get some feedback on that. That is why we want the new farm support scheme to focus much more on a whole-farm plan, so that people can look at a range of factors, with climate change front and centre. Those factors include estimated breeding values, soil compaction, animal health, woodland planting, carbon emissions from farm machinery and the use of fertiliser, slurry and manure. The whole-farm plan should consider all of those factors and examine what sort of things the farmer would need to do to make improvements in that regard over five years.

I completely agree with Kate Rowell’s earlier point; we need farmers to be much more data-driven and we need to have much more data at our fingertips about how we are doing and how we are getting better. After the next round of farm support, there is an opportunity to use the whole-farm plan model to help farmers to put climate change front and centre in their planning and to support them to make changes—not one year at a time but over at least five years.

Kate Rowell

Our farm is part of a pilot project that is run by the Scottish Agricultural Organisation Society called carbon positive. I think that it wants to roll out a system whereby every farm has a number that shows what it is contributing positively, so that farmers do not always feel that they are starting right at the back and that the job is just too big. If you have a positive figure and a negative figure, and you can see where things can be fixed, you have something to aim for. If you have only a negative figure, where is the incentive to do anything? That project is due to be reported on soon, and I strongly urge you to read that report.

The Convener

John Scott has a question about the climate change plan itself.

John Scott

How should changes to agricultural practices, including the use of fertilisers, feeds and so on, be prioritised in the next climate change plan?

Professor Reay

I have some fairly negative opinions about the climate change plan’s provisions in terms of action and metrics of success. In the context of everything that we have discussed today, what would be great is something that is verifiable.

For example, we need a nitrogen budget for Scotland, but at the farm level, where it really counts, we need support mechanisms to be in place to improve nitrogen use and efficiency. That comes down to soil testing, beyond pH, and nutrient budgets at farm level, just as Pete Ritchie was describing. Having that as a policy that is supported, rather than as an ambition, which is what a lot of the stuff about nitrogen in the climate change plan at the moment comes across as, would signal the urgency of the matter.

We cannot be sitting here in 10 years’ time saying, “Agriculture’s still not really done much”—we do not have that luxury in respect of either climate change globally or the action that we need to take in Scotland. We need to give the climate change plan for agriculture more teeth, and we need to go from the target of an 8 per cent reduction by 2032 to something more like the 20 per cent reduction target that the Committee on Climate Change recommends.

John Scott

Do you agree that there is an opportunity, as Andrew Midgley said, to portray the good things that agriculture can do? From listening to all that has been said this morning, would you agree that there is a need to work collaboratively, through organisations such as SAOS and SEFARI, to bring that about? The veterinary term “synergistically” has been used—when you work together, the total is greater than the sum of the parts if each of you is working in an individual silo.

Professor Reay

I reiterate that we cannot make the mistake that Denmark made. Everyone needs to be brought together, and we are well placed to do that. There is some great expertise in Scotland, in the scientific and academic communities and right the way through to practice on the ground, so that opportunity is there for us.

Pete Ritchie

An advisory service that is proactive, comprehensive and fit for purpose can join up some of the stuff that, as scientists are finding it out, we can practise on the ground. At the moment, the advisory service is not quite cutting it, in my view.

John Scott

I could not agree more.

Patrick Krause

I agree with the synergy aspect of this. We have a climate change plan, an environmental strategy, a biodiversity strategy and a woodland expansion plan, and we are going to see an Agriculture Bill. I would add to that list one more thing, which is much more holistic: I urge the committee to support the introduction of the good food nation bill, which encompasses a lot of this and demonstrates that synergetic approach.

Professor Wall

I echo the points already made and add that a lot of what we have talked about today concerns mitigation on a farm. John Scott has mentioned how we can work together synergistically across farms and across regions to tackle some of the big issues, particularly the complexities around nitrogen. There is also a supply chain, and Katy Dickson and Patrick Krause have referred to the range of acts that are trying to work together. We are talking about complicated interactions and we are trying to get farmers to understand in a world of fast-moving data and information. Although knowledge transfer and exchange have been useful in the past, we may need to take a new educational approach to the issue and link in with continued lifelong learning. The problem is big and it needs that sort of level of collaboration to work.

The Convener

We have run out of time, I am afraid. I will let Andrew Midgley make a very brief point.

Andrew Midgley

We mentioned origin green earlier. Farmers are running businesses. If we can speak their language and make an opportunity of the drive in that direction, the Government can lead the way.

The Convener

I thank all the witnesses for their evidence, which has been extremely valuable. We could probably have gone on for another 90 minutes, but they will be glad to hear that this part of the meeting has now come to a close.

10:59 Meeting suspended.  

11:08 On resuming—  

The Convener

I am delighted to welcome our second panel, which will look at freight transport in the context of the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill. We are joined by Dr Andy Jefferson, programme director at Sustainable Aviation; Rebecca Kite, environment policy manager at the Freight Transport Association; and Martin Reid, policy director at the Road Haulage Association. Good morning.

I will start by asking a similar question to the one that we asked our agriculture witnesses earlier. How well have approaches encouraging low-carbon freight transport worked to date? What has worked? What has not worked?

Martin Reid (Road Haulage Association)

We must acknowledge the different stance that the Scottish Government has taken to low-emission zones. The lead-in time for the introduction of low-emission zones in Scotland has been far more sympathetic to the industry than it has been south of the border. In our view, it is incredibly helpful to have a reasonable lead-in time, particularly as the technology tries to catch up with the requirements for the road haulage industry. At the moment, there is no retrofit option that is accredited under the clean vehicle retrofit accreditation scheme, although such options are starting to filter in. We appreciate the additional time that has been allowed to enable the technology for our industry to catch up so that we can get to where we need to be. The reaction of some of the cities south of the border has left far shorter lead-in times.

The Convener

Does anyone else want to point to things that have worked or not worked?

Dr Andy Jefferson (Sustainable Aviation)

Obviously, I look at the issue from an aviation perspective rather than a road freight perspective. It is extremely helpful to have long-term targets and ambitions from the point of view of giving a signal to the industry on the need to reduce carbon emissions. The aviation sector has the long-term goal of halving the 2005 level of carbon emissions by 2050. We have had that goal for a while, and we are making good progress. In the past 10 years, we have delivered aviation growth across the UK, including in Scotland, without increasing carbon emissions, which is a step in the right direction. We have delivered that through an improvement of around 12 per cent in the fuel efficiency of aircraft and flying. That has enabled growth without increasing carbon emissions. Going forward, we have plans for the use of sustainable aviation fuels and aerospace technology innovations in engines and airframes, which we can talk about in more detail later.

Having a clear long-term target and ambition is extremely helpful in sending a signal to the industry and providing time for investment in long-term technology solutions, as well as the shorter-term operational changes.

The Convener

Has that process been driven by your sector?

Dr Jefferson

It has involved a combination of the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009, the UK position, the EU position and the international position. The aviation industry operates around the globe, so we are influenced by a variety of signals. Having consistent signals that all say that there is a need to decarbonise—the industry completely agrees that that is the case—is helpful in enabling the industry to build in the right investment plans and to work out how to operate the airspace more efficiently and how to invest in new technologies to decarbonise.

The Convener

Both of you have mentioned things that the Government has done, but is there consumer demand—or client demand—for such measures? Many people like to talk about air miles when it comes to their food.

Dr Jefferson

Absolutely—civil society is increasingly concerned about climate change. The membership of Sustainable Aviation represents airlines, airports, manufacturers and air traffic controllers in the UK, and we are all committed to playing our part in addressing climate change. Aviation contributes around 12 per cent of emissions at UK level and 2 per cent at a global level. Our role is to minimise that and to work across the industry on a range of measures to achieve it.

The signal with regard to people buying tickets to fly is probably different from that with regard to the purchasing of a product that has been air freighted and what the carbon footprint, in air miles terms, of that product is. Those two things are slightly different, so the signals are slightly mixed when it comes to what the aviation industry gets back from consumers. We are certainly committed to decarbonising—that is locked into the system. If anything, the society perspective is helping us to do that and to put pressure on to accelerate reductions.

Rebecca Kite (Freight Transport Association)

I manage the logistics emissions reduction scheme, which is a voluntary, industry-led initiative that focuses on recording and reporting the carbon footprint of its members. It is now in its eighth year, and it has consistently reduced that carbon footprint. It has exceeded the efforts of the industry as a whole. It has demonstrated things that have worked, such as driver fuel efficiency training, making sure that tyres are properly inflated, fitting aerodynamics to trucks, the trialling of alternative fuels and the use of kinetic energy recovery systems. Those measures have consistently produced successful results.

As well as recording the carbon footprint of its members, the scheme supports them—it has its own website, which provides members with information and guidance on how to reduce their emissions.

11:15  

The Convener

All three of you are talking about things that your own industry or sector is doing. Do you look to other countries for good practice? Could Scotland be looking to other countries for good practice in terms of Government initiatives?

Dr Jefferson

From an aviation point of view, in the UK we tend to be at the forefront of a lot of the developments. Certainly, through the aviation sector’s sustainable aviation coalition, the UK was the first country to produce a carbon road map for aviation emissions and set out its blueprint for how it wants to halve net carbon emissions from aviation by 2050. That led to European and global conversations to develop similar plans.

We have been at the forefront of that and we are also doing work around sustainable aviation fuels, which are fuels that will deliver a 60 per cent life-cycle carbon saving over using fossil-based jet fuel. There is work that is looking at, for example, converting landfill waste and waste-gas emissions from industrial processes into jet fuel. Both schemes are working with projects that are supported by fuel innovation companies.

The Convener

A couple of members are having difficulty hearing you. Perhaps you could adjust your microphone and speak a little more slowly.

Dr Jefferson

Sorry. I was saying that the sustainable aviation fuel market is in its infancy, but we have done a lot of work in the past four years and are pretty well at the forefront of the conversation about how we incentivise those fuels to be produced. Clearly, as an aviation industry coalition, we are users but not makers of fuel, so our challenge is how we work with people who can make the fuel and work with Governments to generate the right policy environment and the signals so that we see those sorts of fuels being developed here in Scotland and in the UK.

There is more work to be done, but we have two good examples of progress. First, there was the inclusion of sustainable aviation fuels in the renewable transport fuel obligation, which the UK Government did at the end of last year and the beginning of this year. The second example was the establishment of a partnership group between Government and industry, so we have a sustainable aviation fuels special interest group that is working with Innovate UK and ourselves on how we bring together the different players—the fuel producers, the sustainable fuel producers and the industry—and deal with the challenge of how we scale up the development of those innovation technologies and create the fuels in volumes that will make that difference.

Our forecasts show that by 2050 we could be reducing carbon from UK aviation by 24 per cent by introducing those fuels, so it is a significant opportunity and probably the most significant opportunity for long-haul flights. For short-haul flights, the aerospace industry is heavily involved with the Aerospace Technology Institute, which again is a UK Government-industry partnership that is looking at future technologies.

A lot of work at the moment is looking at the electrification of aviation, which is really interesting and has exploded to come on in leaps and bounds over the past few years. I think that we will see some steps forward from where we are today to hybrid types of aircraft or hybrid electric aircraft, certainly on the short-haul flights to and from Europe. At the moment, there are challenges because of the weight of batteries required for long-haul flights, which is where sustainable aviation fuels can be a real opportunity.

The technology innovation that has happened up to now with companies such as Rolls-Royce, Airbus and Boeing means that we have reduced the carbon intensity of aviation substantially, so that the target going forward is a 75 per cent reduction in carbon from new technology by 2050, compared to the 2000 level. There are significant further opportunities.

From a Government point of view, whether that be the Scottish Government, the UK Government or others, it is about how we maximise the innovation opportunities and support them with the right policy signals to secure the investments. Obviously, we are talking about billions of pounds-worth of investment over time to create the new technologies. That is what the aerospace growth partnership between the UK Government and the UK aerospace industry is all about. I think that there are further opportunities for Scotland in that.

Stewart Stevenson

I am a qualified pilot, albeit a private pilot with various ratings.

We are trying to focus on air freight rather than passenger transport, and a lot of what we are hearing from you is about the industry as a whole. At Edinburgh airport, there is barely a freight airframe that is less than 10 years old, and a lot of them are more than 20 years old. Freight is using that old technology and a lot of the discourse here does not really apply to it. What is the aviation freight industry doing to improve things? I have seen no evidence of it re-engineing or changing its aerodynamic profile by using winglets and so on. What is the air freight industry doing? It is using some pretty old and relatively fuel-inefficient kit, is it not?

Dr Jefferson

First, I apologise. I had not realised that we would be looking purely at air freight today, so I am probably not as well briefed on that as I could be. However, I am happy to take the point away and provide some evidence after the meeting, if that would help the committee.

I can say that fuel is the second biggest cost for an airline, whether it is a cargo or a passenger airline. It should be borne in mind that a lot of freight gets carried in the holds of passenger aircraft. Fuel is the second biggest bill, so airlines are focused on the need to minimise it. They are constantly looking at how they can operate the aircraft as efficiently as possible by flying as short a route as possible between A and B, for example, although that raises the challenge of airspace change and modernisation, which I understand is an on-going challenge up here in Scotland as much as it is across the rest of the UK. Airspace modernisation certainly provides the opportunity to reduce UK aviation carbon emissions by 10 per cent by 2050.

From my limited understanding of cargo airline-specific operations, I see a couple of incentives. There is the cost of fuel and, in the future, all airlines across the globe will take part in the global carbon offset scheme that was established through the International Civil Aviation Organization. That scheme comes into operation in 2021 and airlines will have to monitor, report on and verify their emissions starting on 1 January next year to create a baseline for the system. The system is designed to ensure that there is no net increase in carbon emissions from aviation from 2020 onwards. Any additional emissions that an airline creates above its 2020 level will have to be paid for through an offset scheme.

I explained that because it will put additional costs on top of operating costs on to a freight airline as much as it will on to a passenger airline. That will incentivise the need to reduce. Those schemes are on top of the existing European emissions trading scheme, which also applies a carbon cost to operating.

There are incentives for cargo airlines as much as passenger airlines to reduce emissions. There are signals there, but could they be stronger or more positive? Could we be incentivising those airlines to use more sustainable fuels? I am sure that we could.

Finlay Carson

You have already covered some of the ways that you will change the transport sector. How will each of your sectors have to change to achieve a 90 per cent reduction and a net zero target? What specific interventions will you make to make that a possibility?

Martin Reid

There has been a real increase in telematics and how we record data on efficiencies for trucks. The telematics allow us to analyse braking. As part of the education process, we have come to understand the effects of harsh braking on the environment. We also understand the effects of tyre wear and degradation. Telematics is able to help us to record that side of things. For example, when a transport manager is reading a printout, they can tell whether somebody has hit the brakes very hard 300 miles away because they can see the data. They can ask what happened, whether the driver was going too fast, whether something happened that caused the driver to brake harshly, and so on. That is an example of the on-going conversations that happen every day and of the part that telematics plays.

We will, however, be beholden to the new technologies that are coming in. Rebecca Kite mentioned that a number of trials are going on of a number of different fuel sets, but the trials are small and the data is new.

Information on cost is in its infancy. The Malcolm Group rolled out a new gas truck last Friday, 9 November, at Transport News’s Scottish Rewards. It will go on the road next month, but the Malcolm Group still does not know the cost. The manufacturer wants the group to trial the truck and see how it gets on and then talk money after that. That is the grey area that surrounds things. It is not necessarily helpful, but that is where we are. There is no point in pretending otherwise.

Saying what would be needed to make the difference between 90 per cent and net zero would mean throwing a finger in the air. We are at a stage where we cannot predict, because of the lack of technological back up, although we have the industry’s goodwill to do it.

Dr Jefferson talked about cost. Fuel costs are massive for a haulier. We operate in an industry where margins are typically 2 to 3 per cent. A haulier can wait 60 to 90 days to get paid for a job, but the fuel bill will come in on seven days. Hauliers already bear an unreasonable amount of risk within the supply chain. When swingeing changes are made, they have to be backed by a sensible economic process that hauliers can see the benefit of.

In answer to the question, we do not know what the difference between a 90 per cent reduction and a 100 per cent reduction will be. We hope that technology will have caught up by that point and that we will have had robust data that will convince hauliers to take that leap. Any Government help would be most welcome, so if the committee feels like getting the cheque books out and helping us to upgrade, we would be delighted.

The Convener

I have a small question about telematics. Are they linked to hauliers’ insurance? Are there benefits in the data being put to insurers?

Martin Reid

Insurers are getting increasingly observant about everything that goes on.

The Convener

Is that another potential incentive?

Martin Reid

Absolutely. Even more than the insurers, it is also a requirement for the traffic commissioner for Scotland’s office.

The road haulage industry is more heavily regulated than most others, including the aviation industry. The traffic commissioner has the power to put sanctions on an operator’s licence or remove an operator’s licence if the promises made in the application are not upheld. The collection and production of data are part of those promises.

Finlay Carson

I think that you are suggesting that there is not enough incentive or encouragement from the Government to go that bit further. Are there policies to recognise what the sector is doing to tackle climate change? Are you being rewarded for the work that you have done, or should there be policy changes to recognise that work?

Martin Reid

It is difficult to say whether we are being rewarded or not. I do not think that we are. Virtue is its own reward in this case. We are all trying to get to a point where carbon emissions are down.

I mentioned the low-emission zones earlier. Our industry is moving apace towards Euro 6 engines. In 2017, Euro 6 engines represented about 36 per cent of the fleet. In 2019, that is expected to be 50 per cent. By the time that the low-emission zone comes in in Glasgow, it should be about 78 per cent. That is through natural churn—the average life of a truck is 10 to 12 years. As processes move on, trucks with Euro 6 engines come into the second-hand market.

However, putting the onus on Euro 6, which is still diesel and therefore fossil-fuel powered, in one sense takes us away from the net zero carbon side of things. It does, however, allow more leeway so that the truck manufacturers can catch up and get us to the point at which the investment in technology can help.

John Scott

Is there an opportunity for the industries that you represent, as well as the marine industry, which is not represented today, to encourage the development of carbon-reducing fuels if you together say loudly and clearly to the fuel companies that you want that? I dare say that you are all doing that individually, but is there an opportunity to make more of that pressure on the oil companies?

11:30  

Martin Reid

Yes, there will be. However, at the end of the day, the oil companies have to sell oil, so they will do everything that they can to ensure that their products are what is required moving forward. I guess that, given the different grades that we require, we each look after our own side of things—it is not a case of “never the twain shall meet”, although there are divergent interests—but I certainly have no objections to that suggestion.

Dr Jefferson

Such opportunities probably exist. That is something to take away and have a think about.

When Sustainable Aviation developed the sustainable aviation fuels road map in 2014, there were no big oil companies talking to us about the initiatives that we were looking at, such as turning landfill waste or waste gas emissions into jet fuel. However, we now have two projects—one with British Airways and one with Virgin Atlantic—and both Shell and BP are involved in those, so things have moved on at quite a pace in four years.

The sustainable aviation fuel production facilities that we are looking at could potentially co-process—they could produce jet fuel and biodiesel or some other form of fuel. There are such opportunities. In the past few years, we have been understanding the technology innovation opportunities and trying to support and nurture those to a commercial scale by upping production. We are hopeful that we will see sustainable fuel production plants in the UK in 2020, if not before then.

Claudia Beamish

I want to explore a bit more the issue of transformational change to reduce emissions in the freight transport sector, perhaps through modal shift from road to rail or to cycles for small deliveries in cities in order to minimise heavy goods vehicle deliveries. We have touched on new technologies, but could we hear from each of you on that issue? I will then ask a supplementary question about research and support.

Dr Jefferson

It is probably harder to do modal shift for air freight, certainly with stuff that comes from Africa or further afield. There is a small marginal opportunity to look at rail versus air on the UK domestic scale, and I think that the Committee on Climate Change is going to look at that. It is planning an update on its aviation carbon report in quarter 1 of next year, and it will look at that issue. Our view has always been that, broadly speaking, there are limited opportunities to switch from air freight to ground-based transport.

That said, a lot of work is being done on urban air mobility and using larger versions of drones to deliver express freight parcels and things like that. If those can be delivered using electric sources or renewable energy, that will obviously have the potential to reduce emissions. That is an interesting area that is still in its infancy.

Rebecca Kite

In the scheme that I mentioned, we have awards, and we find that quite a few members are utilising mode shift where they can. We have figures on the carbon that they have saved—I do not have those to hand, but I can send them to the committee. However, we should be wary of reducing the number of heavy goods vehicles that are making deliveries. That issue is coming up a lot, especially as local authorities are considering clean air zones and introducing consolidation centres to break down the contents of big vehicles and put them on smaller vehicles. That has the potential to increase emissions, because it could increase congestion.

Claudia Beamish

Surely, that depends on the fuel that is used. If they were electric vehicles, it would not increase emissions, would it?

Rebecca Kite

But there will still be other traffic on the road, so—

Claudia Beamish

I am asking you about freight. You said that emissions could be increased, but could emissions not be reduced if electric vehicles were used? I have seen how, in other cities—in France, for instance—only small electric vans are allowed to go through certain barriers.

Rebecca Kite

Even if there were zero emissions from the tailpipe, there would still be tyre-wear, brake-wear and road-wear emissions. If you break it down, a 44-tonne truck can carry 25 vans’ worth of goods. Those 25 vans might be zero-emission vehicles, but they might be on the road along with other vehicles that might not be producing zero emissions, and increasing congestion would increase emissions.

Martin Reid

I echo those comments. At the moment, 90 per cent of everything that you wear, eat, drink or sit on is in the back of a lorry at some point. An equally sensible debate to have alongside that on modal shift is on the requirement for a fully integrated transport network. To encourage modal shift, where that is appropriate, you need to provide alternatives, and I do not think that the infrastructure is there yet.

A number of our members use rail and road, but we should remember that, although road can survive without rail, rail cannot survive without road—the same goes for the aviation industry, the ports and so on. Lorries take things to a port from a port, to an airport from an airport and to a train from a train. All those things are going to spend a bit of time on the back of a lorry. To make that system as seamless as possible requires a fully integrated transport network, not just a modal shift.

The Convener

We have only 15 minutes left of this evidence session, so I must ask for short questions and reasonably tight answers.

Mark Ruskell

Could a technological step-change in aviation be coming? I was interested to see a picture of the Varialift airship, which is currently being developed in France. Could that kind of technology make current air-freight technology redundant?

Dr Jefferson

I am not familiar with the airship idea.

Mark Ruskell

It is being developed in France, and it is 12 storeys high and goes at 280mph. It seems like the stuff of the future to me, but it is a real thing.

Dr Jefferson

Absolutely. A lot in the technology space offers opportunities, but sustainable aviation is paying more attention to how we transform the traditional tube-and-wing concept of an aircraft into something much more efficient than it is today. A series of steps can be taken. In our carbon road map, we have identified a 40 per cent or so carbon reduction potential through the introduction of new technology and the introduction of those new aeroplanes into UK aviation by 2050. Moreover, when we did that work, we excluded electrification, hybrid electric vehicles and other such ideas.

It is still early days—as I have said, the Committee on Climate Change will look at the issue in the first quarter of next year—but significant carbon savings can be made from moving to electrification, with hybrid as the first step for short-haul flights and sustainable fuels for longer hauls. A range of things out there could make a big change.

The Convener

I apologise to the members whom I have not been able to bring in, but we must move on to our next theme, which is consumer behaviour.

John Scott

Is it realistic or likely that consumers will change their behaviour by either flying less or purchasing fewer goods that have been transported long distances by road, air or rail? How do you see consumer behaviour driving change in your industries?

Dr Jefferson

I will answer that question as briefly as I can from an aviation perspective. At this stage, we are seeing a drive more from corporates and investors in aviation companies and less from the consumer. The biggest challenge will come when carbon pricing comes into play through carbon offsetting and the international carbon scheme. That could impact on demand, but, at the moment, we are working to the Government’s aviation forecast, which assumes around a doubling in air travel between 2010 and 2050. Our analysis is that, if we can deliver that additional growth with no additional carbon in absolute terms, we can reduce net carbon emissions by 50 per cent by 2050 through carbon offsetting.

Martin Reid

The difficulty is the consumer need to have everything in 24 hours. People have a couple of glasses of wine, go on eBay and order something from eastern Europe and it arrives the next day. Stopping such consumer expectations would be difficult, but Brexit might do that for us anyway.

The Convener

I recently heard on the radio about the Chinese black Friday—I cannot remember what it is called. People are using that as a new opportunity to go online and buy electronic goods. Again, the temptation to do that makes achieving our goals more difficult.

Mark Ruskell has questions about the assessment of the costs and benefits of mitigating climate change.

Mark Ruskell

That is my question really. Have you done any short-term and long-term analysis of those costs? I know that it is difficult to do that because, as you have said, you cannot predict today what technology we will be using in 25 years’ time. What assessments have you done at this time of the economic costs of mitigation?

Martin Reid

Those costs are not available yet. Companies are doing individual trials, but the findings are not public. In terms of our being able to do anything along those lines, the cost benefit analysis of moving things forward is very limited.

I return to my earlier point about the margins that we are operating to. Finding any efficiencies whatsoever is very welcome—if there is the smallest hint that mitigation is working financially, people will jump at the idea.

We must remember that the amount of R and D that truck manufacturers are doing is probably not at the level that we want it to be at. They are not selling trucks as much as they used to—the number of truck registrations is going down. The gap between the costs of Euro 5 and Euro 6 and of trading up from one to the other is massive, partly because of the requirements of the low-emission zones. Therefore, even for adopters, the barriers to market entry are bigger than they used to be.

Dr Jefferson

For aviation, there are a series of costs, including the technology investment costs in making a new aeroplane and a new engine, which amount to billions of pounds. As I have described, that works through the aerospace growth partnership between the UK Government and the UK aerospace industry, whereby there is a joint investment and commitment to the vision of the 75 per cent reduction in carbon from aviation technology.

On top of that, the airlines have incentives to minimise fuel costs. Our challenge is that sustainable fuels cost more than fossil-based fuel does. Consequently, it was important to include sustainable aviation fuels in the renewable transport fuel obligations, because that helps to level the playing field for the price.

The third big area for us is airspace modernisation, which enables more direct and therefore efficient flights.

Those are the issues that we are focused on. The cost of fuel and, increasingly, the cost of carbon offsets will act as incentives to drive the investment in new technology.

The Convener

Finlay Carson has questions to do with buy-in.

Finlay Carson

How can we get the Scottish Government to secure buy-in from the various transport sectors for action to meet climate change targets? I touched on the issue of policy incentives, but how can each sector get the Government to do more to get you to buy into climate change adaptation and mitigation?

11:45  

Martin Reid

For us, a major issue is the need to remove, in some way, the financial barriers to upgrading or to help and support. The ideal scenario would be a scrappage scheme, but that would involve an awful lot of money, and we know that that is not likely to happen. Perhaps grants could be made available, particularly to small and medium-sized enterprises that want to engage. The larger companies will have their own R and D and their own natural churn that they operate to, whereas for the smaller SMEs—the guys who are harder to engage with—something along the lines of a support network to try the new fuels and even to upgrade to Euro 6 would be very welcome in the meantime.

Rebecca Kite

It is also important to give industry certainty, as a big investment is involved and it needs to trust that the technology will work. The UK Government recently released its strategy “The Road to Zero: Next steps towards cleaner road transport and delivering our Industrial Strategy”. The strategy will define what is classed as an ultra-low-emission truck. It is hoped that that definition will give manufacturers something to work towards, which will provide vehicles for operators to purchase. It is also running gas trials to analyse whether there are any emission savings to be had by going over to gas.

Dr Jefferson

I echo the need for a long-term signal. That is important for long-term investment in new aircraft and engines.

There are a couple of things to say about aviation specifically. Airspace change can offer carbon reductions, but that has been delayed because of concerns about noise around airports and how the changes would affect people. It is important that we find the right solution to the noise and carbon issues as quickly as we can and that we see the bigger benefits that airspace modernisation will bring. The Scottish Government can play a role in doing that in the debates in Scotland.

It is also important to avoid policy measures that could create unintended consequences, such as carbon leakage. A carbon tax on aviation, for instance, could create problems if a greater cost was created for operating flights from Scotland compared with the cost of operating flights from England, Europe or somewhere else. There is a real risk that we could create a disconnect in what we want to achieve, as people would fly to Europe by getting a cheaper flight rather than getting a direct flight from Scotland.

Martin Reid

We cannot have a one-size-fits-all solution. That is the other issue that I would look to the Government to get a handle on. Regardless of the technologies that are likely to come, it will be some time—if it ever happens—before there are power outages for electric batteries for heavy haulage, for example. That is way in the distance and probably beyond the horizon of what will happen in my lifetime. It is not a simple case of saying that all engines need to be this by that date; there must be a greater understanding of the practicalities and problems in particular parts of road haulage and, I am sure, in aviation as well.

The Convener

We will move on to questions from Richard Lyle. I apologise to Finlay Carson, but we are running out of time.

Richard Lyle

Christmas is coming fast, and you guys are already delivering Christmas goods to shops. What is in your letter to Santa? How should changes to freight transport be prioritised in the next climate change plan?

Martin Reid

That is a good question.

Richard Lyle

I thought that you would like it.

Martin Reid

I encourage a sensible and pragmatic approach rather than a knee-jerk reaction. As Rebecca Kite pointed out, having something to aim for and a realistic timescale is absolutely essential for us. As I have said, we are talking about a massive part of the UK economy. The way that freight moves is absolutely essential for us, and it is essential that hauliers come along with the message, as it is much easier to pull along somebody who is standing side by side than it is to drag them when they do not want to go.

The message has to be positive. I sat in on the discussions this morning, and there is a lot to be learned from them. We need to accentuate the positives along with the negatives, and we must ensure that there is something achievable for everybody and praise people who are making the effort to do something.

That would be my wee message to Santa as we move forward.

Dr Jefferson

From an aviation perspective, a couple of things are important. We need to have a long-term signal on the carbon ambition that we are all aiming for. We are pretty clear on that, but we would be keen to work with the committee to explain where we are at and what we are trying to achieve, and to look at how the policy signals can be aligned to help us achieve that ambition as quickly as we can. That applies to sustainable aviation fuel production, the technology revolution and airspace modernisation. In aviation, quite a lot of investment will come through the carbon offset market, so there is a question about the opportunities that that might offer Scotland.

The Convener

To anyone who is watching, I point out that Santa delivers his presents by reindeer and sleigh.

Martin Reid

Coca-Cola uses a big lorry.

The Convener

Yes.

I am sorry that I need to bring the session to a close, but we have run out of time. I thank the witnesses for giving their time this morning.

11:50 Meeting suspended.  

11:53 On resuming—  

The Convener

I am delighted to welcome our third panel, which will look at active and public transport in the context of the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill. We are joined by Ian Findlay, the chief officer of Paths for All; Keith Irving, the chief executive of Cycling Scotland; Andy Cope, the director of the insight, research and monitoring unit at Sustrans; Bruce Kiloh, the head of policy and planning at Strathclyde partnership for transport; and Jess Pepper, enterprise manager for Transform Scotland.

What work has the Government done so far that has helped with active travel and public transport, and what has worked not so well?

Ian Findlay (Paths for All)

The doubling of the active travel budget has been extremely welcome and has worked well. There is greater integration between policy areas—in particular, between public health and transport. Active travel being seen as a health prescription has been a very welcome addition. Using a combination of infrastructure and behaviour-change measures to deliver active travel and sustainable travel outcomes has also worked really well.

On what is not working quite so well, we need to accelerate the modal shift away from the private motor car to walking and cycling for short journeys, and to public transport for longer journeys. The statistics show that the figures are fairly static. One of the key things is to find ways of making active and sustainable travel the natural and first choice for all of us—walking and cycling for very short journeys and public transport for longer journeys.

Bus travel is significant because it accounts for about 76 per cent of all public transport journeys. However, in the context of the Transport (Scotland) Bill and the evidence that has been taken on it, we see that bus patronage is going down, while fares are going up. It is important to tackle that issue. It is also important to consider the first mile and the last mile in the context of public transport. The first and last miles of most public transport journeys are either walked or cycled.

Finally, we need even more links between planning and transport policy. Planning can either frustrate active and sustainable travel or it can be a big driver for it. Through the Planning (Scotland) Bill, there is an opportunity to ensure that planning helps to deliver active and sustainable travel outcomes.

The Convener

Do other panellists have points to make on what has worked, what has not worked and what could work better?

Keith Irving (Cycling Scotland)

There are more people cycling and there are workplaces, campuses and areas of cities and towns in Scotland where approaching one in 10 journeys is made by bike. For example, with the new Borders railway, 14 per cent of passengers cycle to get to Eskbank station and 60 per cent walk or cycle to get to Newtongrange station. Investment is delivering results in those areas. It is also clear that Edinburgh and Glasgow in particular are now making major investments in cycling and are seeing an increase in its modal share as a result. Progress is being made, but clearly it needs to continue over a much longer timeframe, because major behaviour change is required in order to meet the climate change aspirations.

Bruce Kiloh (Strathclyde Partnership for Transport)

There is a bit of a mixed picture. Rail patronage has gone up and we have seen the benefit from the significant investment in rail. However, bus patronage, in particular in the west of Scotland—SPT’s area—has gone down significantly by more than 60 million journeys over the past 10 years, which is 27 per cent. There is therefore good and bad news.

Again, as the other panellists have said, there has been progress in integration and there is greater recognition of transport’s contribution to economic growth. However, members are perhaps aware that in 2015 transport overtook energy production as the biggest carbon emitter, so there is a mixed bag in that regard, as well. As Ian Findlay said, the contribution of transport and active travel to physical and mental health is now mainstream. Generally, investment in cycling and active travel over the past seven to 10 years has seen a welcome and massive step change, and we are already seeing the results.

There has been good investment by the Scottish Government and SPT, and by the operators in terms of vehicles, disruptive technologies, mobilities of service and ultra-low emission vehicles—the innovative side of transport. However, there needs to be more investment because we still have a long way to go if we are to achieve the bill’s climate change targets.

12:00  

The Convener

You said that bus travel has gone down and rail travel has gone up. What are the reasons for that?

Bruce Kiloh

There is a range of reasons. An excellent report that was recently done by KPMG for the Confederation of Passenger Transport looked at the reasons for the significant decrease in bus travel. I mentioned the west of Scotland, because that is where the vast majority of the decrease has happened. In the Lothians, there has been a slight downturn over the past year or two, but over the period that I am talking about, there was a reduction of 27 per cent, or 60 million journeys, in the west of Scotland while—if I remember correctly—bus travel grew by about five million journeys in the Lothians.

As is so often the case in Scotland, there is no one-size-fits-all reason. The decrease has been partly societal. Another reason is that the west of Scotland has a fantastic rail network—it has the biggest suburban rail network outside London, with more than 180 stations and fantastic penetration. For example, it takes only an hour to get from Ayr to Glasgow Central.

The Convener

Edinburgh has a fantastic and very well used bus service.

Bruce Kiloh

Indeed. That service is a great offer. There is no denying that Lothian Buses is one of our model bus companies and provides a best-practice example for the UK. It also has one of the youngest bus fleets in the country.

Someone talked earlier about integration of planning and transport. We have a long way to go with regard to giving priority to public transport on the roads, and with regard to parking and so on. I could spend the rest of the day talking about the reasons for the situation, but those are some.

Jess Pepper (Transform Scotland)

What works well is a good service in which investment has been made—I include the Borders railway and the bus service in the city of Edinburgh—which has good connectivity, is reliable and accessible, and which people want to use. As a result of that, numbers grow and are sustained. I agree with the other panellists.

The Germans use the useful phrase “avoid, shift, improve”; Government programmes concentrate mainly on the “improve” aspect with regard to efficiency, electric vehicles and so on, but what we need is a move to “avoid” and “shift”. We are used to that sort of thing in waste reduction, with the reduce, reuse and recycle approach being culturally normal—we do not just go to the bottom rung of recycling. As a nation, we need to think about the same hierarchy with regard to travel and, in a cultural way, ask ourselves, “Do I need to make that journey? In what other way can I make it? Can I make it in a way that is good for my health? If I can’t avoid making the journey, how do I shift to another mode? What mode is the best one to use?” We should by all means improve modes, but we need to think through all those things at the same time.

Andy Cope (Sustrans)

I will respond to the opening question from the perspective of active travel. Achieving the potential of active travel depends on better options being offered and better choices being encouraged. That is partly about getting the package of measures right. That will need investment, but in the context of climate change—I am sure that the committee has heard this message a lot—it will be cheaper to make that investment now than it might be later.

The key achievement has been to double Transport Scotland’s investment in active travel. That has been incredible, but it is worth noting that Sustrans administers part of that Transport Scotland funding, and it has been well oversubscribed this time round. There is interest among local authorities in getting the infrastructure right.

That said, we probably need to make even more investment to realise the full potential of active travel. We need only compare what has been invested in Scotland with the Greater Manchester plan that Chris Boardman has put forward and which is worth £1.5 billion over 10 years. That is considerably more than the investment that is being made in Scotland.

We also need to strike a better balance between capital and revenue. A lot of the investment at the moment is in the capital side; we absolutely need to get the environment right, but we must also be able to encourage support for people to change their behaviours. As one of my fellow panellists has already pointed out, investment needs to be sustained in the long term—we need to know that it will be there for years to come. The three-year window is a big improvement on the one-year window that applied in the distant past, and it would be useful to know that the upcoming time span for investment was longer.

That must be in tandem with better traffic demand management. There is almost a juxtaposition of active travel and private car travel, and we need to get the balance right so that we encourage better choices through measures that not only support active travel but address travel demand issues.

Claudia Beamish

The witnesses have touched on quite a lot of the issues that I wanted to raise. What is your vision for achieving, in the more distant future, the transformational change that we need through active travel and public transport to meet our 90 per cent emissions reduction target—perhaps we will come to net zero emissions later—and up the game?

Ian Findlay

On one level, the answer is simple. The transport hierarchy puts walking and cycling first, followed by public transport and then use of private vehicles. My vision is that we would put in place policies, procedures and investment to give everyone the choice to move up the hierarchy. To build on Jess Pepper’s point, we should provide choice not just to avoid bad decisions but to encourage the best decisions. The transport hierarchy provides a good template for policies, decision making and investment to move our choices up the hierarchy.

Jess Pepper

There is a great opportunity. The Government could set a strong framework for that, invest in it and invest in the infrastructure to deliver it. As we have heard a number of times, industry and the public sector are keen to have such certainty, so that they can invest, innovate and change.

I will give an example of an ambition that we might aim for. The climate change plan aims for a policy outcome of increasing to 50 per cent by 2032 the proportion of the Scottish bus fleet that is low-emission vehicles. The projection for the world’s buses is that about 47 per cent will be electric by 2025, and 13 cities internationally are committed to buying only zero-emission buses from 2025—Shanghai and Shenzhen are already buying only such buses. That action involves 80 million people and 60,000 buses. If we are asking whether we should lead and be ahead of the curve or wait and follow others, we might be mindful that Scotland is home to two international bus operator companies. Scotland also makes buses and is a leader in producing clean electricity, so there are huge opportunities not only for our national bus fleet but for international activity in relation to buses to gain economic advantages.

We should not neglect the multiple benefits that are sometimes overlooked of bus and other public transport use. It connects with active travel and health, and it gives everybody—people from rural areas and all sorts of areas—the ability to access opportunities for education and jobs. We might aim for an ambition that could improve our society and allow us to take the global opportunity.

Keith Irving

The question was about our vision. I would like everyone aged eight to 80 to be able to cycle independently in their community. That would require a number of things, including a coherent and complete network of dedicated cycling routes in our cities and largest towns; universal access to a bike and to cycle training to enable people to cycle confidently in urban and rural areas; and the long-term horizon that Andy Cope mentioned. Although the aim should be delivered as fast as possible, it would require a long-term commitment over decades, such that it would be unthinkable that the investment programme would not continue year on year.

Bruce Kiloh

The question is timely. You will be aware that the Scottish Government is developing its new national transport strategy and is looking at a new vision and objectives for transport that will set the tone for the next 20 years. For me, the biggest issue that we face is reduction of overreliance on single-occupant car travel. It is the same; we have not managed to break that deadlock. To address that, we need to consider such things as better investment in public transport to make bus, train and subway travel more attractive in order to get people out of their cars. We need to attract people back on to public transport.

Jess Pepper made a point that is important to note, which was that there is probably now greater recognition of the value of public transport to our society. More people access the high street by bus, for example, than by any other mode, including private car, so if you want to improve town centres you should invest in bus travel. The answers are there for you to see.

As Ian Findlay said, the transport hierarchy is there to be followed. It is not rocket science. The biggest challenge that we face is in doing the things that we know we want to do, to reduce the need to travel and to reduce reliance on the private car in a world in which the demand for and supply of transport are fundamentally changing. Companies such as Uber and Lyft are encouraging people to use cars: that is a challenge that policy makers face for the coming years.

The answer is there in front of you. Our journey and the strategy that we employ will be the challenging part. As far as the national transport strategy is concerned, when the vision is correct and is published, that will set the tone for the future and it must be reflected in the forthcoming strategic transport projects review. That is a point that we have made time and again to Transport Scotland and the Scottish Government. Strategic transport projects are not just big roads, big railways or big bridges: they are also about active travel, including bus travel. As somebody said earlier, about 80 per cent of people in the west of Scotland travel by bus; that is the main public transport mode, so that scale needs to be reflected in future investment.

Mark Ruskell

Those are some interesting and attractive visions of how we might be travelling around in the future, but let us break this down a bit. The bill sets a clear target of 90 per cent reduction for 2050 and there is the opportunity to set a net zero target either for 2050 or for 2040. Let us say that net zero by 2040 is the gold standard. What would need to change to meet that challenging and ambitious target for transport? What would be the one or two things that would have to happen?

Andy Cope

That would need primarily investment in active travel. It is about getting the mix right. Panellists are presenting slightly different aspects of different modes—Sustrans’s particular perspective is on active travel, but we very much recognise that there is a public transport element that we need to get right and that there is a role for single-occupancy vehicles—ideally electric vehicles or low-emissions vehicles. You also asked about the vision for the future.

Mark Ruskell

I would like to know what specifically needs to happen, particularly in the next 12 years, given the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s advice, to get us on the trajectory to net zero emissions by 2040.

Andy Cope

The best start to getting us on that trajectory is to invest more heavily in walking and cycling, and in particular to emphasise the behaviour-change element in equal measure with the infrastructure and environment part.

Ian Findlay

What is interesting about active travel is that it is a form of behaviour change that changes one’s values. When you think of active travel, the first thing that you have to do is decide to change your behaviour in order to travel in a more active way. In order to do that, you need first to change your values.

I know that the committee has been looking at other ways in which to meet the transport emissions reduction targets as well as the targets on waste, agriculture and so on. Active travel is an efficient way into that. If people choose to travel more actively, they have already changed their value set and thought about their lifestyle in general—about issues such as their health, the local pound and how they purchase things. The value of active travel goes beyond just the value of the walking and cycling; it is in changing the way that people think about how they live. Therefore, it is a means through which to achieve greater climate change emission reductions.

12:15  

Bruce Kiloh

To reduce emissions from transport, the most logical thing is to make cleaner technology more widely available. The Government has made inroads into that in relation to electric vehicles, but we need to look across the board. Jess Pepper is absolutely right that, round the world, there is massive investment in workable electric bus systems, which are transporting unbelievable amounts of people. We need to look at that. Scotland has one of the leading bus manufacturers in the world in Alexander Dennis and has two of the main bus operator companies across the globe.

That is the high-level issue; the other thing is complementary measures. We need to ensure that we make change attractive to people. If we want people to leave their cars at home, we need to make the public transport offer more attractive to them.

We also need to look not just from the passenger point of view—we must also look at freight. Demand is increasing as a result of people shopping online. With black Friday coming up, we will see more and more vans on the street, and that number will only increase. It is not within the gift of even the Scottish Parliament or the Scottish Government to change all that, but we need to manage those issues over time. We need complementary measures including bus-priority measures and demand-management measures.

I was recently told that people would never think about taking their car into Edinburgh, but the same is not true for Glasgow. We need to look at that and take a more progressive approach to parking. Glasgow has fantastic motorways surrounding it—they are the arteries, but the heart is in some ways too small to cope with those arteries.

We can do it through technology, but we need to balance that with complementary measures.

Jess Pepper

Investing in public transport and active travel together so that there is sustainable transport will deliver for everybody and provide multiple benefits for society and for the health of our people and our planet.

There is a lot more opportunity to be taken with trains. Thinking about the strategic transport projects review and looking to the future, we need to work with industry to work out what investment is needed and when. Members may be familiar with the class 385 trains that are now running between Edinburgh and Glasgow. That is an electrified service that is attractive, reliable and connected, and it is a joy to ride on it. It is possible to have more electrification in Scotland, and not just on intercity routes. Scotland was a pioneer in battery powered trains in the 1950s. There are opportunities for rural routes as well.

We want to promote that vision, which could be accompanied by a Government-led modal-shift campaign—you would not call it that, but we have had those things in the past. One, which was more confrontational, was called “Learn to Let Go”, which was a negative approach. However, the approach could be about a fabulous transport system that people want to use because it is reliable, high quality and accessible in terms of price and geography. It could be about dispelling some of the assumptions and perceptions that there may have been in the past about using public transport. We could aspire to that clean active vision, which would have so many benefits across the board.

The Convener

Rhoda Grant has questions about how we can break people out of car usage.

Rhoda Grant

Yes—my questions are specifically about rural areas. Most of what we do in relation to cars is about penalising car usage in urban areas. We have fuel tax and low-emission zones and the like in urban areas, but we seem to ignore rural areas totally, because of car dependency. I suppose that people who live in rural areas get the comeback when they have to take their cars into city centres, pay more in fuel duty and the like.

People will often say, “These issues are far too hard to deal with. Let’s deal with the big problem first, and then worry about the other things down the line.” We do not want to drive people from rural areas, but we also need to make them less dependent on cars. How do we do that, given that all the cars that travel long distances and come into towns are from rural areas?

Jess Pepper

Part of the solution will be to invest in the public transport system and in buses; indeed, in some rural areas, it will be a big part. It is really important that we do not neglect these issues in rural areas, because the groups that will be most disadvantaged will be those that are already disadvantaged by poorer bus services—the younger folk, the older people and the people who might not have access to a car and therefore cannot get to health appointments or other opportunities. We need to think about all of that.

Again, the hierarchy will help us think about what solutions might be more appropriate. Perhaps we have to be creative and innovative in our solutions. In days gone by, for example, post buses filled some gaps in bus routes. Investment in buses and the whole public transport system should help, but we might need some creative innovation to fill in other gaps.

The Convener

I am from a rural area, but I do not use the bus, because it does not meet my needs; indeed, a lot of people do not use the service. It is run by a privately operated company, which wants to make money and will look at the overheads involved in running extra buses. How can you encourage more bus use when the service in question is not really a service?

Bruce Kiloh

This is a common issue. I was speaking to someone earlier about the concessionary travel scheme; people in rural areas have their cards, but they are unable to benefit from the policy of free travel for the over-60s, simply because the buses do not exist.

As for commercial operators, we try to look at things purely from the point of view of the bus, not its owner. There is a whole range of issues that operators face in trying to make services work; indeed, we faced that very issue in SPT. That is why we introduced the MyBus service for people in rural areas, who can register for what is demand-responsive transport. We have also utilised community transport by setting up the west of Scotland community transport network, and that has helped in some areas.

However, there is no getting away from the fact that the car will be the solution for some people in rural areas. We just have to accept that, but it moves us into the world that someone else asked about of relying on people transferring to electric vehicles, ensuing that charging points are available and so on.

Scotland is a fantastic place with some brilliant rural areas, but connecting them to the inclusive growth that we all want is going to be a challenge. I am not saying that it will be easy, but there are opportunities out there to deal with the issue.

Keith Irving

The evidence that the committee has taken from Sweden highlighted the huge benefits of electric cars in rural areas, particularly in tackling some cost issues. As Bruce Kiloh has said, the car will be the best option for many journeys in such areas, but the vast majority of short journeys are made in towns and cities, where there is the greatest potential for cycling and where, if we do not make the investment, we will not meet the zero carbon by 2040 target. This is about the integration of requirements. For example, people need to be able to park near a public transport system and parking needs to be managed so that car journeys finish before they come into towns and cities and do not lead to the kinds of traffic impacts that put people off walking or cycling in those towns and cities.

It all has to be brought together. The fact that there are rural challenges does not prevent action in urban areas to enable zero carbon active travel journeys—the two are not in competition.

Ian Findlay

The rural dimension is close to my heart. I live in Comrie in Perthshire, so all my travel is rural.

People should question whether travel for work is needed in the first place, in this digital age and with agile working. I now work much more than I used to from home or from other places locally that are only a walk or a cycle away. There are technological and workplace solutions to the need for travel.

I agree with Jess Pepper that public transport—bus and train services—is key. We need to find ways of making bus travel more delightful. It is not delightful at the moment in many rural places. It is not seen as an option for lots of people.

The car is inevitable. In places such as Comrie, car clubs and car sharing are becoming more common. The single occupancy private car journey from Comrie across to Langside and down to Dunblane railway station is becoming rarer, because there is an online car-share system within Comrie, through which an individual can link with others. That is another potential solution.

I agree that we must not lose the rural dimension in thinking about those issues.

Jess Pepper

In some cases, it will take dialogue with the industry or service provider to get that positive feedback loop on a service. I live in a rural area, and there was no early service for commuters. A subsidy was provided to support one and eventually there was enough uptake to allow it to be available the whole time. Sometimes it just needs a bit of investment to get a service going again. The buses have to have enough trade to keep them running. If they start to deplete, that runs down the service. A conversation needs to be had with the operators and industry about the potential and how to make the best of it.

The Convener

We will move to questions from Mark Ruskell.

Mark Ruskell

What structural system changes—individual policy measures and investments that the Government can make—may be needed to support this? Are there changes in the way that we plan and run transport systems and the economy that would help?

Bruce Kiloh

Yes. There are huge partnership opportunities, for example through the Transport (Scotland) Bill. There is the option to franchise or have municipal bus companies. There is a range of good and bad points about both those options, but there are opportunities for greater partnership within the bus industry. I am not sure how we make that work, because Scotland is an area of contrasts. There is one main operator in Edinburgh, and three main ones, plus another 47, I think, in Glasgow and the west of Scotland. We are hopeful that that bill will allow more partnership.

We need to look at the work that is being done through the national transport strategy about the roles and responsibilities within transport and how to make those work better. There is a case for change. There are long-held views about better integration between transport and land-use planning. We work closely with Clydeplan, our strategic development planning authority. The Planning (Scotland) Bill is looking at whether those plans should continue.

There has to be greater integration between transport and economic development, and more thinking about how transport can play a supporting role. If we want transformational change in how we approach transport, we need to look at the structures and make sure that we have the right ones in place to enable us to deliver.

12:30  

Ian Findlay

I take us back to the transport hierarchy. The structures follow the transport hierarchy. We place a high priority on road building and road maintenance, but we need to prioritise walking and cycling infrastructure maintenance. For example, in putting down salt in the winter, the priority should be to clear snow from walking and cycling routes as well as from roads. I am talking about a change of approach that involves prioritising the walking and cycling infrastructure as well as the roads infrastructure.

The Convener

Stewart Stevenson can ask a very short supplementary question.

Stewart Stevenson

I cannot ask the question if it must be short.

The Convener

Okay.

Keith Irving

I have two brief specific examples. On systematic change, the strategic transport projects review was mentioned earlier. The carbon impact of decisions has to be embedded into that, so that we end up with walking and cycling as the top priority.

On planning decisions, location is everything, and systemic change is about how we build much-needed houses in the right location. That means that the person who will live in the house will have low-carbon options for getting around, as people are too often car dependent.

Andy Cope

We need better approaches to the economic appraisal of transport. That is part of the systems approach. There are all sorts of weaknesses in there. I will not go into that territory now, as the area is very big, but we need to get it right.

An issue that we have not really mentioned is that travel patterns are changing a lot. We talked about that in the context of the extent to which we commute and travel to work. However, all sorts of changes are happening in urban and rural areas relating to, for example, the extent of delivery. More mature generations are more predisposed to car ownership, and perhaps younger generations look at different ways of getting around. That stuff is all very well documented by the commission on travel demand, which produced a report earlier this year. We have to understand that stuff better to be able to build it into the planning and systems approaches.

The Convener

You have just opened up an area that Richard Lyle will specifically ask about.

Richard Lyle

Most of the witnesses have already touched on this issue, so I will keep my question short. How can individual habitual behaviour be placed at the heart of transport policy, and how can low-carbon habits and lifestyles be made aspirational? How can we all change? Keith Irving has already answered that question.

Jess Pepper

I reiterate that it is about giving folk choices that make sense by ensuring that there are services that are accessible and reliable, that they have confidence in and that are a pleasure to use.

With Transport Scotland, I was involved in a project with children and young people that related to major infrastructure. It was absolutely clear that children wanted safe streets to walk, cycle and scoot in, and that active travel was their first preference. It was also clear that, as young people were growing up through their teens, they found that they had inadequate bus services, which shortened their opportunities and access to education, activities, jobs and social stuff. We hope that, if there are positive experiences early on, that will develop a shift to more active and sustainable transport and to people being happy to use buses, for example.

Keith Irving

Two years ago, we commissioned a report that looked at progress on cycling, which I will happily share with the committee. It answers a lot of members’ questions.

Richard Lyle

I love teaching my grandson how to cycle. He is now absolutely loving that. Therefore, I am for cycling.

The Convener

The final question is from John Scott.

John Scott

To what extent can or should individual behaviour change be voluntary or driven by state intervention to ensure the protection of vulnerable urban and rural communities and climate systems?

Bruce Kiloh

That is a fantastic question. I go back to what Richard Lyle said—perhaps this will answer both of you. From our point of view, a lot of it is to do with affordability. If you want people to use a service—whether it be transport or anything else—you need to make it financially attractive. As you go about your business, you will see adverts all over the place that offer cars for £100 a month with £100 down. To a young person, that is a very attractive option. Until something happens to make sustainable transport—be it the active travel that the guys on the panel have been talking about or even public transport—as attractive to a family or whoever it might be, that change will not happen. It has to be made clear that the option is affordable to people.

As for your point about all of society being part of inclusive growth, that is a huge issue. For some deprived communities in Scotland, the world is a very different place; people there do not have the option to use the bus if an all-day ticket costs a significant amount of money. We as a society need to look at the affordability of transport to people in more deprived areas and at how they can participate fully in the inclusive growth opportunities that are available in many other areas of Scotland.

Is looking at the affordability of transport in poorer areas a strategic transport project? I would say so. Those are the kinds of things and changes that we need to consider if we are to make available to people sustainable transport options, from buying a new bike, getting a second-hand bike or renting a bike, through to buying a weekly or monthly train ticket.

Ian Findlay

At the heart of your question lies the balance between carrots and sticks or, in other words, between incentives and disincentives. I do not think that this is an either/or issue. If, as we have all been saying, choice is the key, we need to find a system that makes cycling, walking and public transport the first and natural choice for travel. That will mean a combination of carrots and sticks. Most behaviour change models suggest that carrots get us further. I think that they are extremely appropriate when it comes to walking and cycling, but we should not ignore sticks, a very specific example of which is a workplace parking levy. That sort of stick can encourage people to choose to walk, cycle or use public transport, but it will work well only if a better or more sustainable choice is available. Any stick must be supported by the ability for people to choose a different option.

John Scott

Bruce Kiloh hinted that affordability, too, is important. At this point, I should declare an interest as a bus pass holder myself and a late convert to travelling by bus wherever I can. However—I realise that this would be a significant cost to the Government—should the concessionary bus travel scheme be extended, perhaps to the most vulnerable and those in rural areas, to encourage modal shift?

The Convener

Or to young people.

John Scott

Or to young people.

Mark Ruskell

Or to everyone.

John Scott

Indeed. I thank Mark Ruskell for that suggestion.

Bruce Kiloh

It is really about the choices that we as a society make. Once you give someone something, it is very difficult to take it away from them. The cost of the scheme has been huge, but so has the benefit that it has brought to you and others who have had the opportunity to use it, which is there for everyone to see. However, that has perhaps come at a cost to other parts of society, and the NTS and the STPR provide a good opportunity to look at how we spread the benefit.

I know that the Government has carried out a consultation on extending the concessionary travel scheme to, for example, modern apprentices. That would absolutely be a good first start, but should it then be extended to other groups? That is a question that we, other policy makers and analysts are trying to examine, and the results that we get will allow you to make an informed decision. However, it is most certainly the case that the travel scheme, which has been in place since 2006, has been a massive success in some ways but perhaps not in others, and it is time to review it to see how we in Scotland are benefiting those parts of society that need the benefit the most while keeping it in mind that we need to push people towards more sustainable behaviours.

Keith Irving

The programme for government talked about expanding access to the bike hire schemes that are growing around the country. That is a welcome initiative for jobseekers, apprentices and young people. We suggest that, for many people, access to bikes might work best.

The Convener

We have gone over time, but a couple of members want to come in. Finlay Carson has a question.

Finlay Carson

Given the painfully slow progress in producing a Scottish Oyster card, which would take the confusion out of transport and perhaps reduce the price of daily tickets, as the traveller would pay for what they got, is there enough incentive from the Government for various organisations to work together to look at the digital economy, big data and artificial intelligence in relation to rural bus services? BT now organises all its appointments using artificial intelligence, and that has taken a huge amount of cost and waiting time out of the system. Is there potential for big data to be used to deliver on-demand rural bus services? Is there enough incentive to do that?

Bruce Kiloh

Absolutely. We are fortunate to work in transport, which is one of the most innovative industries across the planet. There are huge changes in the way that it operates, which presents challenges but also massive opportunities.

Transport is all about the data. Who has the data, and how can people get access to it? If it is available, how much does it cost to get that data and information from another organisation? We need to look at that in Scotland. We are the regional transport partnership and public transport authority in the west of Scotland, but we cannot get detailed figures on bus patronage because they are commercially confidential. We are not here to promote one operator over another. However, if we could get access to the information, it would be incumbent on us as a public authority to be as transparent as we can be and to use the information for planning purposes and not for commercial gain. That would be a start.

We have done well with our smart card, which is operational in the subway and other modes. We have offered it to the Government as there to be used. It was developed using public money, in partnership with the private sector. There are huge opportunities for the future that we would do well to exploit.

Richard Lyle

I thank Mr Carson for bringing that in. Yesterday, the Government announced £1 million for ticketing. However, I do not want to ask about that.

Workplace parking levy? No. Is that not going backwards? We removed parking charges at hospitals and numerous other places where people were being charged exorbitant parking fees. A lot of firms offer employees free parking in their financial package. I can park in this building and save the Government £15 a day, because I do not park somewhere else. I park in this building for free, and I do not intend to benefit from a parking charge when I can park here. I am not for your parking charge levy, and I speak on behalf of thousands of motorists who have been taxed enough.

The Convener

There was no question there. I bring this session to a close. I thank the panel for the advice and information. It has been an excellent session.

12:44 Meeting continued in private until 12:59.  

13 November 2018

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Sixth meeting transcript

The Convener (Gillian Martin)

Welcome to the 33rd meeting in 2018 of the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee. I remind everyone present to switch off their mobile phones, as they might affect the broadcasting system.

Under agenda item 1, the committee will take evidence on the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill. This is the fifth of the committee’s evidence sessions with stakeholders. Today, we are holding an additional meeting to discuss innovation and what is required to meet the targets that are set out in the bill.

I am delighted to welcome our witnesses. Joining us in the committee room are John Ferguson from Eco IdeaM and Suzy Goodsir from Greener Kirkcaldy. Dave Moxham, deputy general secretary of the Scottish Trades Union Congress, will join us slightly later. Angus McCrone, chief editor, Bloomberg New Energy Finance, will join us via a teleconference call.

I will ask the opening question. What has and has not worked so far in encouraging innovation in Scotland? How well have approaches to encouraging innovation for and solutions to climate change worked to date? What measures have been taken, and what has worked best?

Mr McCrone should let us know if he wants to say something.

Angus McCrone (Bloomberg New Energy Finance)

I will. However, somebody else can start.

The Convener

Okay. Would anyone else like to start?

John Ferguson (Eco IdeaM)

On the question of what has worked well, the clean technology and low-carbon technology sector is now worth tens of trillions of dollars—you can take Apple as a proxy of a $1 trillion company—and is growing rapidly and exponentially everywhere across the world. Globally, there is a well-networked clean technology sector. The United Kingdom has focused a lot of effort through knowledge transfer partnerships and Innovate UK, and Scotland has focused on resource sector innovation in programmes such as that delivered by Zero Waste Scotland. The technology innovation therefore exists.

My business is fundamentally about clean technology, so I watch that as a scientist on an almost daily basis. The issue is not so much the technology, which is working. There are areas in which we still need innovation and improvement, and that will continue; that is just a natural part of science and engineering. The bit that does not work is that we are simply not bringing those technologies into systems or creating system transitions. Fundamentally, that is about how our markets work. The technologies and the innovation systems to stimulate technology and innovation exist and are increasingly successful, but we are simply not adopting them, bringing them in, and transferring them to do their good work quickly enough.

The Convener

I have listened to people talking about Scotland having quite a lot of small and medium-sized enterprises, which get on with doing their business and maybe do not have as much time to get involved in innovation. Maybe the links between small and medium-sized enterprises and universities or innovators are missing. Do you agree with that?

John Ferguson

There are mechanisms to encourage innovation. You can get innovation grants, but the purpose of an innovation grant is not innovation; it is to get an SME used to working with a university.

SMEs are often innovation companies—my company is tiny but innovates across a range of different sectors. I had an innovation grant with the University of Dundee and thought that it would be good to do five more with other universities, because I have five other ideas. However, an SME can only get one innovation grant and that is a limitation with regard to the connection between small companies and universities.

The Convener

Would any other panel member like to answer the broad question?

Suzy Goodsir (Greener Kirkcaldy)

My focus is people and communities rather than technologies. A lot has worked over the past 10 years. The climate challenge fund has funded over 1,000 projects in local communities to engage people and community groups in innovative ways of changing behaviours and attitudes on climate change. There has been some fantastic work on raising awareness and setting the groundwork for behaviour change.

Local Energy Scotland’s community and renewable energy scheme—CARES—has supported community energy projects, and there have been some fantastic innovative projects, particularly in the Highlands and Islands. There is real potential for more of those to happen in urban communities.

The Convener

Stewart Stevenson has a supplementary question.

Stewart Stevenson (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

In the first instance, I will direct my question to Angus McCrone, although I may come back to people in the room.

One of the measures of innovation is the number of technology patents. I understand that the number of patents is falling. I have no idea of the breakdown between the wide range of patents that are in existence and the ones in this particular area. If I may make Angus McCrone represent the whole of Bloomberg New Energy Finance, does he have any views on that and on whether patents are a good indicator of innovation taking place?

Angus McCrone

I am not sure that I can give a good answer on that. Patents are obviously one indicator. Part of the overall picture is that quite a few technologies in the low-carbon tradition have matured a lot in the past 10 to 15 years. For example, technologies such as onshore wind, solar photovoltaics and offshore wind have become mature with an established product. The innovation is generally happening in large companies and is incremental. It is not happening through small businesses in sheds inventing new products.

I will mention, in no particular order, some areas where Scotland could take advantage of its natural resources and look to push through innovation and be a centre of activity. The area of demand response will be huge with regard to the balancing of the electricity system in the future. There will be new industrial processes to take advantage of the inevitable peaks and troughs in the electricity supply. Scotland, with its large share of renewable generation, could be where new processes are sited.

Similarly, Scotland could help to pioneer projects on the use of batteries in the balancing of the electricity system. The pairing of batteries with other technologies such as wind, tidal and wave is another interesting area. Through small island grids, a lot of islands in Scotland have the potential to pair technologies such as wind with batteries and even with diesel generation and then export that expertise around the world.

Finally, onshore wind projects are beginning to happen in parts of Europe without any subsidy support. There is potential for Scotland to be a place where that happens, taking advantage of Scotland’s great resources in wind, backed with corporate purchasing. You could have big companies buying electricity from wind projects and doing those deals in Scotland because of the good economics in relation to wind projects. There are a lot of opportunities.

Stewart Stevenson

I have a question for John Ferguson. In relation to your company’s activities, do you use patents to protect your intellectual property? How do you protect your own innovations from unhelpful exploitation by others?

John Ferguson

I would protect the know-how just by being sensible about who I speak to about it. For small companies, it is often more about how quickly you get to market; it is about being the first mover. How do you protect patents on a global basis when you are in a globalised economy and you have China breathing down your neck and looking at everything you are doing? How are you going to take on a Chinese company that takes your ideas? That puts a lot of people off using patents, along with the cost and the time involved in patenting, unless it is such a brilliant idea that you and your investors simply have no choice except to protect it with a patent. A lot of the time, the innovation is not patentable; it is about know-how and protecting that know-how.

The Convener

We had a debate in Parliament about research funding after Brexit and we talked about universities, which can often be key when it comes to getting research funding that might drive innovation. How big a problem will coming out of the European Union be in terms of funding the driving of innovation in this area? Is that something that has crossed your mind?

John Ferguson

I think that it must have crossed the mind of everybody who is involved in innovation and research. I have certainly heard lots of academics speaking about it. I would probably leave the words to them. I think that the academics are vocal enough in standing up and saying that they have concerns about the networks, the connections and the flow of investment into research.

I do not know enough about how academics are funded through the UK Government to know whether the UK Government can take up the slack of any uncertainty that may come after Brexit. However, uncertainty is not a good thing.

Finlay Carson (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)

The just transition partnership suggested that there is too low a rate of investment, particularly in clean energy systems, and business has suggested that a clear route map and policy would help to drive investment. However, it is not just about tech; it is also about innovation when it comes to people and activities.

Has there been adequate leadership and support for new ideas to succeed? How could we encourage more innovation?

Suzy Goodsir

It is important to include communities in energy innovation. Communities are impacted by the energy infrastructure; a lot of communities in Scotland have high levels of fuel poverty and there is also a lot of fantastic energy resource. To try to marry them up would be a great solution.

There has been some funding for community projects; historically, a lot of it has been focused on the Highlands and Islands. There is a real opportunity to do more with urban, central belt communities around community renewables. Possibly more support is needed for CARES and for organisations such as Community Energy Scotland, which works with local communities to try to ensure that they can take advantage of the innovations in the energy system that are on the way.

We have smart energy systems coming—there is a lot of change on the horizon. The traditional model of a community energy project is of a community having a wind turbine or a share in a wind farm. Those days have ended, really, so there is a real need for communities to have a stake in the changes that are coming and in the new energy projects that are on the horizon to make sure that it is not just about corporate ownership, with profits leaving our communities.

John Ferguson

I would support what has just been said and what Angus McCrone said as well. Angus mentioned some areas where we could innovate. We are looking at how we embed renewables systems into industrial contexts. It is done in much the same way as you would embed systems into communities. It democratises and decentralises and it gives those communities, businesses or people long-term future price security. It makes the market start to work for people and consumers and the environment more than for investors.

We need investors—I am not saying that investment is not important—but how we structure the market can be orientated and biased in one direction or another. We need to move away from large-scale, centralised systems and towards decentralised, embedded systems. If the power from a wind turbine is put into the grid, the sleeving costs before the power gets to the consumer are enormous, whereas if the wind turbine is put into a business park and the power is sold directly to consumers, that works for the wind farm and for the businesses that buy the power. Embedded systems for communities and businesses are one of the approaches that we need to take in future.

09:45  

Suzy Goodsir

The Edinburgh Community Solar Co-op is an example of that approach working well. Lots of members of the local community have invested to enable solar panels to be put on public and community buildings in Edinburgh. The project is very successful. We could have much more of that.

Finlay Carson

The committee has heard from sectors such as agriculture that although there is technology and advice out there, the knowledge transfer is not good, which means that new technologies are not having the impact that they could have. What would make the difference to small businesses and communities who want to drive innovation? Is there a single magic bullet that would help with knowledge transfer and get more companies and communities on board?

Suzy Goodsir

For our sector, it is about having good, trusted, knowledgeable intermediary organisations, with funding support. Organisations such as Local Energy Scotland and Community Energy Scotland have the technical expertise to offer capacity building and project development support to community organisations that are doing projects on the ground.

John Scott (Ayr) (Con)

Mr Ferguson, I was particularly impressed by your evidence and your obvious desire to innovate, which stimulated my thinking. You and Suzy Goodsir both talked about community schemes, but we can take things to the even more granular level of self-sufficient households. In the context of the move towards electric vehicles, will it be possible to install solar panels and batteries in individual houses, so that the solar panels operate during the day and people can charge their cars through the night? That seems to be a virtuous circle. Is that a practical thought or a flight of fancy?

John Ferguson

It absolutely is a practical thought. Angus McCrone mentioned demand-response balancing; I would add load balancing to that. Those systems of storage can function in that context. I will hand over to Suzy Goodsir, because she was talking to me earlier about heat batteries, which are another approach, given that more than 50 per cent of our gross energy demand in Scotland is for heat for commercial and domestic spaces.

Suzy Goodsir

My organisation, Greener Kirkcaldy, runs an energy advice service. We go out to households across Fife to give people advice on home energy use. A lot of that work is about fuel poverty and a lot is about carbon reduction, because people are interested in reducing their carbon footprint. We have found that there is a small but growing interest in battery storage. People are interested in the idea of self-sufficiency. If they have solar panels or other renewables at home, they are interested in making the most of that energy, especially as the feed-in tariffs and financial subsidies are decreasing.

We find that people are interested in heat batteries. There is a product called Sunamp—Sunamp is the name of a Scottish company—which is relatively low cost to install. It is a fairly small piece of equipment, which can go in the attic or next to the boiler and connect up to home renewables and the home heating and hot water system. It will probably pay for itself over the lifetime of the equipment—probably much sooner. There is a real and growing interest in that kind of technology. People are up for it.

John Scott

A game changer in that regard is that quite a lot of homes have sufficient room to install a battery, given the different configurations and shapes of batteries. When I was a child, our electricity did not come from power lines; a whole shed was given over to batteries to store electricity, which must have come from a generator. It is quite possible to store energy on an individual household basis. How much thought has been given to the development of self-sufficient households?

John Ferguson

The growth in technology and innovation in the different ways of storing energy in batteries is exponential. It is all about balancing. If we want to make a change at scale, we need to know that the natural resources are there, so a technology that uses a lot of gallium, for example, might not be viable, because there is simply not enough of that rare earth metal.

The technology innovation in that space is very rapid. I would keep an eye on heat batteries and energy storage batteries as part of the solution, certainly for wind, because you are getting a balancing of load. You will get a baseload system out of a wind farm that could not be baseload otherwise.

The Convener

Before we move on to a supplementary question from Claudia Beamish, I just want to say good morning to Dave Moxham.

Dave Moxham (Just Transition Partnership)

I apologise for my lateness.

The Convener

No problem.

Claudia Beamish (South Scotland) (Lab)

I appear to be asking this question from a negative position, but it is a reflection on the past that I hope will lead us to a positive future. Some would say that, when it comes to research and development, Scotland is fantastic. We have already highlighted lots of things that are happening now.

However, there is a perception that sometimes comes to me in my brief that we do not always get to commercialisation. I will use the example that everyone uses, although I am sorry to do so in a way—Professor Salter’s ducks and wave power. There are lots of examples. Why have we not seen manufacturing of renewables here on the sort of scale that is perfectly possible? Do the witnesses have any comment on that beyond what has already been discussed?

Angus McCrone

The issue with wave energy is not that Scotland has missed a manufacturing boat, because the manufacturing boat has not left the harbour yet. That sector has not got going anything like as quickly as anyone in any country hoped.

In retrospect, the mistake that Scotland made was in investing large amounts of public money in individual technologies; as it happened, several of the companies behind those technologies went out of business and quite a bit of money was lost. Some lessons have been learned from that and a different approach is being tried via Wave Energy Scotland. Certainly on the tidal side, there has been more of an emphasis on backing some of the early projects, such as the Maygen project, rather than putting money into particular technologies. That is progress.

Whether Scotland could become a hub for mass manufacturing of some of these new technologies is not just a Scottish issue; it is also a UK issue. Invented in the UK, developed in the US and made in Japan is what we used to hear with a lot of technologies a few decades ago. That same principle is a danger when you get early Government support for a technology, the Government goes lukewarm on it and somebody else picks up the baton and develops it. Consistency of Government policy is important.

It is not just important to focus on manufacturing and factory jobs; it is important to focus on building expertise. Expertise and service skill make up a lot of the valuable export opportunities. I mentioned a few areas earlier. A moment ago, we were talking about electric vehicles, which are an up-and-coming low-carbon area. We forecast that 55 per cent of global car sales in 2040 will be electric vehicles, which will totally transform the transport sector. There is an interesting interplay between electric vehicles and the grid via what we call dynamic charging, which is the ability to charge an electric vehicle when the electricity price is low rather than when it is high. That will require public acceptance of the use of smart meters and other information on the prices of electricity coming into the home. There is a lot that the Government can do to encourage that take-up. Early success in developing that kind of dynamic charging will provide skills that can be exported to other countries.

Dave Moxham

I have a little less expertise than my colleague, but I have a couple of other points. There have been failures in the past, but it would be a mistake to think that, because we have had our fingers burned before, we should not try again. There is an element of risk taking here, but it is necessary risk taking because of the stakes.

I have a position in the Scottish Trades Union Congress, but I am here specifically on behalf of the just transition partnership. It is very important to learn from the negative experiences of transition that people have had in the past, and to begin to reverse those experiences. We need to find a better way of connecting some of the R and D that I think we all agree needs to be undertaken, with the market. There is a key role for Government in that. A couple of the examples that have been given would be ideal from our point of view.

We see the potential for some good work to be done, particularly though the establishment of the just transition commission, which should have as much power over direction as possible. We need to ensure that the innovation from the R and D is properly built into an industrial strategy and that, if there are gaps between the technology and the delivery, we can deliver the plan, even if that involves Government investment. In advising the Government, the just transition commission has a real role in filling that gap.

Mark Ruskell (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

The climate challenge fund has been a phenomenal success in supporting more than 1,000 projects. I was involved in some of the early discussions about the establishment of the fund, and I always saw it as a community laboratory of innovation and ideas. However, it poses a question about how we mainstream some of the approaches. Some fantastic work is going on in individual communities, and that is having some reach, but are there particular lessons from CCF projects that should be taken forward as mainstream approaches? How do we do that? There is a danger that, in the voluntary sector, people continually try to innovate to get the next batch of funds.

Suzy Goodsir

That is a real risk. The climate challenge fund has supported more than 1,000 projects, as you said, with £100 million over the past 10 years. One of the challenges is that the fund looks for constant innovation. The funding tends to be relatively short term—often it is for only one year—and it takes longer than that to embed projects in communities. A key priority in any future development of the fund, certainly from the community’s point of view, is for funding to be available over periods of at least three years, in order for learning to be identified and changes to be embedded.

The climate challenge fund has made measurable impacts on carbon but, more important, the key success is that it has led to us learning a lot about activating behaviour changes and about opening up possibilities for people that they had perhaps not previously considered. For example, there has been a lot of good work in relation to battery storage and electric vehicles that has helped people to overcome barriers. There has been a lot of learning on what the barriers are to the uptake of green technologies in people’s homes and lifestyles.

There is probably scope for a review of the fund at this stage. I know that reviews have been done in the past to pull together some of that learning and to think about where it could be mainstreamed. The Scottish Government has behaviour change programmes, but a lot of such programmes focus on communications—in effect, they are marketing campaigns—and delivery through organisations such as the Energy Saving Trust, rather than on mainstreaming through grass-roots, bottom-up, community-type work.

Mark Ruskell

I have a slightly bigger global question on targets. We will need to make a critical decision on the targets that we put in the bill. We have already talked a bit about the role of business in meeting a 90 per cent target, but how would business and innovation react to a net zero carbon or greenhouse gas emissions target by 2040 or 2050? What signal would that send to markets, and how would it become a driver for innovation?

10:00  

John Ferguson

I come back to my previous point that it might not be the innovation market that needs such a stimulus and that this is more an organisational system issue of national Governments and local government installing the new ideas and options to allow these technologies to do the work that they can do. I worry that we are constantly running after a moving ball: every time that we think that we get to it, we find that it is actually 50 yards ahead of us. Things are just moving too rapidly.

Indeed, that is why our submission focuses on developing rapid transitions by changing how we do things. We could, for example, have joint councils in regional areas, have special powers or bring in agencies such as Scottish Enterprise and make them work together under a specific mandatory framework. In the submission, I give the examples of the western edge project in Tayside, where there is the potential for fossil-fuel-free district energy concepts and new smart grids to be installed, and the Binn Group’s plastics project, which will completely change how we address plastics recycling. Those are real commercial projects, but that kind of technological innovation can be a catalyst if we can spread it across regions and make sure that it is applied quickly—which we can do, because we have the mechanisms in place.

For me, then, the issue is to find ways of applying the technological innovation that is already taking place. Things will keep changing; indeed, the offshore marine renewables that Angus McCrone mentioned are one area where we keep needing to innovate until we see things that work. We then need to get such projects transiting at scale, but our strategies are just not good enough to make such transitions happen. We have to find new ways of speeding that up.

Dave Moxham

I agree. In a way, it is a case of show, not tell. The high targets are a positive move, and they will probably have a positive effect on the research and development environment. Indeed, it has been shown globally that, if you set high targets, you get a positive response to them. However, such an approach does not necessarily do the “show, not tell” or guarantee that any of the benefits, which need to be felt economically and industrially in the form of jobs in communities, will necessarily reside in Scotland. That is what we need if we are to win the other big battle, which is about how we change behaviours. It is all about the nuts and bolts of delivery; we need to get ahead of the ball by ensuring that the things that work can be expanded quickly and at high volume. If we can do that, the people whom we represent and communities more generally will, I think, see the higher targets as something that they can relate to.

Suzy Goodsir

To communities and individuals, a zero target sends a very strong signal and message that the Government is leading from the front, and it will catalyse a lot of change.

Angus McCrone

I admire the setting of tough targets. It gives a sense of direction, which is very important.

Looking at the different pieces of this picture, I think that the targets for the electricity sector are translating into change; indeed, progress is well under way in that respect. The United Kingdom’s performance in reducing emissions from electricity generation has been good, and you can see that continuing. The technologies are there, and the choices are more about how they can be implemented quickly and what more can be done to encourage such moves.

Although it has come about a bit later and progress up to now has been on the slower side, a similar thing has been happening in the transport sector. The path ahead for electrification is pretty clear, and by the mid-2020s, the economics will be switching very decisively in favour of electric cars. You can see how targets can be achieved in so far as they relate to transport.

However, the big issue is heat. It is great to have a very aggressive target for the heat sector, but it is also necessary to bear in mind that the path by which we might get to that target is nothing like as clear as it is in the electricity and transport sectors. There are technologies available, but it is not clear which of those technologies will make a significant difference. It is obviously a massive issue in Scotland, with its housing history and the challenges that it faces in keeping people warm. It is good to have the target, but a lot more work needs to be done on what the pathways are on the heat side.

The Convener

Stewart Stevenson has a supplementary question on that theme.

Stewart Stevenson

I will start with Angus McCrone. It is a very simple question. Who should determine what the targets are—scientists or politicians?

Angus McCrone

It has to be a combination of scientists and politicians. In the end, politicians should set them, because how they go about setting policies to meet the targets is part of the democratic process, and they need to be answerable for that, but the targets must be strongly based on the scientific evidence. Long-term targets are difficult, because we do not know how technologies will evolve over time. There must be some flexibility to make targets more aggressive or less aggressive, depending on how the technologies evolve. However, it is important to have strong targets as a statement, so that people know what the direction of policy is.

John Ferguson

Good policy is evidence based and, in that context, scientists are fundamentally important, but we also need to take business and communities with us. It is for global society—not just politicians and scientists—to resolve the issue, and each group has a role to play in that.

Dave Moxham

I hope that my answer is not too wide, but an enormous polarisation is taking place in world politics, in the US, Europe and other places. Politicians—not in this place, on this issue, as far as I can see—are responding to what they perceive to be the concerns of the dispossessed working class and the concerns of people who do not feel that they have been part of or included in the six significant economic and industrial changes that we have seen.

I trust politicians, but the politicians I trust are the ones who also pay attention to how those arguments are won at community and trade union level because, without that buy-in, we undoubtedly risk, in every country in the world, the polarisation that I have referred to, which one might describe as the collapse of the centre. That is a particular danger to our shared aims on climate change and carbon reduction.

Mark Ruskell

To come back to targets, there is not a clear pathway in Scotland’s climate change plan for getting to a net zero target. Are there examples of other Government targets or aspirations on which there has initially been uncertainty yet which business, through innovation, has worked—with or without communities—to establish a pathway towards and achieve?

John Ferguson

I am sorry—I did not pick up specifically what you were getting at with your question.

Mark Ruskell

One of our questions is about a clear pathway to a net zero target. Have there been other Government targets or aspirations in the past in relation to which there has not been clarity at the outset on the pathway to the objective but which business has had a role in addressing through innovation over a period of time?

Suzy Goodsir

I have an example from the future rather than the past. The Parliament is considering the Fuel Poverty (Target, Definition and Strategy) (Scotland) Bill, which will set an aspiration for fuel poverty to be reduced to 5 per cent, or perhaps lower, by 2040. Given that there is a link to the decarbonisation of heat, there will be some good synergies on both targets. I am not sure that there is a clear plan for how to get to fuel poverty of 5 per cent by 2040—a lot of innovation will be required there, too—but let us hope that the work on that and on the climate change targets will lead to a win-win.

Mark Ruskell

The obvious example is the aspiration of the US Government to put a person on the moon for the first time. There was no clear pathway to achieving that. What collaborations with academia or business would work in addressing such a gap, filling it and innovating in those sectors? Perhaps Angus McCrone has thoughts about energy in that regard.

Angus McCrone

Sorry—would you mind saying that again? I just missed the end of the sentence.

Mark Ruskell

Okay, I will try again.

My question is about how industry manages to innovate. I mentioned the example of meeting a target, such as a Government’s aspiration to put somebody on the moon. Industry, academia and Governments then need to work together in order to understand the uncertainty, innovate around it and achieve the target.

My point for Angus McCrone is about energy. Are there examples from energy in which there was no clear pathway to achieving a goal, yet the industry managed to innovate around the problem?

Angus McCrone

Not in the clear way that you set out in relation to the moon programme. I suppose that, in that case, the US Government threw vast amounts of money at the problem, which always helps.

The UK has more than met its CO2 reduction targets from the 1990 benchmark. Similarly, it will either meet or come incredibly close to meeting the 2020 renewable energy target. Therefore, targets can be hit. The private sector always proves to be very versatile and adaptive in thinking of ways to meet targets, as long as the crucial incentives and the price signals to make it happen are there.

As I have said, the issue with a long-term, very ambitious CO2 reduction target, such as we are talking about here, relates to what happens on the heat side. Until there is a little bit more clarity on which technologies will win through, it is difficult to be certain about how the Government can bring that about.

John Ferguson

I give Mark Ruskell the specific example of zero waste. Before zero waste was a popular concept, it had become very clear that we had to deal with landfill. In 1996, the landfill tax was brought in, which internalised the external cost that landfill placed on the environment. When I started in the business, 97 per cent of our waste went to landfill, so the tax had a significant impact as regards methanogenic potential to drive climate change. The ban on landfill changed how the industry structured its innovation, investments and assets. It drove innovation towards reusing, recycling and finding cleaner ways of making energy from the waste with which we can do nothing else. That was one way of saying, “You cannot do this any more.”

It would drive massive displacement in the energy sector if we were to say that, within a few years, people will not be able to use diesel-generated power systems and will have to have an alternative in place. One of the businesses for which I work generates almost all its energy from diesel generation. It is trying to be a low-carbon business, but how can it do that? We are trying to put alternative renewable systems in place. People might think that we can create transition and innovation by saying, “This is a really bad thing. We will stop doing it, but we will do so in a transitory period when we will have time to adjust and deal with it.” However, at some point, we will not be able to do that any more. Putting in alternative systems is one way in which we can make such transition happen.

Mark Ruskell

But at the beginning of that process—when the landfill ban target was set—there was no clarity about how to get there.

John Ferguson

Absolutely. Nobody knew how that would pan out, but it set the environment for change. We said that there would be a cost for landfill, and as that cost rose, the response rose in proportion to it, to the point where we can now say that, by 2021, we will pretty much completely ban waste from going to landfill. You move from one mechanism to another.

Mark Ruskell

Are there other examples?

Dave Moxham

I have a general comment. I agree that the setting of targets can provoke positive innovation and reaction, even if it is not known exactly what the path might be—there is certainly no dissent from us on that. There are risks if it becomes profitable not to innovate but to find other offshoring or importing alternatives. We have to be clear that, in setting a target, we are also giving guidance about what constitutes a positive economic or social benefit—and what might be the opposite. I would be slightly careful about saying that a top-down mechanism, such as using the market to encourage people to decide, can automatically do that, although undoubtedly it can in some circumstances.

I do not want to sound like a broken record, but returning to an enterprise environment and a connected strategy—involving the Scottish national investment bank and others—that promotes the best possible socially inclusive responses is very important.

10:15  

John Scott

I am interested in the sort of macro ideas that you have been dealing with, and I want to ask about practical issues. Can I have the witnesses’ perspectives on whether large-scale systemic change now is required to ensure decarbonisation, and how structural change can be facilitated and financed?

Dave Moxham

There are a couple of points to make about that. All available investment mechanisms, including the national investment bank, will be absolutely vital. I make no apology for saying that increased Government investment is absolutely vital. We have seen increased investment in R and D, and we would certainly not criticise what has been undertaken thus far. However, if we are looking at systemic change, whether we are talking about major systems or the redesign or partial redesign of a whole economy, we are undoubtedly talking about significant traditional state investment. I realise that, in this Parliament, you are already talking about a competency that is partly UK and partly Scottish, and I make no apology for saying that we need to jump now for carbon capture and storage, and to do that we need to have the investment in place. The same is true of electrification. Those are things that we need to do now, and we cannot rely just on the private sector investment landscape to deliver.

Suzy Goodsir

On a micro, individual household scale, we are talking about asking people to make significant changes to their existing homes in many cases, particularly older properties, so we need continued investment in the grants and loans that are currently administered by the Energy Saving Trust and Home Energy Scotland. Those schemes are popular and successful, and they need to increase and continue.

John Ferguson

We are looking at how we can use the combined systems of planning, fiscal taxation and statutory regulation to create transition levies, where you put a small marginal cost on something over a period of time to fund a change, or to provide a subsidy to help people change. There are fiscal instruments that could come in.

We have to get our planning system fit for purpose, and I genuinely think that it is not. I do not mean to offend anybody who is involved in planning, but I have used the planning system for many years and I think that it is part of the problem. It is far too slow and it does not set the strategic frameworks correctly. The national planning framework is a great idea but it is underachieving. We have to start with planning because that is the framework within which everybody has to work to do anything about infrastructure on the ground. You will not change systems without changing infrastructure.

Angus McCrone

The building side is absolutely crucial. Are we doing enough via new building regulations, and through regulations for the conversion of properties, to enforce strong energy efficiency requirements? Is enough being done when it comes to replacing buildings when they have reached or passed the end of their life? Is there enough incentive for the owners of those buildings, whether they are landowners, councils or individuals, to go about replacing them with something much more energy efficient? I do not know the answer to those questions, but they are areas to look at.

John Scott

Would you regard that as a business and economic opportunity to be grasped in the process of mitigating and adapting to climate change? What do we need to do to maximise that? One thing that strikes me is that there is a supply chain going from ideas to enterprise companies and on to Government approval, but a big gap in all that is the education of people such as ourselves. For us, this whole process has involved a learning curve in relation to the potential that exists out there—there has probably been a learning curve for Government and civil servants, too.

We have the innovation and the science out there, but, as Mr Ferguson said, there is a real problem in getting things to the next stage, whether through Scottish Enterprise or HIE. Will you develop that theme a little more by identifying the problems and telling us where the sore bits are and how you think they might be sorted—if you can do so easily?

John Ferguson

One of the issues is the timescales required. You need to make rapid transitions, but for some developments a rapid transition might be a five or 10-year period. At the rate that we are going, we might never do it. We are not good at doing the infrastructure. Waste is a good example of that. We have a tremendously good zero-waste strategy but no infrastructure to deliver landfill bans and so on, because we have not focused on some unpopular issues.

We need to understand that the timescales required do not necessarily fit the political paradigm of short-term Governments being in power for four years followed by a changing of the guard; in other words, you do something for four years and then there is a change so you go in a different direction.

We need political parties to do a little bit of time planning on a cross-party basis and to agree that certain things are sacrosanct. We should say that we all agree that we need to do this and put it into a safe environment, and that would be our framework for 15 years. That would create stability for investment, planning and business and it would allow time for adjustments to be made and for the public engagement, messaging and culture change that are needed to happen.

We should work on a cross-party basis and do medium-to-long-term planning to get consensus on some of these issues to stop them being political footballs. There is enough politics in politics for all of us—that is fine—but certain things are of mutual benefit to all people. We have to try to find consensus among all parties on certain things and just say, “That’s it. We have nailed it down and we aren’t going to mess with it. That’s the framework so let’s get on and do it.” Within such a framework, we could then perhaps accelerate transition.

John Scott

It makes sense that if we are going to set targets for 2030 to 2050, we have an agreed position across parties. Could that be achieved? I do not know.

John Ferguson

That is the challenge for politicians.

John Scott

The point that you are making is that some broad themes and principles could be agreed, but that has to go hand in hand with setting the targets. That is a valuable point. I am sorry—I did not mean to cut across what other people were going to say.

The Convener

If anyone else wants to join in, they can do so. Otherwise, I will invite Claudia Beamish to ask a supplementary question.

Claudia Beamish

I have a specific question for Angus McCrone about the targets. Shall I wait and see whether I have time to ask it at the end?

The Convener

You can ask it now, if it is a short question.

Claudia Beamish

Okay. Thank you. I just want to play devil’s advocate for a minute. If I heard him correctly, Angus McCrone said that there should be the ability to alter the targets depending on how the technology evolves. Should there not also be political leadership? I take the point that John Ferguson made that there should be leadership across parties to drive innovation and confidence in all sectors. Would that not guide new technology, bearing in mind that we have successive climate change plans to set the policy frameworks?

Angus McCrone

Yes, that is all reasonable. The issue that caused me to give a more nuanced answer was heat and what the winning technologies would be in that segment. That is not just an issue for Scotland; it is an issue for all northern countries. It is not clear which technologies will win through and at what speed they will emerge. It is very hard to be sure about whether targets that are set now will be overachieved or underachieved. What we have learnt up to now, with the European 2020 targets, is that rapid progress was made on the electricity side but much less progress was made on transport or heat.

The transport side is becoming a lot clearer, but there are still a lot of question marks over heat. A lot of political oomph can be created by the right noises being made, but there need to be commercial technologies within sight to bring that about, and it is not yet clear what those will be.

Angus MacDonald (Falkirk East) (SNP)

We know that the transformational change that we need is a tall order. To achieve that change, should Governments regulate lifestyles and reduce consumer choices, or will markets adequately innovate to allow continued growth?

John Ferguson

It is a combination, I think. There are times when we simply have to say, “That is just not working—you have to stop doing it.” Markets will operate wherever they can make money. For example, every year we put 300 million tonnes of new plastics into the environment, of which we recycle 12 per cent, so 88 per cent is going into landfill, incinerators or the oceans. Part of the problem is that we allow the manufacture and sale of complete and utter nonsense and its movement, using carbon, all over the world.

Why are we such a consumer-based society? Why are we not focusing more on the global equity issues of ensuring that everybody has enough food, clean water, security, good-quality air and suchlike? If we invested in those things globally, there would be a vibrant global economy and we would not be wasting time and resources and damaging the planet doing unnecessary things.

Sometimes it is good to say, “We’re just going to stop doing that.” However, I am not persuaded that that is necessarily a good way of regulating society. We have to let people have a degree of freedom. I am in the middle on that. Sometimes there is a case for doing it and sometimes there is a case for letting markets determine things. Markets working in sensible places should be determining sensible approaches. They should not be left entirely to their own ends.

Dave Moxham

I am kind of in the middle on that, too. There is clearly a case for some regulation of consumer choice, but we also know, as I have said before, that buy-in is really important to the whole process. We have to be careful that, in the regulation of consumer choice, we are equitable in terms of people’s choices and experiences. It is dangerous to limit the choices of people who already have very limited choices while others can do things more freely and without the same impact on their lifestyles. Should we regulate consumer choice? Yes, but we should be careful about who that impacts on and how.

There is a general case for auditing as we go along the impact of the decisions that we make. We need to audit the jobs impact, the consumer impact and the community impact. As we go along with things, we need a process so that we can regularly judge what they mean for people. If we do not do that, there is a real risk that we will leave people behind.

Suzy Goodsir

In one of the committee’s previous evidence sessions, someone talked about behaviour change. I will not go into too much detail on that, but the Scottish Government uses the ISM model of how behaviour change happens. That model talks about three levels: the individual, which is about attitudes and behaviours; the social, which is where a lot of community work comes in as it is about setting norms and encouraging people to engage with their peers to make change; and the material, which is about regulation and incentives. For behaviour change to happen on the scale that we are talking about, we need all three levels to come into play in a coherent way.

The Convener

We move on to some questions from Rhoda Grant about the effect on people in different areas of Scotland.

Rhoda Grant (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)

Previously, we took evidence on transport, and we recognised that some of the incentives to get people out of their cars have an impact on rural areas. We have heard this morning about fuel poverty and how it impacts on urban areas, including cities, as well. How can we ensure that the necessary change is fair to all socioeconomic and geographical sectors of society? It seems to me that those who have previously been left behind will be left behind again. In more affluent urban areas, every roof has photovoltaics because people can afford to invest in them. The people who have the knowledge and the finance can make the transition, which leaves others behind.

10:30  

Suzy Goodsir

The point is really important. I am particularly concerned about fuel poverty and how it relates to climate change. There are great Scottish Government schemes, such as the warmer homes Scotland scheme, which is making huge improvements to homes for vulnerable households, and a lot of that work is done in rural areas. However, we could do more—there are people who fall into the gaps.

More affluent people can afford to make changes to their homes, and people who fulfil criteria such as having a passport benefit are eligible for the warmer homes Scotland scheme, but a swathe of people in the middle whom the Energy Saving Trust classifies as able to pay are not really able—they do not have the money for such changes. We need more grants, incentives and programmes such as boiler scrappage schemes to help people to make changes and benefit from the drivers that are in place, particularly in relation to home energy and heat.

The Convener

Not everyone is a home owner, and people who rent cannot apply to such schemes. What is your response to that?

Dave Moxham

I do not disagree with anything that has been said. We need to share the heat benefits as widely as possible, which applies even more to people who are in accommodation that they do not own than it does to others.

We need to show rural communities that a better integrated transport network can have benefits. More investment is needed in that, as is an extension of public ownership. That is vital to reducing car emissions, but it is also important to show the benefits.

We are not making enormous gains in agriculture, and any agricultural measures could affect rural communities disproportionately. However, reafforestation and peat measures would have a positive impact and bring jobs and growth to the areas involved.

Rhoda Grant

How do we proactively get the information across? Some people in urban areas and inner cities struggle to keep a roof over their heads, never mind look at who will give them a grant or advice. They struggle day to day; they do not sit back to do horizon scanning and think about where they want to be. We must be much more proactive.

Suzy Goodsir

Our energy advice service engages about 2,000 households per year. We go out and find people; we go to mother and toddler groups, pensioners lunch clubs and any organisations that will accept us. Anywhere that people are, we will talk to them about home energy use. We tell them about things that they can do themselves and we have a handy service that does simple tasks for people, such as changing light bulbs into low-energy LEDs for older people who cannot do that themselves. We put people in touch with grants and schemes to get significant works done to make their homes more energy efficient. We talk to people about behaviour change, about simple things that they can do to save energy, about what is coming—what is on the horizon—and about reasons why they might want to make changes now to save themselves quite a lot of money in the longer term.

The energy advice service produces win-wins. We can put people in touch with other support services such as befriending services to tackle social isolation, and with Citizens Advice Scotland to get benefits checks. The approach is holistic and we go out to proactively find the people who need the service.

Thousands of people in Scotland are in fuel poverty and a lot of them are not asking for help—they are suffering in silence. We need significant boots on the ground in communities—workers and volunteers—to actively find those people.

The Convener

I will bring in John Scott on that theme before Rhoda Grant asks her questions about the workforce.

John Scott

I applaud what Suzy Goodsir is saying. Dave Moxham talked about incentivising farmers and the agriculture sector to do the right thing, which we talked about on Tuesday. Should we also be looking at incentivising people in the home energy and heat sectors more than we currently do?

We have already suggested that people should benefit from a rates reduction if they do the right thing in their homes, but I do not think that there has been a huge uptake in that programme. If we were to proactively further market the idea of doing good and sensible things to improve the quality of homes in relation to heat loss, perhaps something could be worked out. The scheme would pay for itself in a three to five-year window.

Suzy Goodsir talked about the need to embed change within communities, the cost of that and the fact that it would be a three-year project. Will she say a bit more about that?

Suzy Goodsir

People have to be motivated to make energy efficiency improvements to existing homes. It involves a lot of upheaval to get a new boiler and insulation, especially where wall or under-floor insulation is required. It is a hassle for the householder, so there needs to be an incentive to do it. An element of education is needed about measures that might pay for themselves, but there are also measures for which a stronger financial incentive is needed. The Energy Saving Trust has an interest-free loan scheme that is supported, I believe, by the Scottish Government. There is a very small cashback grant component to that, but I do not think that it is a strong enough incentive for people in existing homes.

Rhoda Grant

I turn to the economy and how we can change from being a consumer-based society, which John Ferguson talked about. We need to shift the economic focus, but how do we ensure that we do that without a cliff edge for workers? Do we have the right skills and knowledge in the workforce for that transition to be seamless? In changing the focus of society, how do we avoid some of the post-industrial societal change that we have seen in the past?

John Ferguson

I am not a specialist or expert on this by any means, but we have to see that question as a global issue. Going back to the earlier question about why we do not manufacture things in this country, I note that there is James Dyson, one of the UK’s greatest innovators, who is pro-Brexit, but his next factory will be in Singapore. We are probably all wearing clothes that were made in Indonesia, and many of us probably saw a very good programme on textiles and their impact.

We are allowing our products to be manufactured in countries where the environmental impacts are dumped straight down the pipe into the water that local communities use and then out into the ocean—plastics and everything. I am not necessarily including Singapore in that, but it is certainly true of textiles in Indonesia. We have to stop that. We have to stop allowing our consumer supply chains to give us products that exploit the environment. If we deal with that as a global issue, we will create global equity.

In the case of those textiles, the impacts on the environment affect many of the poorest people in Indonesia, but they also harm our global environment, and we all suffer from that. There has to be an expectation that we will ask the question about how we can protect everybody’s interests.

Rhoda Grant

We are talking about some of the poorest people in the world, so we do not want to take the jobs away from them. How do we make that step change? We are ahead, to a large extent, and that is why our costs are higher. They are desperate for that work and they do not have the money to invest in cleaning up the output of those industries, which makes them cheaper. How do we get people to pay more to ensure that we are all in the same place?

John Ferguson

Surely the fundamental issue there is fair trade. They have every right to make goods and services and send them around the world, but they have to do it to a standard and we have to set that standard and pay for it. That is the issue. We are consuming too much because it is too cheap, as the cost to the global environment is hidden. That does not help workers anywhere.

The Convener

I want to raise a specific issue that relates to my area. I come from Aberdeenshire, and for me the elephant in the room is that, in my area, many people’s jobs are dependent on oil and gas. There has been a fear that, if we move to our targets, many people will lose their incomes. As Rhoda Grant said and as we have seen in the past, many people will fall off the cliff edge if we do not put things in place to make a just transition and provide jobs. I ask Dave Moxham to talk specifically about that. We are talking about thousands of people in a particular area of Scotland.

Dave Moxham

Yes. There is a tendency to look at the issue in straight quantum terms rather than to look at the quality of jobs and particularly middle-income jobs, which are not particularly prevalent in the UK economy just now and which we need to hold on to. I am sure that members know that many people who previously worked offshore now work as labourers. There is nothing wrong with labouring work, but it is not particularly good for an economy that people who were on £40 an hour now work for £10 an hour.

It is a question of the quality of jobs. The issue is difficult for our members and the unions that represent them. I return to our hopes for the just transition commission. We need real, forward-looking analysis of where the hotspots in the supply chain lie and where the opportunities exist, and we need to look at maximising opportunities in areas such as decommissioning, where we believe there is still work to be done.

We need to engage with companies such as Burntisland Fabrications—or what we hope will be an operational BiFab at some time in the next few months—to look at parts of their potential operations. We need to sell their services abroad, but we want to sell abroad the services that are the most carbon helpful. There is a real job to do there. There is also a real threat but, with a joined-up industrial strategy that is informed by serious forward-looking analysis of where job flows will be, it will be possible to do that.

Many people whom we represent, who work in gas and other areas, are not necessarily looking at immediate job losses. It is fairly uncontroversial to say that gas will continue, but we should already be looking at and asking questions about things such as hydrogen and the training and skills needs to deal with them, because they are not uncontroversial. To be frank, it is not the case that there will be no pain there, but there are definitely prophylactic and investment-led things that we can do to mitigate the impacts on the workers whom we represent.

Rhoda Grant

Are schools, colleges and universities looking at that? Are we bringing up a generation of people who will be ready for such change and innovation? Are employers looking at their workforces? People will work for a lot longer. We are lucky that we are living a lot longer, and we can see the pension age going up, but are people who are moving through the workforce being retrained? Are they aware of the changes that will happen? What can we do to make them adaptable?

Dave Moxham

I cannot honestly and with any authority tell members whether that is happening systematically, but I have seen some good examples. I have seen what Fife College offers with respect to a potential apprenticeship and other training that relates to what we hope will be a rise in decommissioning and renewables production in factories. You would need to ask somebody else whether that is happening systematically. However, it is vital to identify that as an issue that we could undoubtedly do better on, however well we are doing now. That is also vital for the community messaging and community development that I am sure Suzy Goodsir is interested in, too.

Stewart Stevenson

In the discussion, we have covered the issue of getting buy-in from individuals, but perhaps we have done that less so with regard to buy-in from sectors. I have jotted down a wee list of counters—things that make it difficult. I ask for comments and suggestions, starting with Suzy Goodsir, who earlier made specific reference to driving acceptance.

John Scott mentioned the rating system. There is a counter to doing good things to a house, because, if the quality of the house is improved, at the next revaluation it might be moved to a more expensive notch. There is a perverse incentive not to improve houses. When a house is improved for the purpose of climate sustainability, it potentially becomes more valuable and has a longer lifespan, yet mortgage providers do not reflect that in the risk pricing, which is the interest rate that is charged for the mortgage. They should do so.

The cleanest form of energy for heating houses that is readily available is electric heating, but that is the most expensive way to heat a house. That is perverse in terms of the climate change agenda.

Heat transmission, which happens over relatively short distances, is the one area of public utility for which there is no wayleave. The utility supplier does not have an automatic right to deliver heat, whereas telephone, electricity and gas suppliers have wayleave rights—they have to compensate landowners over whose land they go, but they have the right to go over the land. There is nothing similar for heat.

There has been a huge move from diesel cars to petrol. Diesel cars are 50 per cent more efficient in extracting energy from their fuel, albeit that they create particulate contaminations. With regard to this narrow agenda, it is perverse to move back from diesel to petrol.

Finally, there is a good example of behaviour change that might pick up on some of the things that John Ferguson said about plastics. Like others, I have a plastic bag in my hip pocket alongside my wallet. It is not an economic thing—10p is neither here nor there on an MSP’s salary, to be blunt. The tiny thing of a charge for bags has genuinely changed behaviour. What opportunities are we missing? The plastic bag is not a tax, but that is a legislative quirk. Should we be more rigorous in tackling the use of plastics in packaging in retail to have the same effect? How do we get buy-in? It is policymakers in Government who are not doing enough.

Suzy Goodsir

The question is wide ranging. I will pick up on a couple of points.

On the opportunities for behaviour change, one of the most challenging areas is transport. We have talked about electric vehicles, and air travel is one of the elephants in the room. There is a big issue around social norms and aspirations. Air travel will become one of the big issues in the context of long-term challenging targets.

I am not sure that the rating system is the right way to introduce incentives for home energy changes. It was included in legislation 10 years ago and no one picked up on it. On house values and energy efficiency changes, when we buy and sell houses today, the houses have an energy performance certificate. Do people look at it? I am not sure that people understand it. A lot of education is still needed.

The key driver for people making energy efficiency changes to their houses is the changes to their bills in the short term. That is the thing to focus on. The key barrier is the capital cost of the measures and the upheaval in the house. Any incentives need to get people over the hump of making the changes in the short term.

The Convener

Did anyone else have points to make on that specific area? Richard Lyle wants to come in briefly.

Richard Lyle (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)

I was a councillor, and I think that you will find that the banding of houses does not change until they are sold. I have upgraded my house a number of times, and my banding has not changed in the past 40 years.

Claudia Beamish

My question is initially for Dave Moxham, but I hope that Angus McCrone might comment from a finance perspective and that others will comment from their perspectives.

The Government is creating a just transition commission, but that is not to be legislated for in the bill. I seek your comments on whether legislating would help the commission to carry out its functions better. Would independence from Government help? Will you also comment on the reporting mechanisms and any other aspects that you think are significant to help affected communities and workers?

Dave Moxham

I will briefly explain the thinking. We strongly support the just transition commission, which is a Scottish Government initiative, and we hope that it has reasonable support across the chamber. The purpose is reflected in some of the evidence that I have given already. We think that the commission is a key way in which we can fill or bridge the gap between the idea and the delivery. It needs to engage with key institutions, such as the national investment bank, which I have mentioned, as well as local authorities and enterprise agencies. I hope that I am not giving away any secrets when I say that the Scottish Government’s initial proposal is for a two-year commission. However, we see it as the companion piece to achieving our targets right through the process. That does not mean that it should be an unchanging or static body, but that should be the initial commitment. That would embed the principle that, as we look forward to every step that we will take, we need to look at the economic impacts, buy-in and social justice.

The commission should have a fair degree of independence and autonomy from the Scottish Government. That point is not based on mistrust; it is based on our experience of commissions that have had independent or semi-independent secretariats and that could take advice from a wide range of people, which have performed effectively.

The commission should be in legislation, because that would be a statement of future intent. It should be suitably independent, because that would make it operate more effectively. It should be able to require—as far as any commission can—input and reports from all the key institutions, whether that is the new infrastructure commission, the national investment bank or all the rest of it. The commission will centralise the ideas of decent jobs, community justice, a just transition and proper climate change action and burn those into people’s minds, whether that is legislators or, eventually, the consumers who we hope will change their behaviour.

Claudia Beamish

Perhaps we can hear from Angus McCrone and others if they want to comment on that.

Angus McCrone

I want to say something on the oil and gas transition. Electric vehicles are coming in the car sector, and electric buses are coming very rapidly—perhaps more rapidly—worldwide. However, those account for only part of oil demand. Cars account for only about 20 per cent of world oil demand. Even on our very aggressive forecasts for electric vehicle uptake, we see only about 7 million barrels of oil per day being taken out by 2040 as a result of electric cars and buses. I do not think that the oil sector is going to die off quickly.

The same is true of gas, which is still going to be an important fuel in the UK and elsewhere for balancing the system. There will be a change in the way that it is used—it will be used less for baseload and more for peak periods. The scenario for oil and gas jobs in the Aberdeen area is not as immediately pressing as some people suggest. Obviously, there are issues involving a slow dwindling of activity, but there have been huge swings before, with oil prices going as low as $10 and as high as $140.

Claudia Beamish

I have a finance question about a just transition commission or, beyond that, simply a just transition. Do you have any suggestions about how finance for the future can be equitable in terms of supporting workers? Can there be any criteria for investment or any expectations set? I know that Mark Carney has highlighted climate change as being a serious imperative. How do these issues connect in relation to companies, finance and research and development? Do you have any comments on that?

Angus McCrone

That is not really my area. Other witnesses might have a better idea about that.

John Ferguson

There is an investment community in Edinburgh, made up of companies such as Baillie Gifford, which is one of the largest fundholders in the world, that have departments that look at the ethical frameworks of investments and have global concordats about what ethical investment is. Within that community, there are growing standards to ensure that those investments are secure. There is a whole area of global investments that are subject to those standards.

If you ask the experts in the global financial community who are concerned about equitable investment and whether they are investing in the right things and not the wrong things, you will find some good indicators of what is good investment and what is not. However, the global financial community is wider and perhaps less well intentioned, sometimes.

The Convener

I am conscious that we do not have much time left, and I apologise to members who might not be able to ask questions. Richard Lyle will ask the next question. If there is any time left after that, we can perhaps have further questions.

Richard Lyle

There have been a lot of comments that I do not have time to go through, but I will say that I come from an area—Lanarkshire—that previously had mining and steel industries. Times have been hard, but we have recovered to a good degree. I wish Aberdeen and Aberdeenshire well. Of course, they keep saying that there is no oil left, but then they come out the next day and say, “We’ve just found a new field.” In any case, we have to prepare and ensure that people who are in excellent jobs up there continue in those jobs and are supported.

Anyway, here is my last question. Has any of you carried out an economic assessment of the costs and benefits of mitigating and adapting to climate change, because that is what we will have to do?

Dave Moxham

The short answer is no, and it would be an enormous undertaking. As I said earlier, in our view, that would be a primary function of a just transition commission, because you cannot consider this issue without considering the employment impacts.

I acknowledge what you say about the area that you represent and the coal industry, but that was not the universal experience of people in the coal industry. At the moment, there are some quite nice examples in Canada and Spain of people going through just transition from coal in a far more positive way, and I would be happy to send the committee links to those examples if you are interested.

You have asked an enormous question. I would be surprised if any analyst were able to tell you that they had done that, but I think that they might be able to suggest ways in which we might approach that in the period ahead.

Richard Lyle

We have heard comments about £13 billion. Does anyone have an idea where that figure comes from?

Dave Moxham

I have seen various figures using various methodologies, but digging into that and doing it in a systematic way is a big job, which I am not qualified to do.

The Convener

John Ferguson wants to answer the main question.

John Ferguson

I do not know whether there was an economic impact assessment for the bill. Obviously, such assessments have to be done for bills.

Under environmental regulation, businesses such as ours have to report their current performance. We look very carefully at the auditing process for that and the cost benefit analysis of, for example, stopping the use of generated power because it costs a lot of money and has a serious impact on the environment through carbon, and making a transition to wind power. We do very detailed cost benefit analysis at a company level, which is driven by regulation. If you can extend the requirement to do that and aggregate the answers, you will get a good idea of what those savings are. It is a very important question.

The Convener

We have one minute left, if anyone wants to come in.

Mark Ruskell

Can Dave Moxham tell me about the relationship between the just transition commission and the UK Committee on Climate Change, which is obviously a statutory adviser? Somebody has to help the Government make a decision about whether a pathway is technically, socially or economically feasible. What do you see as the just transition commission’s role in working with the UK CCC on that question?

Dave Moxham

That is a helpful question. We would see that relationship as very important, not least because what a just transition commission needs to consider, when creating the kind of investment environment that we need in order to achieve things, is not limited to powers that rest in this place.

There are a number of issues around what we would describe as the quality of employment, which is what we are looking to guarantee. Going back to Aberdeen, one of the problems for just transition is that it is hard to capture the value of all the opportunities in a place like that, because the way in which employment is regulated discriminates against local labour and is in favour of different models of employment.

For a range of reasons, because powers are held in a different place, it is vital that the just transition commission has a strong relationship with the CCC, although it would obviously not be statutory.

The Convener

I thank all our panellists, both remote and in the room. The evidence session has been hugely interesting. I am sorry that we do not have more time. It is difficult to find time on a Thursday, as committee meetings have to finish earlier on Thursdays.

At our next meeting on 20 November, the committee will continue its consideration of the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill.

The public part of the meeting is now closed and the committee is moving into private session, so I request that the public gallery be vacated.

11:02 Meeting continued in private until 11:22.  

15 November 2018

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Seventh meeting transcript

The Convener

Under agenda item 2, the committee will take evidence on the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill. This is the sixth of the committee’s evidence sessions with stakeholders.

I am delighted to welcome our first panel this morning. Teresa Anderson is policy and communications officer on climate and resilience with Action Aid International; Jim Densham is senior land use policy officer with the RSPB Scotland, and is representing Scottish Environment LINK; Gina Hanrahan is head of policy at WWF Scotland; Professor Tahseen Jafry is the director of the centre for climate justice; Alan Munro is a member of Young Friends of the Earth Scotland; Siri Pantzar is policy operational volunteer with the 2050 climate group; and Caroline Rance is climate campaigner with Friends of the Earth Scotland.

There will be a lot of questions that all of you may think that you have something to say about. In order to manage our time, I have asked members to direct their questions to individuals. Do not think that you have to answer every question; we will run out of time if you do that. We are going to be efficient and targeted.

I will open up the questioning with a question about the bill, the Paris agreement and the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s recent report. Perhaps all of you can answer this question briefly. Is the bill adequate in terms of compliance with the Paris agreement and the recent IPCC report?

Caroline Rance (Friends of the Earth Scotland)

The Paris agreement commits all nations to holding the increase in local temperature rise to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels and to pursuing efforts to limit that to 1.5°C. The IPCC report, which came out just a few weeks ago, made the pathway that we need to be on to meet those targets very clear, and it talked about the need for urgent and rapid transformational change.

On the targets in the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill, as introduced, we have particular concern about the pathway to 2030, which has not significantly changed from the pathway that was set out in the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009. Obviously, the targets in the 2009 act were set more than nine years ago and, at that time, we assumed that a global deal would be made in Copenhagen that would limit the temperature rise. That failed to happen, of course. When we set those targets, we had not yet breached a 1°C temperature rise. It is quite inconceivable to think that a pathway that we set in those circumstances more than nine years ago remains consistent with the significant increase in ambition under the Paris agreement.

The First Minister has spoken very clearly about the need for Scotland to play our full part in delivering the Paris agreement but, unfortunately, with the targets that have been brought forward, the bill will not deliver it.

Teresa Anderson (Action Aid International)

The IPCC gave us a lot of new, very clear information that we really need to take to heart. If we take seriously the mission to limit the increase in warming to 1.5°C and to avert runaway climate change, we really need to listen to the science from the IPCC, which has told us that we will pretty much use up the carbon budget for 1.5°C within 12 years unless we take absolutely radical transformation action right now. There is no avoiding that—the science is very clear.

I recognise that the bill was drafted before the IPCC report came out, but if you are serious in asking the question of yourselves, for the sake of Scotland and the world you need to understand what that will mean and acknowledge that the bill is not strong enough in a number of ways. We are talking about a 12-year timeline and having a net zero target by 2050, but 2050 is almost irrelevant if we use up the budget within 12 years. We need a much steeper curve of emissions reduction in the near term rather than focusing on the long-term target.

The Convener

It is not enough just to set targets; we need to achieve the targets. Are the pathways clear enough in the bill, or will setting targets force everything else to happen? We have heard views on that question over the past few weeks. We do not want to set targets that we will fail to reach, because we want to be a world leader on the issue. If we fail, the message will be that the targets are unachievable. What are your views on that?

Teresa Anderson

We are treating something that is so important as an existential crisis. It is better to set high targets that force us to achieve more than to set achievable targets that could lead to planetary breakdown. Failure to meet a political goal is less of a disaster than failure to meet climate targets.

Stewart Stevenson (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

I want to pick up on the word “science”, which I think that both Caroline Rance and Teresa Anderson used. The IPCC report is a review of the science. Who should choose the numbers in the targets? Should it be politicians or scientists?

Caroline Rance

It is pretty clear that our targets should be based on what climate science and climate justice demand as being Scotland’s fair and equitable contribution to our legal international obligations under the Paris agreement and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. How we implement those targets is a political decision, which should be based on what is right for Scotland.

Stewart Stevenson

I understand perfectly the definition of climate science. However, climate justice, which I know about from looking at the work of the Mary Robinson Foundation, is not a science-based observation but a moral observation—which I support, by the way. Is that a correct interpretation?

Caroline Rance

Climate justice is about ensuring that we acknowledge our historical responsibilities, which is an important point to take into account whenever we look at the targets. The Paris agreement does not set out only the temperature goals. Article 2.1 sets out those goals, and article 2.2 says:

“This Agreement will be implemented to reflect equity”.

Climate justice is an important consideration that is embedded in the heart of the Paris agreement, so it is fundamental that we consider climate justice when we apportion the global carbon budget in order to come up with our targets.

Siri Pantzar (2050 Climate Group)

On the one hand, we are looking at international equity and justice, and, on the other, we are looking at intergenerational equity and justice. As we have discussed, if we run out of our carbon budget after 12 years—or a bit longer, if we manage to expand our ambition—it will be much more difficult for those of us who will be dealing with the issue in 2030 or 2040 if we have no budget to balance. It will be much more just and productive to make the change at this point, when we have a bit of wriggle room and a bit of space for a managed transition, rather than in 2030 or 2040. We might not have that budget then, so our options would be different.

Gina Hanrahan (WWF Scotland)

I go back, if I may, to the convener’s first question, which was whether the bill is adequate in terms of delivering on the Paris agreement.

One of the fundamental questions that needs to be answered about the bill is what temperature target it is aiming for. There has not yet been enough clarity about that from the Scottish Government. The IPCC report lays bare the stark difference in effects between 1.5°C and 2°C. If we go for 2°C, 60 million more people would be exposed to severe drought and 1.3 billion more people would be exposed to extreme heat waves. It would mean an ice-free Arctic ocean once every 10 years as opposed to once every 100 years. It would also mean that we would lose virtually all our coral reefs, whereas with a 1.5°C target, we have a chance of saving up to 30 per cent. Losing coral reefs is obviously a fundamental problem in itself, but the reefs are also an ecosystem on which 1 billion people depend. From our perspective, the bill needs to aim for the 1.5°C target.

It is clear from the IPCC report that the globe as a whole needs to aim for net zero carbon roughly in the 2050 range. As we have been told, that is the target that the bill is aiming for: 90 per cent equals carbon neutrality. However, that would place Scotland only at the global average effort by 2050, which would not do enough to tackle the equity dimension. It would also not do enough to acknowledge Scotland’s huge economic potential from our vast renewable resources and vast carbon storage potential. If we cannot do this, I do not see which other country can do it. We would like the bill to set iconic long-term targets to eliminate our contribution to climate change entirely by 2050, and stronger early action.

We could spend quite a bit of time exploring the feasibility question, if the committee is interested in that. The bill has set a 90 per cent target because the United Kingdom Committee on Climate Change, when it produced its advice in 2017, said that that was at the limits of feasibility. That was based on 2015 advice developed for the fifth carbon budget at the UK level. There is a really exciting global conversation happening now about net zero and 1.5°C, stimulated by the Paris agreement, which means that a plethora of new research is being produced that tackles the feasibility question.

Yesterday, for instance, new evidence came through from the Energy Transitions Commission, which is led by Adair Turner, the former chair of the CCC, and involves lots of oil and gas majors. It shows that we can make huge progress towards net zero in the industrial, hard-to-treat sectors. Pathways have been developed at the European level by the European Climate Foundation. There has been new evidence on the potential for negative emissions from the Royal Academy of Engineering and a number of other sources, including some Scottish academics.

The Convener

My colleagues will address the feasibility question later, so we will have ample opportunity to discuss that. Professor Jafry wanted to say something in response to the first question.

Professor Tahseen Jafry (Centre for Climate Justice)

I echo what my colleagues have said, and what the IPCC report says. The headline that everyone talks about is that every extra bit of warming matters. In that context, there are challenges in going from 1.5°C to 2°C, not just for our ecosystems but for society, in terms of human health and wellbeing, and the achievement of the UN’s sustainable development goals. In particular, there is the difference that it will make to the risk of droughts, food shortages, floods and heat-related deaths. It is important to bear in mind the implications of 2°C for people living in the global south, the Arctic regions and the most challenging and vulnerable parts of the world.

I want to pick up on the point about climate science, and whether climate justice is a science. We very much advocate consideration of the impact that small temperature hikes will have on society as a whole. We need to build an evidence base around that—the difference that such hikes will make to people’s livelihoods and the implications for society’s ability to build resilience and live sustainably. It is important that we build on the evidence, get that right and drill right down into the human aspects. We need to consider the implications of not reducing our carbon emissions and not reaching our targets. I feel that there is still a bit of a gap there—it is a bit of an unknown.

The Convener

You are talking about how not reducing our carbon emissions would impact on individuals.

Professor Jafry

Yes.

09:45  

Jim Densham (Scottish Environment LINK)

I want to talk about the impacts on wildlife. We cannot afford to look at some of the pathways and think that we can have an overshoot—that is, we go beyond 1.5°C and then come back to it through sequestration and the removal of carbon from the atmosphere. Wildlife is already being seriously affected. We are not talking about a future threat; this is a threat that is happening right now and is affecting many species, even in Scotland. We used to say that 2°C was safe warming, but we have a great deal more science now, as well as the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change report, and we can see that we need to stick to 1.5°C and not go beyond it. If we come back from beyond 1.5°C, it might be fine for humans, but it will have serious impacts for a lot of wildlife.

The United Kingdom Committee on Climate Change talked about the need for us to have emissions reductions of around 89 to 97 per cent by 2050 in order for us to return to 1.5°C. We need to ensure that we do not go beyond 1.5°C. Many of us in the wildlife non-governmental organisations want to ensure that we have net zero emissions by 2050 in order to avoid that catastrophic prospect for many species.

Of course, the implications for people are catastrophic as well. The IPCC report says that 20 to 40 per cent of people now live in a 1.5°C location—we are not talking about a world where everywhere is warming by more than 1.5°C; we are talking about hot spots and cold spots. We are quite fortunate here in that we have only 1°C of warming, although the North Sea is warming by 2°C. There are differences all over the place, and we need to ensure that the world is safe for wildlife and people.

Mark Ruskell (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

The difference between 1.5°C and 2°C is interesting. This committee has not really covered what implicit target is in the bill with regard to global temperature and Scotland’s contribution to that. The IPCC took a global view of the impacts. Has there been any analysis of what that means for Scotland?

Jim Densham

I do not think that there has been any analysis of what the difference between 1.5°C and 2°C means for Scotland.

Mark Ruskell

Do we have any species that would be threatened by such warming? Might we see an increasing refugee crisis in Europe?

Jim Densham

There are many species that are already experiencing the impacts of climate change—we set some of that out in the evidence that we provided. I mentioned that the North Sea is warming by 2°C. That has affected the marine food chain quite a lot. The sand eel story is quite well known. In the North Sea, the food chain starts with the phytoplankton, which the zooplankton—the copepods and the other small plankton—feed on. However, those cold-water plankton are vulnerable to temperature changes and we have found that they have moved north and have been replaced by warmer-water plankton that are not as nutritious, which means that the sand eels that feed on them cannot thrive and their numbers reduce, which has an impact on our sea birds. Sand eels are a key species for kittiwakes and puffins, and we have already seen a 60 per cent reduction in Scotland’s kittiwakes, even without massive amounts of climate change—in areas such as Orkney and Shetland, there has been an 80 per cent reduction. The warming of the sea is affecting us right now, and we are likely to see whole colonies being wiped out.

The Convener

We will move to questions from Finlay Carson. Everyone will have ample opportunity to make points that they have not had a chance to make so far.

Finlay Carson (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)

The bill will amend only those parts of the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009 that relate to emissions reduction targets and associated reporting duties. The consultation focused on the strategic ambition and not delivery mechanisms. Is it realistic that we should consider increased target setting without also considering what will be required to meet the targets?

Professor Jafry

Target setting is important, but I also recognise the importance of thinking about our infrastructure and what is needed to enable us to achieve those targets.

We have just finished for the Scottish Government the Arctic mapping report, which looks at moving away from oil and gas exploration towards decommissioning and the benefits of renewable energy. The Scottish Government has an opportunity to step into that zone and demonstrate global leadership, but there are also huge opportunities for the economy in terms of jobs if people get behind the development of the infrastructure for renewable energy technology. In any case, whether it happens through the jobs market, technology and innovation or the partnerships and links that are built with other organisations, we need to ensure that this is at the heart and core of what we stand for. It is critical that we bring all of these things together.

Siri Pantzar

Whether the investment in innovation and infrastructure comes from business or the public sector, it will still follow the setting of ambitious targets and predictable policy. The direction of movement needs to be clearly set out not only for the public sector but for small to medium-sized enterprises, other businesses and, indeed, the people of Scotland—for example, young people trying to decide what they want to study and looking at the direction in which society is going. It is important to focus on how we achieve targets, but having the targets in the first place will open up the solution-making process to all of Scottish society, where there is a lot of creativity and innovation capacity both within and outwith the public sector.

Gina Hanrahan

The bill presents a huge opportunity to align targets with the sectoral policy effort that is needed to deliver them. I suppose that the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009 set a precedent in the way that it covered many sectoral policy areas, and Stop Climate Chaos Scotland, which several of us around the table are members of, has been calling for a number of sectoral policies to be enshrined in the new legislation. For example, it is asking for action to be taken in our building sector through the setting of an energy performance certificate standard of C by 2025 or 2030, which perhaps the committee can explore with the Existing Homes Alliance Scotland in the next evidence session; for fossil-fuel vehicles to be phased out by 2030; and for a nitrogen budget to be set for the agriculture sector. Those are our policy areas, but we would argue that they all fall within the scope of the bill, because they are about setting emissions targets for those specific sectors.

Another interesting question is how the bill deals with investment and the budget. We would like it to tidy up some of the provisions around the budget, particularly with regard to section 94 reporting, to ensure that we report on the change in emissions instead of the emissions in any given year. We also want the bill to ensure that there is a low-carbon element to the infrastructure commission, because we need to get our capital investment right for the future. Finally, we want the new budgetary process to be aligned with the monitoring process for the climate change plan. The bill presents opportunities that the committee should consider.

Teresa Anderson

I would also remind members of the lesson to be drawn from the development of renewables, which have far outperformed what was projected for them in terms of scale, pricing, feasibility and so on. If people had planned things on the basis of what they thought that renewables were going to do, they would have very much underestimated their potential. That is a really strong lesson for us, because we need to remember that political feasibility changes once you change the politics. You cannot define everything on the basis of what is considered to be politically feasible at a particular time. If ever there was going to be a time for a bill to take a leap of faith, this would be the time.

Caroline Rance

Staying with that theme of learning lessons from the past, I think that we should remember what happened with the 2009 act. The target of a 42 per cent reduction in emissions by 2020 was set not because we knew exactly how it would be met but because it was the right one based on climate science and Scotland’s contribution to tackling climate change. In fact, the first report on proposals and policies, which was published in 2011, did not set out the entire pathway to meeting that target. Now we are well on course to exceeding it.

Rhoda Grant (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)

We have heard why we, as a developed country, have to take on a larger share of responsibility, and we all agree that there has to be transformational change. The committee heard evidence at earlier sessions on how that impacts on different people. For example, people in rural areas people might not have access to public transport and might live in old draughty houses that are hard to insulate. The reasonably well off will be able to afford electric cars, photovoltaics to charge them and good insulation.

When using a carrot-and-stick approach to change behaviour, how do we make sure that we are not penalising people who do not have the wherewithal to do anything about it?

Professor Jafry

We need to develop a policy that has ensuring social justice and equality at its heart. With a changing climate, it is inevitable that the poorest will suffer the most. Those who are already able to adapt to the environment will channel their way out of the situation. With behavioural and societal change, expectations can be unmanageable. We need to be realistic about how to achieve behavioural change in society and make sure that there are structures and resources in place to support those who are in the most vulnerable situations. They also need to be part of the conversation.

On temperature change, the opening up of the Arctic oceans will have significant implications for people in Scotland, particularly those who live in rural and remote communities in the Highlands and Islands. That presents opportunities, challenges and risks. We need to bear in mind that those are the areas where much of the impact will be as a result of the geopolitical governance of the opening up of the Arctic seas.

Gina Hanrahan

An interesting element in the 2009 act is the provision for the CCC to give advice on targets. It is required to balance a number of different factors, including the top-down science and the economics. There are backstops in the existing legislation to ensure that, for example, rural and island communities and connectivity are considered, and that we do not leave anyone behind in the transition. Balancing all those important factors is to the forefront of minds when the CCC advises on targets.

The CCC does not have the same criteria to consider when thinking about policy effort. That might be something to look at for the bill. Is there a role for the CCC in giving stronger policy advice to the Scottish Government that considers those factors in more depth?

Stewart Stevenson

I want to go back to Caroline Rance’s point about the 2009 act, which I took through Parliament.

If I recall correctly, the United Kingdom Committee on Climate Change recommended a 34 per cent target and said that 42 per cent was at the limits of practicality. That was the phrase then used, which is exactly the same phrase as is being used about 90 per cent. Is my recollection wrong?

Caroline Rance

I was not around at the time of the 2009 act, but I believe that it was the case that the 42 per cent target was put forward on the assumption that higher targets would come through from other countries, including from the European Union. That did not happen.

In any case, whether 42 per cent was thought to be the limit of feasibility at the time, we have clearly shown in the nine years since that target was set that setting strong targets has driven the technological and social change that has led to the cutting of emissions by almost half.

10:00  

The Convener

We will move on to some questions from Angus MacDonald.

Angus MacDonald (Falkirk East) (SNP)

I have two quick questions. We know that the Scottish Government consulted on the bill over the summer of 2017, and we know what the main themes of the consultation were. Are the results of the consultation adequately reflected in the bill? Many of the respondents to the consultation stated that the bill should set a net zero target. Should a net zero target and other matters, such as the delivery of the target and the establishment of a just transition commission, have been consulted on?

Jim Densham

Analysis that we did of the responses to the consultation showed that 99 per cent of the people who responded—someone else will correct me if that is not right—wanted a net zero target to be set. You cannot get a much stronger response than that—unless, of course, you get 100 per cent. Why does the bill not include a target of achieving net zero emissions by 2050? It is clear that it should do.

Siri Pantzar

I agree with Jim Densham. A net zero target was called for in the consultation, and it is clear that the Scottish public are keen to drive that forward. Such a target would be a powerful image that would make it clear to the public that we are talking about transformational change. A target of a 90 per cent reduction leaves a little bit of space, which allows everybody to think that they do not have to change by quite as much. A net zero target would serve as a clear image for the public and would let all sectors know that they needed to look at what work they were doing. There is a public drive for having a net zero target.

Professor Jafry

I want to pick up on the reference to a just transition commission. As someone who works in the university sector, I have not seen much on what that commission would be about and what it would involve. I have asked for advice on some of the things that it could consider. I think that there is a huge overlap between the targets to do with achieving a just transition and the targets to do with achieving a climate-just world. The overlap between the two is a grey area. Much remains unknown about that shady area. There are some challenging and difficult questions to do with the possibility of people losing their jobs and being redeployed, and there are sectoral implications for infrastructure and so on. I would welcome a conversation that would unpack those issues in much more detail.

Caroline Rance

I have a point to make about the just transition commission proposal, which ties in with Rhoda Grant’s question about how we make sure that the transition to a low-carbon economy is fair to everyone in Scotland. At the heart of the issue is the idea that, as we make that inevitable transition, we must ensure that it does not damage workers and communities that are currently dependent on high-carbon industries.

Friends of the Earth Scotland is a member of the just transition partnership, and we strongly believe that a just transition commission should be established in legislation and that it should be there for the long term. We will need the commission to advise us for as long as it takes us to make the transition, because the challenges will change over time. It is a case of ensuring that the right people—the people who are impacted—are at the table and have a say in how we make that transition, and that they help us to go in the right direction and to choose the right policies.

Angus MacDonald

That was helpful.

Mark Ruskell

I have a follow-up question. I am interested in your views on the role of oil and gas in the Scottish Government’s plans and the target. Do you think that oil and gas have a future in 2050? Oil & Gas UK has told us that oil and gas will be meeting 67 per cent of our energy demands in 2050. Is that implicit in the Scottish Government’s targets?

Gina Hanrahan

The 2009 act as it is currently designed is primarily about production emissions rather than consumption emissions. We count oil and gas sector emissions, particularly as they apply to refining, and what gets burnt in transport and other sectors. A lot of evidence has emerged over recent years that shows that we can completely decarbonise the energy sectors in particular. We have already made enormous progress on electricity in that respect, the transition is accelerating in transport at an enormous pace, and there is clarity that we can now push on with electrification, particularly in the heat sector.

By 2050, the demand for oil and gas products will be significantly reduced. I do not have a figure for what that will look like, but obviously it is something to test. However, there will clearly need to be a recognition that the sector must have a managed decline. The just transition commission will play an extremely important role in that context.

The Convener

How important is carbon capture and storage in the mix? Everything that I read seems to say that it is an essential part of the solution, but we had the situation in which UK Government funding for CCS projects was taken away.

Teresa Anderson

I remember when the UK Government decided that, instead of investing in emission reductions, it would invest its climate change budget in CCS. That was about nine years ago, but we have had very little to show for it. Hundreds of millions or billions of pounds have been invested in CCS, but there is nothing to show for it. It breaks my heart to think of all the emissions reductions and climate action that could have happened in that time instead of the pathway that was chosen. The UK Government has made the right choice now to dial back a bit from that CCS investment, but we still keep hearing about this imaginary, magical future technology, which everybody else doubts will be able to deliver anything like on the scale that some parties promise.

The Convener

Maybe the problem is that the funding was taken away from CCS at a crucial point. Stewart Stevenson will know very well that a project in his constituency was very close to winning a bid at that time.

Teresa Anderson

It is not only the technology that has limits; it is the scale. Even if the technical barriers are overcome, the scale of storage potential is still very limited. A lot of proponents believe that bio-energy with carbon capture and storage—BECCS—would be able to increase the potential, but that has massive socioeconomic costs because it would lead to conflict over land use.

Gina Hanrahan

In the conversation that took place around the Peterhead project, the focus was very much on a power sector model for CCS. The power sector has massively evolved in recent years and we now know that we do not particularly need CCS to decarbonise the power sector. However, there might be a role for CCS in the future in the hard-to-treat sectors, particularly the industrial sector. The debate is rightly focused there at this stage.

There are big questions about the role of bio-energy plus CCS in the future. We need to be absolutely clear that we are not going to use a conversation about the development of BECCS to delay doing what we know how to do now. That is the plea that I would make to the committee.

Jim Densham

The IPPC’s 1.5° report that was recently released talks about BECCS and CCS being uncertain and entailing “clear risks”. The technologies have not been developed enough, which is perhaps a failure of investment and understanding. We are concerned about talk of BECCS models on a massive global scale, because they would have clear land-use change impacts and knock-on biodiversity impacts.

It is the same for Scotland. If we are going to use a lot of our land for bio-energy crops, then burn them, capture that carbon and put it underground, we have to think about the impacts of that on wildlife, society and livelihoods. If we do not want to have a bad impact on our wildlife and our rural communities, we need to do all the things that we can do now rather than rely on a future technology.

Stewart Stevenson

I want to ask Teresa Anderson where she got the statement that we had limited carbon storage capacity. My understanding is that we have hundreds of years’ worth of storage in the North Sea for all the carbonic acid that we could possibly produce from everything in Scotland. It might be that what I am hearing is a more global statement. I just want to be clear about what was meant.

Teresa Anderson

You are quite right. I am looking at the global picture.

Stewart Stevenson

Thank you.

Mark Ruskell

Perhaps we could hear a view from each panel member, if that would be all right, convener. I want to come back to the question of there being a net zero carbon target or a net zero greenhouse gas emissions target. When should it be set? Should it be in the bill? Do we have clarity about the pathways to get there, and does that matter? When should a net zero greenhouse gas emissions target be set for?

Caroline Rance

First, we should clarify what we mean by net zero emissions. We have heard people referring to net zero carbon, to net zero carbon dioxide and to net zero greenhouse gas emissions. It is important to clarify that the bill sets out clearly what is meant by “net zero” in the Scottish context: it is a 100 per cent emissions reduction for all greenhouse gases. There has been a bit of unhelpful confusion through use of the term “carbon”.

Friends of the Earth Scotland has taken a very heavy equity steer on the targets that we are considering for the bill. We have used the fairshares methodology that was drawn up by the Stockholm Environment Institute. That methodology’s premise is that we can burn a finite amount of greenhouse gases to stay well below 2°C or 1.5°C. That is the carbon budget. To apportion the carbon budget, fairshares looks at two things: our historical responsibility or our cumulative contribution to climate change over the years, and at the capability of different countries in terms of finance and technology. The methodology comes up with a net zero emissions target for Scotland in the range of years from 2036 to 2041. Friends of the Earth Scotland supports a target date of 2040.

We also believe that the most important target in the bill is the 2030 target. Using fairshares, that will mean a reduction of at least 77 per cent by 2030.

Siri Pantzar

The 2050 Climate Group is a membership organisation: we have not set a specific target figure in our consultation of our members. We consulted more than 75 young people when we were looking into our consultation response, and we had support for the net zero emissions by 2050 and net zero emissions by 2040 targets.

The crucial point for us is that the target needs to be in the bill so that the signal that there must be transformational change comes out from it loud and clear. Also, similar to the way in which the Paris agreement works, it is important that the bill contains clear mechanisms for raising ambition, and that we bring the target forward as we see more pathways becoming clear.

Alan Munro (Young Friends of the Earth Scotland)

I represent a membership organisation that has not had specific conversations about the actual date at which we would like to reach net zero emissions, but we would, obviously, support a target that is based on Scotland achieving its fair share of global emissions reductions as soon as possible. We support Friends of the Earth Scotland’s analysis using fairshares, which calls for net zero emissions by 2040.

As young people, we see the 2030 target as being the most important for us. As things stand, the 2030 target is no more ambitious than what is in the current legislation, which we see as the Government failing to acknowledge the crisis that we are in. That is, effectively, passing on the burden for the more radical transformative action to young people: we will have to address it in the future if you do not address it now.

We are disappointed to see that a linear gradualist approach to emissions reduction targets has been taken—instead of setting a target to immediately reduce a higher percentage of emissions—with the net zero target being addressed later.

10:15  

Professor Jafry

My rationale is based on objectivity more than anything else. Realism comes into play, but there is a huge opportunity for the Scottish Government to be very ambitious and to set a net zero target for 2040. We have the knowledge, the skills, the technology and the know-how to allow us to get there and to set a realistic target based on what can be achieved and delivered, underpinned by a robust plan. That plan needs to have community engagement at its core, and to have issues related to the economy, governance and society framing it. We need to be very ambitious and bold, but we must also be realistic and have a very clear step plan on how to achieve the target.

Gina Hanrahan

WWF Scotland supports the target of net zero emissions by 2050 at the latest. We think that legislating for the target will have an important effect on communities, citizens and businesses, and that it signals that we need to innovate and to change cultural and economic practices.

I will be honest; our position is already a compromise, because we need to balance the scientific argument, which is clear that we need to hit net zero as soon as possible, against what we knew at the time about the feasibility evidence, which showed that there was no clear pathway before 2050. As I said, a lot of new evidence has since been made available, but I emphasise to the committee that WWF supports the target of net zero emissions by 2050 at the latest.

We have since produced, with Vivid Economics, work at UK level that will be published tomorrow, that looks at the earliest possible date for a net zero target. It takes a primarily technology-focused view and shows that the UK as a whole can hit net zero by 2045 under some scenarios. There is a clear possibility that Scotland can go further, so we will also commission Scotland-specific analysis.

Jim Densham

As others would, Scottish Environment LINK would like to see net zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050, at the latest. It is interesting that in its programme for government the Scottish Government talks about net zero CO2 by that date, so there is a question about non-CO2 emissions, which seems to be the aspect with which the Government does not know how to deal. Those emissions mainly come from farming and land use, so what is the pathway for them?

On pathways, RSPB Scotland has this week published a report called “Balancing Act: How farming can support a net-zero emission target in Scotland”, which asks how we will address non-CO2 emissions from farming and land use. As the title says, it is a balancing act: it is about reducing emissions through efficiency savings as far as possible—which the committee heard a lot about in last week’s session about agriculture—and about boosting the massive potential that we have in Scotland for sequestration through peatland restoration, tree planting, blue carbon and many other things, including habitats. The scientific papers that are quoted in the report state that we have massive potential to do that in Scotland.

It can be hard to see the pathways ahead. The IPCC report says that we need “rapid and far-reaching” transition, that it be unprecedented in scale but not in speed. That struck me: we need to do it on a massive and unprecedented scale—across the globe and across Scotland—that is not, however, unprecedented in speed. We have done things very fast before and we can make the change quickly. If we get on with it and take steps now, as the Committee on Climate Change’s “Land use: Reducing emissions and preparing for climate change” report that came out last week says, we can do that.

Teresa Anderson

Action Aid uses the Stockholm Environment Institute methodology that has been used by Friends of the Earth. I strongly encourage the committee, if it has the chance, to look at the online equity reference calculator to see what different countries’ fair shares, which take into account historic per capita emissions, would be. It is a very interesting tool: the institute has taken the global carbon budget and figured out what each country’s fair share should be.

On that basis, we agree with the analysis that 77 per cent reductions by 2030 and net zero by 2040 would be in line with the fairshares approach, and that all greenhouse gases should be looked at, including non-CO2 gases.

We should bear in mind the point about the steeper curve, which is absolutely critical. The 2030 target is the key issue. The graphs in the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s special report “Emissions Scenarios” are very clear, and scenario 1 is especially clear. If you look at the scenarios, you will see that the first scenario is the socially hopeful one for which we all want to reach. That curve is much steeper, and it does not rely on future technologies that have not yet been invented to solve the problem. If we want to keep in line with the IPCC, that steeper curve is critical. The focus should really be on the 2030 target, with 2040 as the net zero emissions point.

Angus MacDonald

I want to pick up on Jim Densham’s point and the submission from Scottish Environment LINK. I was interested to see in that submission a call to

“Establish a duty for a ‘sunset clause’ for peat extraction in Scotland”.

Peatland restoration has been mentioned. Will Jim Densham expand on that suggestion?

Jim Densham

We have really good targets for peatland restoration in the climate change plan, but the plan is about protection. A sunset clause would relate to areas of land on which consent for extraction of peat has been given. Peat extraction is totally damaging because it releases lots of carbon. Obviously, peat helps people to grow plants, but there are many alternatives. There are many consents out there that companies have been sitting on for many years, of which a vast proportion have not been turned into permissions to extract; they are consents to extract at some point in the future.

We want a sunset clause with a date by which people will need to have stated that they will or will not remove peat, because we believe that many consents will never be removed, but extraction will never happen. If we were to be clear about how much peat would be removed in the future, we could think about how to recompense companies not to extract, and we would be much more certain about how much extraction there will be. If we used that as a way in which to educate people that the practice is very damaging, and that we should not use peat for our horticulture, it would reduce people’s desire to buy the product and, I hope, reduce future extraction. That is a very practical suggestion.

The Convener

I am conscious of the time. Questions and answers should be kept short.

Claudia Beamish (South Scotland) (Lab)

I say for the record that I lodged a stage 2 amendment to the planning bill to that effect, and I understand that the Minister for Local Government, Housing and Planning is prepared to work on that to make it better for stage 3.

Stewart Stevenson

What bill was it?

Claudia Beamish

It was the Planning (Scotland) Bill. I hope that I said “planning”, because I am a bit obsessed with climate.

I want to go back to Jim Densham. Will you briefly explain to us the open letter on setting targets from farmers and Scottish Environment LINK? The group of signatories is significant and broad. The answer will lead me on to my main question, which is on the significance and importance of the interim targets, for anyone who has not yet spoken about them.

Jim Densham

Agriculture, farming and land use have been seen as quite hard areas in which to reduce emissions. The Government set only a 9 per cent reduction envelope for agriculture in the climate change plan. We believe that that is neither sufficient to move the sector forward nor is it fair, so we drew together people who were keen that we do more, and that the Government provide leadership, to suggest measures that they want. There were 50 signatories to the letter, which called for carbon-neutral farming. We referred to “carbon-neutral farming” so that people would understand the letter, but it is really about greenhouse-gas-neutral farming.

As I said, 50 organisations and individuals, including non-governmental organisations, farming organisations, farmers, academics and other rural groups that were interested signed the letter. People were a bit mixed up on the actual target that we were aiming for, which was a net zero target, but we felt that the most important thing was that those people were keen on the measures that we were talking about. They include, as our submission sets out, better soil management, agroforestry, reducing emissions intensity, helping farmers to become more efficient and much better provision of advice.

I suggest that the committee looks at the evidence from Scottish Environment LINK to be absolutely clear what we were calling for, but there were four measures that the organisations that signed the letter were keen be delivered.

Claudia Beamish

Perhaps I should ask for brief answers so that we can get through all our other questions. Can Scottish Environment LINK and other panel members tell me how the interim targets relate to what the IPCC has said on the need for urgent and rapid transformational change?

Jim Densham

There is a lot of evidence and advice out there on the need for rapid transformational change. We want a target of a 77 per cent reduction by 2030, because if we continue on our current trajectory before we act, we will just allow the status quo to continue as we wait for someone else to act. We need to put in place today or tomorrow the things that we need to do.

Claudia Beamish

Are the things that you have proposed realistic at the moment? You do not need to go into detail—a simple yes, no or maybe will suit us fine.

Jim Densham

Absolutely. In its report “Balancing Act: How farming can support a net-zero emission target in Scotland”, RSPB Scotland makes 10 suggestions for things to be done in the long term—

Claudia Beamish

I am sorry, but I was talking about the interim targets. Just for clarity, can anything be done now in that respect?

Jim Densham

Absolutely. The report sets out 10 recommendations for improving the climate change plan, which would help us to achieve a 9 per cent reduction and then take things further, and makes 10 other very serious suggestions for taking us much further than the 9 per cent target. It sets out a much faster trajectory for how agriculture can help to achieve a 77 per cent reduction in emissions by 2030.

Claudia Beamish

Does anyone else want to come in?

Gina Hanrahan

Perhaps I can explain how we arrived at our ask of a 77 per cent reduction by 2030. There is a needs-based case and a feasibility case for it. With regard to the former, we have based our analysis on the carbon law principle that was developed by Johan Rockström at the Stockholm Resilience Centre and which relies on our halving emissions every decade, as the science tells us we need to do.

On the feasibility case for the 77 per cent target, the fact is that we definitely can get significantly further than the 66 per cent that has already been legislated for: indeed, the Government itself has shown that 71 per cent is a point on the linear trajectory through to net zero by 2050, and in analysing scenarios for the climate change plan that have been published by the Committee on Climate Change and by the Government, and looking at ambitious but credible envelopes within them for specific sectors, we have found that we can easily reach a 73 per cent target by 2032 if we take credible and realistic action. Indeed, in a stretch scenario, we could even get up to 79 per cent—if we do not use the windfall in the land-use sector that the Scottish Government used to backtrack on an ambition in the final climate change plan.

It is important to recognise that in its recent progress report the CCC recognised the need to build in contingency now if we are to meet more stretching targets in the future. Our analysis shows that we can do that and that there are credible policies through which to do it.

Siri Pantzar

My colleagues have responded better than I can to the feasibility question; I am not a technology expert. However, I can say that the setting of credible early targets will allow Scotland to continue along its leadership path and will give it first-mover advantage in building cases for business opportunities and developing the technology of the future.

In addition, I want to highlight that between 2040 and 2050 we will be dealing with adaptation as well as mitigation. The more steps we can take now, while we have the world as we know it, the less we will have to push for radical change at a time when the world will be changing drastically around us.

10:30  

Alan Munro

On the 2030 targets, I re-emphasise the moral urgency that I am here to project. The ambition of the action that we take now is more important than ever because, as has been alluded to, our share of the carbon budget is being used up rapidly. Some reports say that we have up to 12 years left before our fairshares contribution to global emissions reduction has been used up. We need to deliver the emissions reduction consistently with what is demanded by climate science and climate justice. I re-emphasise that young people around the world are already experiencing the impacts of climate change—

The Convener

We are running out of time, and re-emphasis of points that have already been made will eat into our time for other questions. I apologise.

Caroline Rance

In looking ahead at what can be done up until 2030, I reference the climate change plan. The committee spent a great deal of time scrutinising the climate change plan and making thorough recommendations on what could be done to improve it. However, when we saw the final plan earlier this year, we found that the policies in the draft climate change plan that would deliver 1 million tonnes of savings were not in the final climate change plan. There was a rollback in ambition in the final plan from what was in the draft plan. There is a suite of policies that the Scottish Government has already considered and costed, that the CCC has already put forward and which the committee has already scrutinised, that give us significant potential to go further in relation to the targets for 2030.

John Scott (Ayr) (Con)

What are the practical implications of the interim targets that you have proposed for 2030, for example? The Scotch Whisky Association said that, if the 2020 target were revised, meeting the new target would not be easily achievable—“not realistic” are the words that it used. In perhaps accepting that what the Scotch Whisky Association has said are fair comments, could you talk about the implications of the 2030 targets? I declare an interest as a farmer.

Teresa Anderson

I go back to the original question on whether the bill matches the IPCC report. If there was one key word to take away from the IPCC report, it would be “urgency”. Interim targets are clearly necessary in order to meet the urgency question; 2050 targets would not respond sufficiently to that urgency.

You asked about the implications. As has been said, the land and agricultural sector certainly has a role to play—I say that given that you are a farmer. Agriculture accounts for a significant amount of emissions, particularly non-CO2 emissions. As has been alluded to, there are savings to be made that could enhance food security and adaptations, particularly through soil management.

Last week’s CCC report identified that there is a lot of potential if we consider the role of diets as part of land management. Many reports that have come out in the past months have confirmed that analysis. The role of diets and how we use land management in that context will be a big part of future strategies. A lot of gains can be made in the short term by considering that.

Professor Jafry

Underpinning the question on the practical implications of the target for 2030 is what will be the driving force to achieve the target and to make it practical and realistic. We need to mobilise the private sector very quickly to drive emissions reductions in order to meet the target. On the practicalities of reaching a target, conversations with the private sector are critical, and multi-stakeholder conversations need to happen very quickly in order to get buy-in.

John Scott

Last week, we discussed the implications of driving change by legislation or by incentivisation. What are your preferred options, particularly on land use—an issue that I know a bit about—and in relation to the new agriculture bill that will be introduced for when we leave the common agricultural policy?

Professor Jafry

Legislation can sometimes be seen as being top down, particularly in the land use and farming sectors. People who work in that sector come from different socioeconomic strata. If we are driving change by legislation alone, my recommendation would be that we should get good buy-in to the legislation to support its roll-out.

Siri Pantzar

Legislation is not necessarily something that the committee will want simply to give to the agriculture sector. Building engagement with all groups in the sector, including young people, will be crucial to make sure that there are answers to the questions from people who work with the land. Their questions might be different from the questions from people who do not work with the land. Consultation is key in all of this, and that includes building the sense of urgency.

To pick up on John Scott’s question, none of the proposals will be easily achieved. They will be difficult whether they are done now or in the future. There will be difficult choices to be made, but they will be easier to make now than at later stages. None of us thinks that the changes will be easy, but they are necessary.

Jim Densham

As the committee heard at last week’s meeting, the voluntary approach in farming has not produced significant emissions reductions so far. We need to build on it. We certainly need to broaden “Farming for a Better Climate”. We need to give more advice to farmers, to help them to understand. We need a basic level of regulation in order to bring some farmers up to a minimum level. We have talked before about compulsory soil testing to ensure that the basic planning for fertiliser use is in place and that all farmers are doing that testing.

With any new CAP or post-Brexit system of farm payments, there will need to be conditional payments. It is not all about regulation. It is about different layers—some basic regulation, conditional and supported payments, and rewarding farmers for sequestration in future so that, if they need to change their land use and have the opportunity to do so, they can be compensated for payments foregone.

John Scott

Should the ability to modify targets in both directions be included in the bill?

The Convener

Could we have short answers to the question? We have a lot of questions still to ask.

Caroline Rance

We discussed that point at length with the bill team, who convened a discussion group on the technical elements of the bill over the winter.

Instinctively, it feels wrong to allow a mechanism for targets to come down in future. We always want to be driving for more ambition to do better and go further. It is part of the proposal for an inventory freeze to protect annual targets from baseline changes and in the inventories. We are content that the mechanism to bring targets down as well as up is insulated within one part of the bill and that there are significant safeguards to ensure that targets could be brought down only with advice and as the result of an inventory change. That could be done only by regulation, which would be brought before the Parliament for scrutiny.

Finlay Carson

Section 5 sets out the target-setting criteria, which include scientific knowledge, technology, energy policy and so on. The criteria have been updated since the 2009 act to include

“current international carbon reporting practice.”

Are the target-setting criteria appropriate? Stop Climate Chaos Scotland suggested that there should be a definition for “fair and safe” in

“the objective of not exceeding the fair and safe Scottish emissions budget”.

Are the criteria appropriate now?

Caroline Rance

There was a proposal in the consultation to remove the criterion relating to

“the fair and safe Scottish emissions budget”

and we are pleased to see that that objective will be kept in the bill. That is the fundamental, basic, overarching criteria that we should be considering when we set our climate targets.

We are pleased that that is in the bill, but we would like the definition to be strengthened. At present, the definition refers more to the “safe” part of the fair and safe budget; it does not really reflect the “fair” aspect. We think that the UNFCCC principles of equity and common but differentiated responsibilities should be included, and we would like there to be a requirement for the CCC to consider our fair and safe emissions budget when it produces its five-yearly advice and to include it in its calculations.

With regard to whether the target-setting criteria are still relevant, you are right to say that there is quite a long list of criteria. As I said, we consider the fair and safe budget one, the one that considers our obligations under science and the one that concerns the UNFCCC protocols to be the most important, and we consider the ones that come below that to be more about how we implement the policies.

Gina Hanrahan

A criterion that we see as notably missing is one around public health. A lot of other factors are under consideration, but a lot of the policies that tackle climate change have huge co-benefits in terms of public health, which you can see if you think about initiatives such as insulating people’s homes, ensuring that homes are free of damp and draughts, encouraging people to cycle and walk instead of using their cars, where appropriate, and reducing air pollution. Those initiatives are as much about avoiding costs to the national health service as anything else, and we need to ensure that the CCC can balance that in its criteria.

Jim Densham

Caroline Rance talked about the first three criteria being the top ones because they are the ones that are important, scientifically speaking. I think that the criterion in section 2B(1)(j) of the 2009 act, which is

“environmental considerations and, in particular, the likely impact of the targets on biodiversity”

should also be a top criterion, because, when we are setting targets, we have to make sure that we do not impact on our wildlife and on wildlife around the globe.

Stewart Stevenson

To ensure that I ask my question in the right context, I want to confirm that we have a shared understanding of what the term “net zero emissions target” means. I think that sections 1 and 15 clearly say that “net zero emissions” means that there will still be emissions, not least because when we speak, we create carbon dioxide. However, earlier, there seemed to be a suggestion that we were looking to bring emissions of each of the seven gases to zero. I see that Gina Hanrahan is shaking her head. Fine—I will move to my question.

In relation to the advice that the CCC gives the Government, and which we all see, how should the word “achievable” be defined? A lot of the debate is anchored in different views of what that word means.

Gina Hanrahan

That is a fundamental question with regard to the bill. The bill gives achievability a status that it did not have in the previous legislation. Previously, feasibility of technology was one of the criteria that had to be balanced along with a number of other factors, including science and economics, when the CCC was giving advice. In the bill, the only reason why we would set the net zero target is if we know that it is achievable.

What does achievable mean? As Jim Skea made clear in your first evidence session on the bill, the IPCC has six layers with regard to how it considers feasibility, going from the geophysical issues, through the techno-economic issues to the socio-political issues. The really big question about whether something is achievable is whether there is enough political will to put it in place.

The feasibility conversation has moved on considerably; I have already alluded to that. However, I caution against giving it paramount status in the bill.

10:45  

Stewart Stevenson

Are we also talking about technical issues? Ten years ago, we thought that tidal energy was one of the big things, but nothing has happened in that area. However, in other areas of electricity generation, we have greatly surpassed the previous situation. Our ability to see the future is pretty limited, so is it important that we also look at technical possibilities?

Gina Hanrahan

Yes. We have to explore the innovation potential for Scotland. We have enormous research expertise here that we would like to see exploited towards a low-carbon transition. A lot of analysis by the CCC to date has centred on the technological feasibility; it has done extensive economic modelling and looked at what the models tell it at any given point in time. However, feasibility is an evolutionary concept, so we cannot capture it at one moment in time for all time. We need to find ways of ensuring that the new pathways that are coming are adequately legislated for. To paraphrase the cabinet secretary, “Show me the pathway and I will legislate for it.” Now, I think—

Stewart Stevenson

Forgive me but, like the convener, I am watching the clock and I know that Caroline Rance wants to come in.

Caroline Rance

You said that the ability to see the future is pretty limited, but the IPCC report very accurately painted a picture of the impacts that we will face if we do not do what is required. The question should be less about what achievable means and more about whether we should use that concept in our target-setting criteria rather than legislate for what is necessary.

Teresa Anderson

The IPCC scenarios looked at what was achievable, but they were not constrained by what was perceived to be politically achievable at the time, which can move very quickly once the politics change. The question of how we define “achievable” is a good one, but I would go with the IPCC model of what is necessary and showing the pathways that could be done if we set our minds to that.

Stewart Stevenson

I will skip the next bullet point, as most of it has been covered, and turn to another issue that has come up. Caroline Rance seemed to indicate that it might be worth considering, in some circumstances, changing targets. The bill moves towards expressing targets in percentages, but the 2009 act expressed targets in tonnes, so re-baselining blew the targets off arithmetically. Does the bill’s move to percentages remove the need to consider reducing targets, because re-baselining will no longer have the effects that it previously had?

Caroline Rance

The problem with the 2009 act was that some targets were expressed in percentage terms and some were expressed in megatonnes. Whenever we changed the baselines, the difference between the targets in megatonnes and the targets in percentages caused a problem.

However, I reiterate that I do not want to see targets coming back down; I always like to see them going up. There will be a mechanism for dealing with any big changes to the measurement science that would require a change to targets.

Gina Hanrahan

We support the move to percentages, but it is important that we still have a view to Scotland’s total emissions. That is where the CCC recommendations on a total, fair and safe cumulative budget continue to be important, and we need an update on that.

Angus MacDonald

We have not touched on carbon credits, but I am keen to hear whether the panel agrees with the Government’s approach to retaining an option to use carbon credits; and to hear its views on the circumstances in which that power might be used—for example, to achieve a net zero target.

Gina Hanrahan

Just to clarify, the bill reverses the position in the 2009 act, so that the default position that we could use credits becomes the default position that we will proactively have to seek to use credits. However, we will still be able to use credits for up to 20 per cent of the planned reduction in any given year.

There is a question over what it would be realistic to expect from carbon credits by 2050, when we will be living in an increasingly carbon-constrained world. Carbon credits will not be floating around extensively, and if they are available, it will be at an enormous price. It is right that we should seek to push forward as much as possible on domestic action, because carbon credits will not be around in the long term.

There is an interesting question about how flexibility works at a global level in a net zero world. We have scope for carbon storage, afforestation and other things that other countries might not have, but that is different from the carbon credits question.

Caroline Rance

When the bill that became the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009 was going through Parliament, we argued against the inclusion of carbon credits. A compromise was proposed that involved imposing a limit on the use of credits, which Friends of the Earth Scotland was reasonably content with.

Jim Densham talked extensively about the great capacity that we have in Scotland for sequestration and for enhancing our carbon sinks. It is highly unlikely that Scotland will need to use credits at all, and the Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform has said that the Scottish Government does not intend to use them. We are minded to agree that we will not need to use them.

Angus MacDonald

Gina Hanrahan mentioned the 20 per cent limit. I would be keen to hear the panel’s view on whether that is a suitable percentage.

Gina Hanrahan

We have not had a conversation about what the appropriate limit is. It is very hard to say what it should be. The principle is that we should exploit all possible domestic action first. It is critical that we do not think about credits in the short term. Credits are a conversation for the long term, at which point they will not be available, and if they are, they will be extraordinarily expensive.

The Convener

We move on to questions from Richard Lyle.

Richard Lyle (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)

The bill seeks to rationalise the annual report that is produced under sections 33 and 34 of the 2009 act so that it contains only information that is directly related to the outcome of the emissions reduction target for the relevant year. Is the panel content with the new approach to annual reporting? What are the advantages and disadvantages of annual sectoral reporting on the climate change plan? Are you content with what is proposed?

Caroline Rance

We are certainly content with the change to the annual reporting. I am sure that the committee will be aware that the 2009 act laid down that the statutory report on annual targets had to be produced every October. However, because the reports have been ready in June, that is when we have ended up having the statement. Having the statement in June and again in October has meant that we have been duplicating content.

The bill legislates for the target result to be available in June and for the October statement to talk more about progress on the policies, which is definitely welcome. That means that, in June, we will be able to look at the big picture of how we are doing against the targets and, in October, we will be able to look at how we are progressing against the policies that we have said we will deliver in the climate change plan—the policies on transport, agriculture and energy efficiency. The new arrangement will allow for an additional level of scrutiny in all sectors and all departments so that we can see how the efforts are faring. We definitely welcome that.

The Convener

Would anyone else like to comment?

Richard Lyle

Everyone is content—that is good. It is nice to see that everyone agrees.

The committee previously recommended that there should be no limit on Parliament in considering the climate change plan. What is the panel’s view on having a 90-day limit for consideration of the climate change plan?

Jim Densham

The issue is one that some of us touched on in the technical discussions with the Government. The problem with the most recent climate change plan is that the amount of time for consideration of the plan was far too short for us and other organisations to get comments in, and for the committee to look at it and the Parliament to give its opinion. Various options for timescales were discussed, and I think that we were content with the proposed period.

Caroline Rance

There is a balance to be struck between allowing Parliament and stakeholders significant time to adequately scrutinise the plan, and ensuring that we drive the plan forward and get to the implementation stage. We need to be cognisant of the need to ensure that the process does not drift on open-endedly.

Gina Hanrahan

There is also an important point about the length of time between when the committees produced their final reports and when the Government published its final plan. That was a very long period in this context—I think that it took up to nine months from the initial parliamentary scrutiny to the publication of the final climate change plan. To be fair, very little changed; in fact, in some ways we went backwards from the initial plan in that nine-month period. We need to ensure that, during that period, there is an opportunity for constructive, substantive discussions on how to improve the plan.

John Scott

I want to go back to carbon credits. Gina Hanrahan may feel that she has already answered this question, but I just want some clarity. In correspondence, the Scottish Government said:

“The estimated cost of using credits to make up the gap between what is technically feasible domestically here in Scotland and a net-zero target in 2050 would be around £15 billion over the period to 2050.”

I am sure that you will know how that pathway is derived. Will you pass comment on that? Did you say essentially that no carbon would be bought or sold, so it would not be a cost?

Gina Hanrahan

My understanding of how that figure has been reached is that the Scottish Government took the trajectory from 2030 to 2050 and the gap between a 90 per cent target and a net zero target, and applied the current understanding of the current or future carbon credit price to that. That is an odd sum to do, if you like, because we know that we have not exhausted all domestic effort, so why would we invest £15 billion in carbon credits when we could be investing £15 billion to create a thriving low-carbon economy, with all the co-benefits that we have outlined. I think that that analysis is not particularly robust.

John Scott

No. You have made a very good point. Do others share that view?

Teresa Anderson

One of the reasons why I think that Gina Hanrahan is referring to the lack of availability of carbon credits in other countries is that the Paris agreement requires all countries to develop their own nationally determined contributions. Under the Kyoto protocol, countries such as Gabon would have sold their mitigation savings as a carbon credit, but those will now be part of their domestic action plans. Those could be funded by climate finance directly and not necessarily as carbon offsets, which would be excellent. Carbon credits will now be used up by countries, which is why they will not be freely available. Anything else that is available will not be the low-hanging fruit; it will be very high-cost rather than cost-efficient measures.

Caroline Rance

The answer to John Scott’s question is perhaps less to do with whether credits are available and more to do with what would be considered to be technically feasible. What we have not touched on is the fact that the CCC will come back in a few months’ time with new advice. The CCC will update its models, significantly update its advice and bring in the IPCC findings. It is pretty inconceivable that, after all that, the CCC will come back and say that nothing will change. We are pretty sure that it will come back with much stronger targets for 2030 and 2050; indeed, earlier this month, it advertised a vacancy for a net zero emissions analyst. You can take from that what you will.

The Convener

Sadly, we have run out of time. I apologise to anybody who wanted to come in with a supplementary question. If there is anything that our witnesses feel that they did not get a chance to say, they can contact the committee. I thank everyone for the evidence this morning—it has been very useful.

10:59 Meeting suspended.  

11:06 On resuming—  

The Convener

I am delighted to welcome our second panel of witnesses. Joining us are Dr Diana Casey, the senior advisor on energy and climate change at the Mineral Products Association; Professor Paul Jowitt of Heriot-Watt University; Elizabeth Leighton, a director of The Existing Homes Alliance Scotland; Fabrice Leveque, a senior policy manager at Scottish Renewables; and Will Webster, an energy policy manager at Oil and Gas UK. I welcome you all.

Those of you who were in the public gallery to watch the earlier part of the meeting will know that I asked the previous witnesses whether they thought that the bill complies with the Paris agreement and the more recent IPCC report. Would anyone like to answer that question? Do you have any views on whether it does or does not?

Elizabeth Leighton (Existing Homes Alliance Scotland)

Thank you for inviting me along. The Existing Homes Alliance Scotland is a coalition of housing and environmental industry fuel poverty bodies whose agenda is to improve our existing housing stock to achieve climate change and fuel poverty objectives.

The question was whether the bill meets the ambition of the Paris agreement. As you will guess, our focus is very much on energy efficiency and whether the bill provides the plans, direction and targets that will support achieving an ambitious overall climate change target for Scotland. We argue that it does not. We have argued for the bill to include measures that will progress action on the important topic of energy efficiency.

We believe that there is cross-party support in Parliament for more action on energy efficiency. We have put forward a strong energy-efficient Scotland programme, but it lacks statutory underpinning. We have therefore argued for a statutory framework for an energy-efficient Scotland to be included in the bill. That framework would include targets, would set up an oversight budget and would make sure that the budget was aligned with meeting those energy efficiency targets.

Fabrice Leveque (Scottish Renewables)

Thank you for inviting us along. Scottish Renewables is the industry association for renewable energy in Scotland. We represent about 250 members, which are primarily in the electricity and heat sectors and range from developers, installers and manufacturers to legal experts and professional services that provide renewable energy.

We understand the bill to be an interpretation of the Paris agreement, which increased climate change ambitions from aiming to meet a below-2°C target to aiming for a 1.5°C target. That sends a political signal to businesses and consumers about the future direction of travel, which is particularly crucial to an industry such as ours, which can provide solutions.

Ours is quite a highly regulated industry, and political risk must be managed, because it affects investment, the long-term supply chain decisions that we make and the long-term infrastructure that we build. For the signal to be effective and clear, we need to know what we are aiming for and when we need to achieve it by. Key to our understanding of the bill is knowing that there is a firm political commitment that can be translated into policy regarding when we need to reduce emissions by and the level we must reduce them to.

Professor Paul Jowitt (Heriot-Watt University)

I am probably a bit more of a generalist than most of this panel and the previous panel. My guess is that, in broad terms, the bill’s intention is to meet the Paris agreement, but I well understand why people from particular areas have particular misgivings about certain aspects of it. In a sense, then, my responses will come from a more generalist point of view.

It might be useful to tell you a bit about my background. I am an academic at Heriot-Watt University and, for 15 years, I ran the Scottish Institute of Sustainable Technology, which was originally a spin-out owned by the university and Scottish Enterprise and then a consultancy. I am a past president of the Institution of Civil Engineers, which makes John Scott one of my members, and I am on the committee for awarding the Saltire prize for marine energy, which was mentioned in connection with tidal energy being the hope of the future but something that has yet to fulfil its dream. My real interest is in systems analysis, looking at the big picture and the decision making around that, and my comments this morning will reflect that position.

The Convener

My next question is for Will Webster. I realise that a lot of asks have been made of the sector that you represent. What has been the buy-in to something that, on the surface, might lead to the demise of oil and gas as we know it?

Will Webster (Oil & Gas UK)

We represent around 400 members including not just exploration and production companies but a vast range of supply-chain businesses and infrastructure owners. They are following this discussion closely and are very much engaged in enabling the whole energy transition, either by providing services to alternative energy providers or through direct investment.

What we have seen from the first phase of energy transition is that rapid progress can be achieved if the targets are aligned and in step with the technological possibilities, consumer acceptability and what is going on in politics and society. That must be a key part of the next phase of target setting. I go back to the point about just transition that was made in the previous session, because there is a more positive story to tell in that respect about the success of the oil and gas sector, how it has contributed to offshore investment and how we can take advantage of the expertise involved, the investment that has been made historically and the hundreds of thousands of workers in the sector not just in Scotland but across the UK.

The Convener

I should say that I ask this question as a constituency MSP for Aberdeenshire. How are you preparing for that transition? How much are you preparing for what I would say is the inevitability of thousands of people who currently work in oil and gas having to move to other sectors as we try to tackle climate change?

Will Webster

We are looking at the issue in a couple of timeframes, the first of which is the timeframe to 2035, which was mentioned earlier. According to the forecast by the Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, the UK will, at that point, still be using oil and gas to meet about three quarters of its energy needs.

Our projections up to that point are that production levels in the North Sea will always be below the UK’s consumption level, even given the fairly ambitious targets that are being set, so we are not competing with renewables investment and other sources of supply. We have developed a vision for the next stage of investment in the North Sea, which will run to about 2035, which adds an extra generation of production. We are not trying to maintain production at the current level of about 1.7 million barrels a day; we are trying to manage the decline in production to about 1.1 million barrels a day.

11:15  

After that, there are quite a few uncertainties about where different technologies will go, as your earlier witnesses said. We see the need for a flexible approach that can take account of how technology develops, how consumer acceptability develops and how society and political discussion move. That is why we appreciate the flexibility in the bill whereby the Government will be able to take account of advice and revise targets through an iterative approach to target setting.

The Convener

Should we prepare for a shift in the use of hydrocarbons, so that they are not used for heat and the electricity supply? If we are to continue taking oil out of the ground, should we be using it differently?

Will Webster

If we look at the carbon reductions that have been achieved so far, more or less all of which have been achieved in the electricity sector, we see that a lot of those reductions have come from increased use of gas—there has been a lot of switching from coal to gas, which has reduced emissions—and from the success of offshore renewables, in particular.

If we look forward, we see a crossroads in policy, particularly on heat and industrial processes. That is where we really need the next stage of development of CCS and a clear Government policy of developing commercial and regulatory frameworks with legislation around CCS, the use of decarbonised gas and the development of the hydrogen economy. Our members are actively investing in and carrying out research and development in all those things; they are ready to enable some of the transition, particularly into the use of decarbonised gas and hydrogen. That has to be an important part of the climate change plans that are developed on the back of the bill.

Mark Ruskell

On the face of it, the signs are not good for your sector globally. New Zealand is no longer issuing permits for offshore oil and gas exploration; countries around the world are banning the sale of petrol and diesel cars by 2030; Sweden’s ban on the use of fossil fuels in heating will come into force in the next two years; and the governor of the Bank of England is talking about “stranded” assets and warning markets not to invest in your sector. However, your written submission to the committee is quite bullish about the role of oil and gas in the future. What is your plan B? On the face of it, the sector looks finished.

Will Webster

We see a pretty good future for the sector over the next 10 to 15 years. The sector in the UK and globally really needs investment—

Mark Ruskell

What will happen after 15 years?

Will Webster

That takes us back to the discussion about a just transition that maintains reliable services for consumers. If we look at global forecasts—for example, those of the International Energy Agency—we find that, even in the IEA’s sustainable development scenario, a gap will emerge in the supply of oil and gas globally.

Scotland and the UK have become global leaders in climate policy by setting stretching but realistic targets and hitting them without damaging the consensus on the need to make progress in climate policy. Not every country has managed to do that. It is really important that targets are set in a flexible way that allows credible policies to be developed and brings about the investment that is needed in the conventional sector as well as the alternative sector, so that the transition will be something that consumers and the economy can take—albeit that it will be difficult. That is a really important feature of the climate policy that is needed.

Mark Ruskell

Do you accept that there will be an end point for oil and gas? When is that going to be?

Will Webster

Decarbonised gas has to be part of the long-term picture, as does even oil. Even if you take out all the passenger vehicles and light-duty vehicles, that is about 30 million tonnes of oil equivalent out of a current total demand of about 150 million tonnes for oil and gas. There are a lot of other uses for oil and gas in sectors that are difficult to decarbonise—industry, heavy goods transport, marine transport and aviation. Those things will all need to be serviced over the next decades from oil and gas.

Finlay Carson

The bill only amends reduction targets and reporting duties. The consultation is therefore focused on the strategic ambition, not on delivery mechanisms. Should increased target setting be considered without considering what will be realistically required to meet the targets?

Dr Diana Casey (Mineral Products Association)

Our main issue is to do with the delivery rather than the targets themselves. The industries that I represent are energy intensive and the key issue is competitiveness. The question is how the burden of meeting those targets is shared across different sectors of the economy. Our sectors, along with the power sector, have taken considerable action already. When you stretch the targets, you need to consider how you will meet them. The focus has to change from those sectors that have already done a lot to other sectors that are harder to decarbonise.

I am not saying that our sectors should not carry on decarbonising—we have road maps showing how we can get there. However, we have to protect our competitiveness, because the materials that we supply are vital to other sectors decarbonising, to the transition to a low-carbon economy and to climate change adaptation. Our key concern is how the burden will be shared and that is to do with delivery rather than the targets themselves.

Elizabeth Leighton

We have argued that the inclusion of energy efficiency measures and targets relating to energy efficiency would be in scope because that is part of plans to support the transition. That would build on the 2009 act, which included a significant section on energy efficiency policy. The new bill is framed around setting emissions reduction targets, so we believe that including energy efficiency measures is compatible with the principles of the bill.

That aside, in terms of the mechanics, you have already heard that targets are essential in order to drive innovation and provide certainty for business. Evidence has been provided during this stage 1 scrutiny that we risk losing all the economic benefits—the jobs benefits and the benefits to the wider economy—if we do not provide certainty so that businesses and home owners invest. Having that clear pathway set in statute will give them more confidence to go ahead and invest. We can then win those jobs benefits rather than seeing them gradually leaking to other parts of the UK or even Europe because our supply chain has not developed.

It is critical that we have the targets and that we have the statutory underpinning. The UKCCC progress report highlights the energy efficient Scotland programme as an exemplar for other sectors and it specifically mentions that there is a “statutory underpinning” to the commitments. I would argue that there is not a statutory underpinning unless something is included in the bill.

I should add that we are aware that the Government has indicated that there is potential for consideration of an energy efficient Scotland bill at some point in the future. However, failing any firm commitment to that bill or details on what it might contain, I fear that we would be failing the chance to meet the climate change targets if energy efficiency targets were not included in the bill. We need to take advantage of the opportunity at hand and avoid further delays. The timing fits quite well with the implementation of the energy efficient Scotland programme, which will go into the implementation phase from 2020.

Fabrice Leveque

When it comes to near-term delivery, if the question is whether there are areas of current climate policy in Scotland that could be improved, the answer is yes—there are areas of planning policy and heat policy that could be improved. A bill is always an opportunity to do that.

On whether the target works as a long-term signal, as I said, it is about setting the problem and allowing us to work out the solution. At the moment, the way the target is phrased is kind of saying, “We will endeavour to get to net zero—that is roughly the ambition.” Our industry can point to those words, but that is very different from a firm target with a number and a date. In terms of policy risk, for a business that is looking at the bill, if there is a line in it that says what we are roughly aiming towards, that is very different from having clear targets with dates and numbers attached. A firmer target gives feedback into greater clarity and certainty.

We have touched a little on the point about technical feasibility and whether we should set a target now given the uncertainty around driving the last few emissions out of the system. I have a point on long-term targets and near-term ones. Near-term targets such as the 2020 renewables targets have to be achievable, because we have to think that we can get to them and they have to instil confidence. Long-term targets such as the 2050 target, which is more than 30 years away, are more about saying, “Here is where we would like to be.” It is about setting a challenge and allowing us to work out solutions. To clarify, with the near term, we absolutely have to be grounded in what is feasible. In the longer term, given the scale of what we are talking about, we have to consider the time that there is to work out the solutions.

Will Webster

Credible ambitious targets are good in that they provide credibility to investors and allow them to modify their strategies and think about what sort of businesses they want to be in future. The same goes for households to an extent. Ambitious targets that are based on evidence of what is achievable and what can be delivered in terms of consumer acceptability have a positive essence in that they give policy makers cover for giving strong positive incentives to investors to deliver the investment that is needed. To an extent, that has been the experience of the first phase of decarbonisation. The initial set of targets allowed positive policies to be developed that brought about a significant amount of investment in technologies from the private sector. There is a lesson to be learned from that for the next phase.

Professor Jowitt

Setting long-term targets does not mean that you can leave them and not do anything about them—you have to start to deal with them now. So far, some of the big hits in carbon reduction in Scotland and the UK and in the developed world generally have been made by exporting our carbon emissions to developing countries and reimporting goods. That has been a quick win for us in some ways. However, the longer-term targets will involve a degree of behaviour change, which is much more difficult to do and needs to be started now.

In the decision-making world of politics, in setting long-term targets, you quickly get involved in discounted cash flow and discounting. Of course, the reality of discounting is that, by definition, it discounts the future—that is what it says on the tin. To deal with that, we need to start making investments now to get the long-term benefits that we need.

To be honest, large-scale complex problems are not easily dealt with by cost benefit analysis. During a talk that I once gave in Australia on climate change and international development, I asked the audience—admittedly, it was mainly engineers—given that the two most important decisions that we make in life are on our house and our partner, who among them had ever made either of those decisions using that method. One person put their hand up. I have to say that it was a man, although I did not ask whether the decision was on the wife or the house.

Clearly, large-scale problems need a more mature decision-making mechanism than some of the instruments commonly used in government and by treasuries. The world is at a critical point and we need to start making long-term decisions and take actions now, or it will be too late.

11:30  

Finlay Carson

In your first answer, you suggested that you had misgivings and talked about “credible targets”. Is there a risk that, if we do not have credible targets, we will not get the investors that we so desperately need following the process?

Professor Jowitt

Yes. We need to start making real decisions that will have a real impact, not wiffle-waffle ones.

Will Webster

To underline the point, credible targets allow policy makers to develop credible policies. The targets feed through into the climate change plans and policies. Making climate policies is not an easy task. There needs to be an appropriate framework for Governments to do it, and that comes from having targets that are in tune with what is going on and what we think will be going on in the next 20 years.

Mark Ruskell

We heard some useful and interesting evidence at the beginning of our scrutiny of the bill from Swedish witnesses. They discussed how the Swedish Government working with industry put in place sector action plans, particularly for the steel and cement sectors. Where do you see the UK in terms of that sectoral approach? Have we put enough focus on transformative technologies and linking those to where the sectors see themselves in global markets and how they position their products and services?

Professor Jowitt

Probably not, but we need to be careful that we do not lull everyone into the idea that technology will fix it. We need to change what we do as individuals, rather than just hope that technology is going to come in with a magic bullet and solve the issue for us. I will come back to that point later, if the committee would like.

Dr Casey

We have an action plan for the UK cement sector that the sector produced with the UK Government, on the back of the road map that was published in 2015. The action plan is not exactly what we thought it was going to be. The road map showed what reductions could be made, the barriers and the main technologies, and we hoped that the action plan would put in place what we need to get there. It does not go quite that far, but it is the start of a conversation with the Government. We have valued that.

We know the three technologies that will decarbonise the cement sector. One is CCUS—carbon capture, utilisation and storage—which is the breakthrough technology. The sector itself has done a lot of research. A lot of the projects are in Europe rather than the UK, but the MPA and the majority of our members are involved. A couple are at the point where funding is required for demonstration projects. We are not expecting everyone to do the work for us, but we need support. I think that about €90 million is needed for the two demonstration projects. At the moment, those are on hold until we have the EU emissions trading system phase 4 innovation fund. Industry has committed a considerable amount, but there is still work to be done.

Mark Ruskell

Are you concerned about the possible hiatus with the ETS after Brexit and about whether we will see the same level of funds going into the innovation fund if we end up with a carbon tax for a year, or a return to an ETS but under a different guise?

Dr Casey

Yes, definitely. I do not want to say that we are pinning our hopes on the innovation fund, but it should be a good source of support for those kinds of projects. Brexit introduces a huge amount of uncertainty.

We are worried about the carbon tax for other reasons. As a sector, we would like emissions reduction at lowest cost. The carbon tax that the chancellor announced at £16 per tonne of CO2 would render us uncompetitive. In a no-deal Brexit, the chances are that the carbon price would crash. We would then be paying far higher than our competitors in Europe. That leads on to the carbon leakage that Professor Jowitt mentioned, which is a real concern.

Mark Ruskell

So we are not at the limit of technical feasibility with your sector.

Dr Casey

The technology definitely exists, but there is work to be done to get it to commercial deployment.

Professor Jowitt

The advances in cement production have been quite remarkable, but in construction we have to distinguish between capital expenditure carbon and operating expenditure carbon. Opex carbon—that is, the energy efficiency in use—will dominate the carbon budget of any construction project. A bridge can be built with very little carbon, but the traffic usage over it will be the killer and the method of cement production does not have an impact on that.

A carbon tax and carbon trading were referred to. I would be very worried if anybody pinned the future of the planet on the market and hoped that it would come to save them. It will not. If the carbon price dropped by 20 per cent on Monday, would that mean that the value of the planet had somehow fallen by 20 per cent? Of course it would not. We need to be very careful about the extent to which we rely on the market to fix the CO2 problem.

Rhoda Grant

I think that we all agree that we need transformational change to meet the targets, but sometimes such change leaves people behind. How can we have transformational change in a fair and just manner? We have heard before about the move to electric vehicles, which is fine if people can afford them, and about people ensuring that their houses are insulated and have all the latest renewables. People who can afford that do that and end up saving money, so it is a win-win for them, but people who do not have the money cannot do it, so they miss out twice. They are penalised by taxation to discourage the use of energy, for example.

Elizabeth Leighton

I am pleased that you have asked that question, because a just transition has to be fair for users of energy as well. Ensuring that a low-carbon transition does not lead to unaffordable energy when we are trying to tackle fuel poverty is a real issue. There is a big commitment coming from the Government in that way. With energy efficiency, we have a chance to redress the balance between rural and urban and to invest in properties that have been neglected in many of the programmes that there have been to date. We have the chance to say that there will be greater investment so that those properties will be among the first places to benefit from the transition to low carbon through investment in moving from very expensive oil heat to some kind of renewable heat and very energy-efficient properties.

That is an example of where people will benefit from the low-regrets options that are now available, which should be taken forward as part of the fuel poverty programme for those who cannot afford them. They should be part of the warmer homes Scotland scheme and the investment to meet the fuel poverty targets that are set out in the energy efficient Scotland programme. That emphasises the benefits of energy efficiency, which is quite mature in Scotland. There has been a lot of investment in energy efficiency to date, and we should build on that track record and put the targets into statute through the bill.

Rhoda Grant

Is there enough for the people in the middle? I am thinking about draughty old croft houses in my constituency. We all hear about the croft houses in picturesque places that are going for huge amounts of money, but many croft houses have very little value. They do not have a value that would allow people to invest and borrow against them to really make a change to their insulation. Is enough available for those people who are earning but might not be on high incomes and who might need to clad their houses totally to make them efficient? Is enough available on the spectrum of assistance to help them?

Elizabeth Leighton

That is one reason why we have argued that the budget needs to be aligned with meeting the targets that are set out in the energy efficient Scotland programme. The work has not been done to see whether there is enough in the programme, estimating what would come from the public sector and what would be levered in from the private sector and householders. Is that a realistic balance? What financial incentives, loan schemes and so on are being used to achieve that balance? Perhaps that modelling has been done—I have not seen it published—to give us and the home owner market confidence that it will be able to achieve the vision that it should be able to achieve as part of the just transition to low-carbon, warm and affordable-to-heat homes all over Scotland.

Will Webster

Just transition is an important concept and an important part of successful transition. It means making the most of the expertise that we have in the traditional energy sectors, including the several hundred thousand jobs that there are in oil and gas. That expertise is a resource that we need to make the most of in the energy transition. All our offshore expertise can and is being used in the alternative sectors, and it has to be an important part of the energy transition that is put in place in Scotland and the UK.

A just transition is also one that avoids a dislocation of the energy system. That is important for consumers. We are now approaching the winter and you will remember that, last year, we had to import a lot of liquefied natural gas, particularly during the latter stages of the winter. That comes at huge cost because you are paying Japanese LNG prices of £1 a therm or £1.50 a therm whereas the usual price is around 50p a therm. You pay three times the price if you end up with a dislocation of your supplies as a result of an energy transition that is not considered and in line with what is credible and good for consumers.

Richard Lyle

I have two comments. First, we are not storing enough gas. There are two gasometers on the M8 just outside Glasgow that have not been used for years.

On loft insulation, the boiler scrappage scheme and all the other different programmes, I was a councillor for 30 years and I have seen more of those programmes in the past 10 years in my local area of North Lanarkshire. There is a tremendous number of heat-saving schemes. I am sure that you know about Myton houses, which were built in the 50s and have cement on the outside. In an area of Motherwell, which is not in my constituency, a section of Myton houses is being encapsulated in foam and then roughcast.

There is a tremendous number of programmes but, in my experience, housing associations are sometimes not tapping into them. Thank you.

The Convener

Do you have a question?

Richard Lyle

No, I just wanted to make those comments.

Fabrice Leveque

On the point about just transition, the offshore wind sector is working with the oil and gas sector to look at the ambitions of both sectors for 2030 and beyond. For the offshore wind sector, that is about securing skills and making sure that we have the jobs and expertise to deliver the increasing ambitions of the sector now that costs have reduced significantly. It is also about working with the oil and gas sector to make sure that there are opportunities. One issue that that sector is trying to deal with is the fact that it has an aging workforce. The two sectors can work well together and we are starting to do that. Things are starting to come together already.

Angus MacDonald

I have some questions on the Scottish Government consultation on the bill, which took place during the summer before last. You heard me ask the previous panel about the consultation. I am keen to hear your views on whether the results of the consultation are adequately reflected in the bill. Should there have been proper consultation on a net zero target and so on, including the delivery of the target and the establishment of a just transition commission, which we have just discussed?

11:45  

The Convener

Would anyone like to go first? Are there no comments?

Angus MacDonald

Perhaps there are comments on the just transition commission, as I imagine that the witnesses would say that that should have been consulted on.

Will Webster

It could help to have a reporting body that can make a judgment on certain matters. Our view is that the processes that are set out in the bill are quite useful because they will allow an iterative discussion to take place on setting a net zero target and revising the targets, with advice from suitable parties.

Elizabeth Leighton

Given our organisation’s focus, in our response we did not comment specifically on the overall target. However, we have started to have dialogue with the just transition commission about fuel poverty and affordable energy. The commission is therefore aware that those issues are on its agenda.

John Scott

I have a supplementary question on the Scottish Government’s consultation. Are the results of the consultation adequately or properly reflected in the bill? Would you rather see the bill take a different shape?

Elizabeth Leighton

As I said, we thought that there should be more about plans—and, I would add, policy programmes—that support the achievement of the targets. We have argued specifically for measures on energy efficiency targets to underpin the energy efficient Scotland programme. We put that in our consultation response, and I am aware that others did so too. I do not think that the bill reflects those consultation responses.

Fabrice Leveque

I cannot give an answer on the detailed specifics but, as I said earlier, our view is that an opportunity to set a specific date was missed. That is our key takeaway from the bill.

Dr Casey

It is commendable that Scotland is setting ambitious targets, but our concerns are about going above and beyond what the rest of the UK and the rest of the world are doing. That takes me back to my earlier point about competitiveness. In some ways, we were hoping that we would stay aligned with the UK, but it is commendable that Scotland is setting those stretching targets.

The Convener

Talking of targets, we move to questions from Claudia Beamish.

Claudia Beamish

I have a quick supplementary question for Will Webster and Fabrice Leveque on the decarbonisation of heat. Will Webster highlighted the need for fossil fuel to be imported for that, if I understood him rightly. I would like both your takes on whether there is a choice and whether there could be a transition to other forms of heat. I fully respect the importance of fuel poverty as an issue, of course.

Will Webster

A lot is going on in that area. The gas distribution companies, including Scottish Gas Networks, Cadent and Northern Gas Networks, are running several projects to look at the feasibility of reforming natural gas—methane—into hydrogen and capturing the CO2 by applying known technologies that can, to a degree, be bought off the shelf. For example, there was an initial study on converting the whole of Leeds to hydrogen heating. A report by Northern Gas Networks into whether that could be extended to the whole north of England is coming out on Friday.

The committee might well know of similar initiatives, such as the Pale Blue Dot Energy project in the Aberdeen area, and the Cadent project, which is about converting six or seven industrial users to hydrogen in the Liverpool and Manchester areas. All those projects are at the feasibility stage, and they will be part of the gas distribution networks’ thinking on the future supply of gas. There is also a CO2 capture and storage element to such projects.

To a certain extent, all those technologies exist—there are things that are being, and can be, done. The work is around how we put the technologies together to make hydrogen a part of domestic heating and industrial use.

The Convener

What is stopping us doing that?

Will Webster

That is a good question. It is not just a question of finance. However, financial support is important for the demonstration stages of such technologies and for developing a commercial framework that can reproduce, to an extent, the success that we have had with offshore wind, for example.

The other aspect that needs to be thought about is the legislative framework. If we want to roll out something at scale and to have people invest in it, they need to have an idea of the parameters in which we will be operating. Energy suppliers across the board are pretty highly regulated, so if a supplier is looking at a new product—a new source of energy—they will already be thinking about how they will be regulated in that world. That issue is not particularly present in the discussion.

We need to think about the commercial framework and the regulatory framework. We hope that Governments will address those matters in response to the initiatives that I have mentioned.

Fabrice Leveque

The Scottish Government’s energy strategy sets out two extremely different scenarios for the energy system. One scenario primarily involves electrification and using electricity, with either ground-source or air-source heat pumps being used in buildings. The other scenario involves hydrogen, which, primarily, would be produced from natural gas, with the carbon sequestered. Those are the two options. Under the electrification scenario, there would be much less fossil-fuel use, although I do not think that it would be entirely ruled out. The primary energy supply would come from electricity.

Clearly, those are two extreme examples. On which scenario is better, our view is that the answer probably lies somewhere in the middle. We have some concerns regarding hydrogen. As we have heard, there is an awful lot of additional work to be done in putting the various bits together, demonstrating the full chain and rolling it out—it is quite a big infrastructure project. Our concern is that we do not want that work to distract from building on the technologies that we have today.

For example, there is arguably still quite a lot that could be done with heat pumps to help to grow the market as we have grown the wind turbines market. We have provided confidence by saying that we will do it at volume, which has allowed supply chains to grow and get cheaper.

We have not done that with electric heat; we are only beginning that work. Things are getting much better, because the grid has decarbonised. Five years ago, a heat pump produced roughly the same emissions as those from a gas boiler. Today, thanks to the rapid decarbonisation of the electricity grid, a heat pump produces something like 25 to 30 per cent of the emissions from a gas boiler. Therefore, such pumps have become a true source of low-carbon heat. We still need to do more to help the sector by rolling out the technology and working out some of the issues.

The same goes for district heat networks, which is another technology that we could roll out in the near term. The networks are large pipes in the ground through which we pipe to buildings the heat that is generated in power stations. They could take large-scale heat pumps, perhaps by drawing on energy from rivers or the air. Again, that is a technology that is tried and trusted, and we do not want the focus on longer-term infrastructure, such as that for hydrogen, to detract from the nearer-term technologies that we can use.

Dr Casey

Decarbonisation of heat is also relevant to industry. Biomass has not been mentioned yet, and the cement sector has done quite a lot of fuel switching to biomass. The Government provides incentives for the biomass to go elsewhere—to smaller domestic users through the renewable heat incentive or to larger power generators through the renewables obligation, for example—but one of the things that is stopping us converting is that we unfortunately fall right down the middle and do not get any incentives. The concern is that, instead of increasing the use of biomass and reducing emissions overall, we are just diverting it.

I have another point to make about hydrogen and the barriers to its use. As other members of the panel have said, more work is needed. Whatever fuel is used in the cement sector can have an impact on the quality of the product—that is one potential barrier. There are also safety risks with the use of hydrogen that require careful assessment.

Claudia Beamish

Diana Casey has highlighted competitiveness and the challenges that that brings, which we are all aware of. There is also the question of innovation and the fact that we do not know what will happen in the 2030s and 2040s.

The bill proposes a 90 per cent target, but should it set a net zero target for all greenhouse gas emissions? What are the options? I am looking for some short comments on that.

Will Webster

The bill sets a target of a 90 per cent reduction. Building on what Fabrice Leveque said, we need to think about and develop all the technologies if we are to succeed in achieving that objective. It will be a case of horses for courses. We need to remember that we start from a position in which 80 per cent of homes in the UK—the proportion in Scotland is probably similar—have a gas boiler. To an extent, we must work with what we have got. We will need to have CCS to achieve an 80 or 90 per cent target. All the international papers on the subject show that CCS is a necessary part of the mix if we are to achieve that level of greenhouse gas reductions.

As far as a net zero target is concerned, we understand the process that is set out in the bill, which we think is quite a sensible one, in that it involves a set of criteria, a process for getting advice from an independent party and a democratic decision-making process. Having such a framework seems to be a sensible approach, rather than including in the bill a date by which net zero emissions will be achieved.

Elizabeth Leighton

As I said, we have not commented on the overall target, but we are firmly supportive of the target in the energy efficient Scotland programme of having near zero carbon building stock by 2050. In fact, we have said that that should be brought forward for the domestic stock, because we are further ahead on that than we are on the non-domestic stock. It would therefore be reasonable to expect action to be taken more quickly on the domestic stock.

We should remind ourselves that the IPCC special report emphasises the need for urgent action over the next decade. We need to innovate and to look at longer-term solutions. At the same time, we cannot delay in doing what we can do now with the tried-and-tested technologies and the very-near-term technologies. We know that cost-effective energy efficiency measures can reduce our energy demand—this is a UK figure—by 25 per cent. Over the next 20 years, that is equivalent to the annual output of six nuclear power stations.

There is a lot that can be done now, which is why there is a need to drive action through statutory targets and to put more emphasis on things such as making the jump from F-rated property to net zero carbon property. Through schemes such as the Dutch Energiesprong scheme, that can be done on a street-by-street basis, with little disruption, using off-site construction, and it can be paid for using the fuel savings. The solutions are at hand; we simply need to up the scale. The area-based schemes have been a big success, but they are not going fast enough or are not taking multiple measures—some schemes deal only with insulation, for example. The fuel poverty programme is a really good programme, but it is tackling only 4,000 homes a year. That must be multiplied many times.

12:00  

The Convener

Stewart Stevenson wants to ask a quick question.

Stewart Stevenson

My question is specifically for Elizabeth Leighton. Should we revisit the EPC definitions? Under the current definitions, my house cannot get to zero, because we have two-foot-thick walls with no place to put cavity wall insulation. You get 10 points for having such insulation, but the fact is that we are better insulated than we would be with it. However, even though we are doing better in practice, the EPC definitions prevent us from getting an A rating.

There are similar difficulties with the other ways in which the system works. For example, it does not actually measure a house’s outputs and inputs; instead, it uses surrogates to make estimates that are in some cases imperfect.

Elizabeth Leighton

The EPC, which uses an A to G scale, is a useful metric because it is simple. People understand it and it is used for appliances, cars and so on. However, I agree that its underpinning methodology needs to be updated, and that it should keep up with new technologies and new knowledge of traditional buildings. A working group that is hosted by the Government is looking at the matter; I hope that it will address such issues. Obviously, not every house can get an A rating, but we should be striving to get as close to that as we can.

Fabrice Leveque

I come back to Claudia Beamish’s question about the 90 per cent and net zero targets. To Scottish Renewables the science is very clear: the ambition is to get to net zero emissions by mid-century. I point out that, 30 years ago, the European wind industry was building its first turbines to demonstrate the concept of wind energy; 30 years later, we are providing something like 25 per cent of the UK’s electricity, and we could be providing 50 to 60 per cent by 2030. We have come on in leaps and bounds in 30 years.

However, there are sectors that will be affected by the target that have not yet really felt the pull of the policy change on what they need to do. The message is that in those sectors another five or 10 years might elapse before they start to work towards the target.

The Convener

Should the bill clearly define pathways for sectors?

Fabrice Leveque

The bill needs to contain some near-term measures, because some actions need to be strengthened with regard to what we are doing today. I do not think that the bill needs to set out a technological pathway all the way to 2050; that timescale is very long term, and the point of the target should be to allow technical challenges to be recognised and to let industry innovate and work out what it needs to do in order to deliver the target.

The Convener

Is the message getting across strongly enough about the economic benefits and business incentives that are out there, and about the fact that there will be some real wins for industry if investment is made in innovation?

Fabrice Leveque

Clearly that message has come across strongly enough in the renewables electricity sector, given the benefits that we are reaping from years of investment. However, action takes a long time to happen in the transport and heat sectors, in which the conversation is just starting. The fact is that support for the technologies, particularly in the heat sector, has ebbed and flowed over the years, so it has been difficult to make the case that could be made for offshore wind and to say, “Give us 10GW of volume and we’ll deliver a turbine facility and investment in ports across the east coast.” The heat sector has not been able to do that, because of uncertainty about political ambition in that regard.

You are therefore right to suggest that the potential benefits have not been advertised enough, but there are large benefits to be had. We just need to have the confidence to go after them.

The Convener

So, has a lack of consistency in Government policy made everyone nervous?

Fabrice Leveque

Yes.

Will Webster

That is what we are looking for in the Government response to the CCS cost-reduction task force report, which emphasised the regional nature of the industrial clusters in which CCS can be made to work, and the knock-on industrial policy benefit from developing those poles of activity in co-ordination with what already exists for the oil and gas and renewables sectors. We have a chance to build on that for a new energy sector, so we are looking for the Scottish Government and UK Government to respond positively to the report.

The Convener

Other countries are doing things, but—of course—there are two Governments in charge of policy.

Will Webster

Indeed.

The Convener

Are you saying that it is not enough for just the Scottish Government to set targets and to take a consistent approach, but that the message needs to go to the UK Government, too?

Will Webster

That is right.

John Scott

You spoke about hydrogen earlier, but not in relation to the transport sector. I appreciate that it is not necessarily a sector that you would be expert in, but is the future for transport electric or is it hydrogen?

Will Webster

The jury is still out; it depends on the nature of the transport. For personal and commercial vehicles, especially ones that return to base a lot—even public transport—electricity seems to be fairly promising. We start with the assumption that the electricity future for transport is already real and can only get bigger. Hydrogen is being used for trains and buses in Aberdeen, for example, and there is the potential to use it for personal passenger vehicles.

We start from the idea that we will not necessarily get to a point at which one will dominate the other: what will happen will depend on the circumstances and what consumers choose. Consumers do not always choose the best technology—they choose what they find to be most convenient or what looks nicest. That is not quite the right way of putting it, but there is a sense that we cannot, as though we were an all-powerful entity, say that everyone will chose this or that.

There are several technologies around. People can go on several types of journey—that applies to transporting goods, as well. It depends on the circumstances. Hydrogen has most potential for large-scale, long-distance transport, including heavy goods vehicles and shipping, which currently use a lot of gas and will continue to do so for a number of years.

Richard Lyle

Would we be able to produce enough hydrogen? I saw last week that Shell was all over Twitter, promoting hydrogen for cars. In the last 50, 60 or 100 years we have changed and used many different types of energy. Is not that the case?

Will Webster

That is absolutely true. When cities were still using town gas, it was made from 50 or 60 per cent hydrogen. Use of hydrogen is therefore possible: the technology is out there. Governments should look closely at it and think about what needs to be done in respect of the commercial and regulatory framework.

Mark Ruskell

I will ask about the interim targets, in particular the 2030 target. The IPCC has refocused us on the importance of taking action in the next decade. Do you think that the 2030 target is sufficiently challenging?

Fabrice Leveque

Can you clarify whether you mean the target that we have today or the one that is proposed by the bill?

Mark Ruskell

I mean the target that is proposed in the bill.

Fabrice Leveque

I cannot comment on whether the target is sufficiently challenging in terms of the climate science, but I think that it is achievable. For the 2030 target it is a question of costs, rather than technical feasibility: we could hit other targets, but the questions are: at what cost, and how would the costs be distributed? In the energy system—electricity and heat—we have the technologies to do it, but we need political backing and a programme that will bring costs down properly.

Mark Ruskell

I will come back to heat. I had heard that we are still installing oil-fired boilers as part of fuel poverty schemes in Scotland, which seems to be odd. Are our policies sufficiently joined up? That seems to be extremely low-hanging fruit in terms of making progress. Are there other areas, particularly around heat, in which we could be accelerating progress in the near term? You talked about the long-term picture and whether we will electrify heat or use alternatives to natural gas, but what actions could we take in the next few years that might get us back on track for a higher 2030 target?

Fabrice Leveque

In respect of the near term, the point that Mark Ruskell made about oil-fired boilers is important. The fact that that is happening demonstrates that there is not quite a proper read-across from the climate targets through all the different parts of Scottish Government policy. Arguably, if we are paying to replace heating systems, we should be fitting something that is future proof—a heat pump or a biomass boiler, for example.

The problem that Mark Ruskell highlights is also the case in the new-build sector. The Scottish Government has powers to set standards for new buildings, but the majority of new buildings currently have fossil-fuel heating systems, some of which are oil systems. The review is currently on-going, which gives us an ideal opportunity to ensure that we are installing low-carbon heating systems in new buildings.

New build is the cheapest place to do that, and it allows the supply chain to do more, which is what we really need to ensure is happening if we want to keep costs down. We have a fragmented and relatively small heat supply chain. With a larger market—which would be created by ensuring that all new buildings have low-carbon heating systems—the supply chain companies could reduce their overheads, improve co-installers’ confidence and knowledge, and expand the distribution and supply chains so that they can serve all of Scotland with the relevant skills. Right now, some areas have to pay a premium because installers have to travel from quite far away.

The Convener

Do we have a skills shortage in relation to installation of future-proofed systems?

Fabrice Leveque

That is not the case at all. With regard to people who supply low-carbon heat systems in domestic buildings, the supply chain has shrunk over the past three or four years in Scotland as the market has dipped. That has happened partly because incentives have been cut, which has created a public perception that it is not really worth doing any more. Further, the oil price in rural areas has dropped, and the high oil price was one of the things that drove a lot of people in rural areas to consider alternative heating systems. There is probably quite a bit of slack in the supply chain.

Of course, if we were really ambitious and go more quickly, we would have to make sure that we had the right skills and training in place. We can do that in Scotland. It is not beyond us to ensure that we have a planned approach and that people have the skills that they need.

Elizabeth Leighton

I agree that there needs to be a bit more joining up, because we are still connecting people to the gas grid—we are extending the gas grid. Most people would assume that there will just be a switch over to hydrogen at some point, so they do not have to worry about anything. However, if that is a solution—there are many questions about whether it is—it is a distant prospect, so we must do all that we can now with regard to low-hanging and middle-hanging fruit in energy-efficiency schemes and low-carbon heat. We have to join the two approaches together. Area-based schemes can no longer be just about solid-wall insulation; they also have to involve ways of addressing the heat issue.

Will Webster

I think that we should be a bit careful about talking about things that are either long-term or distant. As Fabrice Leveque said, over the past 30 years, the wind sector has gone from a low base to where we are now, with 12MW turbines being built. Ever such a lot can be done in a 20 or 30-year period. Hydrogen technology exists and is out there; it is not so experimental. To an extent, progress in that area is about overcoming the chicken-and-egg issues that exist with any big change from one system to another system.

The issue about fuel poverty schemes comes down to the circumstances of the individual case. Not all homes are suitable for heat pumps, for example, and some are not connected to the system. It is not an area in which we have a lot of expertise. The specificity of individual cases must be taken into account.

12:15  

Dr Casey

We have talked a lot about decarbonising heat itself. Our concern is about Scottish Government policies on the fabric of buildings. We have evidence that heavyweight building materials can save a lot of carbon. On the reporting side, we feel that a lot of carbon savings can be made from looking at cement and concrete over their whole life. Concrete absorbs CO2 and stores it during its life, but that is not measured or reported on. If we are looking for a net zero emissions target, we need to be sure that we include all possible carbon sinks. We are coming up with a methodology to measure that so that it can be included in reporting.

Heavyweight materials also provide thermal mass, which keeps the temperature of buildings stable, so their occupants are less likely to turn up the thermostat. Whatever people’s heating choices—oil, electric or whatever—they use less of it, which goes back to the energy efficiency points that have been made.

We are concerned about the near-term targets. If we strongly promote use of timber in construction, we will lose out on the benefits that I have just described. In the long term, the operational carbon of a building could end up being worse.

John Scott

You have brought us nicely to my question. What scenarios might require changes to the interim targets that have just been described? Might other scenarios require changes to the interim targets before 2030, for example? What are the practical implications of getting to those interim targets?

The witnesses do not seem to have any answers to those questions, which is absolutely fine.

Should the ability to modify the targets in both directions be included in the bill? We are asking all the panels that question.

Professor Jowitt

Common sense would say yes.

John Scott

That is all the answer that we are looking for.

Will Webster

If the bill sets out a good governance process for that, it will be quite valuable in policy making.

Finlay Carson

Section 5 sets out the target-setting criteria, including scientific knowledge, technology, energy policy and so on. Are the target-setting criteria fit for purpose and appropriate? Should they align more closely with the climate change plan’s sectoral approach?

Dr Casey

Our response sets out five criteria that need to be included. They cover whether we have the cost-effective technology to meet the targets; economic circumstances and the competitiveness thing that I have been going on about; policy; fuel availability and whether there is enough biomass to go around the decarbonised sectors that need biomass; and interaction with industrial strategy and clean growth. Those are the five criteria that we would like to be included in the bill.

Elizabeth Leighton

I think that our consultation response said that the criteria should make sure that we take into account the social benefits. We have talked a lot about economic benefits and impacts, but widespread social, health and wellbeing benefits are associated with the transition to low carbon. They are well documented in the case of energy efficiency and housing. That criterion should be taken into account in target setting.

Will Webster

I generally think that the targets make a lot of sense and go back to some of the points that we made earlier about a just transition and so on. I will not repeat those points.

It is good to have a holistic set of criteria that policy makers can use to make a sensible judgment about all the various aspects and implications of adopting a target.

Fabrice Leveque

I am not familiar with the target-setting criteria, but I guess that there is a fairly strict definition of technical credibility and the ability to show a pathway. I go back to my previous point that, for our members and our industry, the long-term target, which is 30-plus years away, is a political signal that tells us where we need to be. We do not expect the Government to draw a line and tell us exactly what the solutions will be—that is mostly for our industries to do. It is possible that the technical criteria and eligibility have been set very strictly and that that is why we have come to the current proposal, which is a process to set a date in the future but not now.

John Scott

Let me develop that theme. I know that the aviation sector is driven by the criteria and regulations that are set for it. It seems to have the ability to develop more and more clever and fuel-efficient engines. Are you saying the same of your sectors? Mr Webster rather hinted that the hydrogen sector needs regulations and criteria to be put in place to allow people to develop the innovation that is definitely out there. Is that correct?

Will Webster

Yes. That is not necessarily part of the technical criteria for choosing an emissions target, but we need a suitably ambitious target that is achievable and that is backed up with the appropriate legislation to allow innovative technologies to come in. That can be about the commercial investment framework or the legislative framework for issues such as dealing with customers. All those things need to be in place to give investors reasonable certainty about the nature of the investment, particularly if it is something relatively new.

John Scott

Would it be helpful if that was in the bill?

Will Webster

It does not necessarily have to be an integral part of the bill. The process that is set out in the bill, of going from the targets to the climate change plan and into the policies, is a sensible way of proceeding. In fact, it makes more sense to have those things sequential than to put everything in one great big bill that tries to cover everything at the same time.

Stewart Stevenson

The bill talks about advice from the Committee on Climate Change, particularly in relation to the net zero target being “achievable”. What does “achievable” mean to each of you, or to those who wish to comment?

Dr Casey

I would say that “achievable” is about decarbonisation without deindustrialisation.

Stewart Stevenson

Just to check, are you saying that it is not linked to some magic insight about technology that will be available but is simply about a guiding set of principles that will get us to the destination?

Dr Casey

Obviously, the technology has to be part of it. My comment is about the need to keep our foundation industries in Scotland. We know what technologies we need to get us there, so let us support our industries to get commercial deployment of those technologies, so that we get decarbonisation without having to import materials that we currently produce in this country.

Fabrice Leveque

“Achievable” means that, theoretically, there is a way to reduce emissions to the level that we have set. My understanding is that the ways in which we do that for the very last few bits of emissions are still relatively speculative and will require a fair amount of innovation. However, that is within the bounds of possibility and is, therefore, achievable.

The issue of costs is a different question. That will be mediated by public and political appetite for reducing emissions. There is no worry that the costs will not be mulled over and factored into our decision making; rather, the danger is that they will weigh down on what we do. In terms of an ambition for emissions, “achievable” should mean what is plausibly doable and what we know we have to do; we can let politicians and the public fight over the speed at which we do it.

If we look back at the history of climate policy, we see that the reason for uncertainty and, for example, the reason why we have not developed manufacturing of wind turbines in the UK is the back and forth of policy. We need clarity over decades to make such investments. There is no danger of business, commercial or competitiveness worries coming into this debate. For the purpose of the bill and the long-term target, the debate must be about what the science is telling us to do and where we are aiming to get to.

Professor Jowitt

Given that the scientific evidence of climate change is overwhelming to most people with a rational mind, the need to set a target should be blindingly obvious. If we do not do it, it will be too late. The question, then, is: how do we get there? Some people will not like it or the impact that it might have on our “quality of life”—I put that phrase in inverted commas—or, in the phrase used in the bill, “sustainable economic growth”. Given that perpetual growth defies the second law of thermodynamics, we are going to have to re-look at that. I think that it might be “sustainable economic development” that is needed rather than “economic growth”.

As we move towards the target that we have to set, the question is whether you approach it as a technological optimist or a technological sceptic. I have highlighted the risk of assuming that technology will sort things out. The fact is that, if you start as a technological optimist, there is no guarantee that such an approach will work. However, if you start as a technological sceptic, there is no guarantee that that will work, either. You therefore have to think about what the outcomes will be if you adopt the technological optimism path. If it turns out that the game’s a bogey, you are rather up the creek; if you take a slightly more cautious approach, saying, “Technology won’t necessarily fix this—it’s going to need a change in behaviour,” and it turns out that technology can help you, you will be better off.

There is a wonderful paper, written by a chap in the United States called Costanza—I will happily give the reference to the committee after the meeting—in which he explores this issue and sets out four scenarios. On the one hand, with the technological optimist approach, you get what he calls the “Star Trek” outcome if it works and the “Mad Max” outcome if it does not. On the other hand, with the technological sceptic approach, you end up with either big government or ecotopia. He gets people to consider the decisions that they might make and the regrets that they might have. It really is quite staggering. Committee members might like to look at that paper. I am happy to provide a copy if that would be useful.

The Convener

We will take a copy of it.

Stewart Stevenson

I have always had doubts about the second law of thermodynamics and the whole business of entropy, given that we originated in the singularity, in which neither time nor energy existed. Energy can be created from nothing, but let us not go there.

Professor Jowitt

Well, we will collapse into nothing if we do not do something about this.

Stewart Stevenson

Indeed, but let us really not go there.

The remaining question that is worth asking is whether the interim targets are good enough to motivate industries and get us to the kind of destination that, in a broad sense, we all see that we need to reach—particularly in the next 15 years, given that there are certain things that we need to deliver over the next 15 years that we probably need to have started already.

The Convener

Can we have very short answers to that question, please? We are running out of time, and a couple of members still wish to ask questions.

Fabrice Leveque

The interim targets will increase ambition. Speaking self-interestedly, I think that our industry will deliver most towards meeting them; it is therefore in our interests for this to happen, and it will help to drive investment. After all, if we are struggling to meet a particular target, it might help if we move it, because some of the things that we are not doing at the moment but that I have mentioned, such as new builds, district heating networks and rural heating, are absolute givens in a higher-target scenario. It would therefore help to pull through more activity.

Angus MacDonald

I am keen to hear whether you agree with the Government’s approach in retaining an option to use carbon credits. How might they be used in, say, achieving the net zero target?

12:30  

The Convener

Does anyone have any thoughts on that?

Professor Jowitt

I had difficulty in understanding that part of the bill, as it is rather obscure. I am really worried when we imagine that the future of the planet can be left to the market. That reflects the comments that I made earlier.

There is an element of that in offsetting and carbon credits. I find it slightly dishonest that we would be prepared to buy something from somebody else that would allow us to carry on behaving badly. It would be like donating money to a charity for fallen women while still using the brothel. It is not a road that I would prefer to go down. If we think that carbon is important, we should reduce our use of it; we should not try to pretend that we are helping the world by buying a few credits from some other poor country to help it to improve its lot. We should do that anyway. Our moral obligation is to help countries that are less fortunate than ourselves to get into a much better position. We should not be doing that on the pretext that we are helping while we continue to pollute the planet.

The Convener

The final question will come from Richard Lyle.

Richard Lyle

Is the panel content with the new approach to annual reporting?

Professor Jowitt

Do you mean the percentage bit?

Richard Lyle

The way in which annual reporting is done is going to change. The policy memorandum says:

“the Bill rationalises the annual report produced under sections 33 and 34 of the 2009 Act so that it contains only information directly related to the outcome of the emissions reduction target for the relevant year.”

The bill will change the way in which the outcomes are reported. Are you content with that?

Professor Jowitt

I am probably ambivalent about that.

Richard Lyle

I take it that you are on the fence.

The Convener

Perhaps your second question will be more relevant.

Richard Lyle

What are the advantages and disadvantages of annual sectoral reporting on the climate change plan?

The Convener

Let us imagine that the oil and gas sector had to report as a sector.

Will Webster

We have a lot of obligations to report the cost of using carbon in our processes. We already have a number of reporting obligations—I could give you a list, but I will not.

The key thing that we have to come to terms with is the implication of a base for the emissions trading scheme. That piece of legislation, if it is used in the UK, will significantly increase the cost of emitting CO2 from our production processes and most of the other sectors that are covered. We have already seen the emissions certificate price go from around €5 per tonne up to €25 at one point, and it is now at about €20. That will be a significant cost for the sector, and there will be quite a bit of activity in dealing with it.

As well as the reporting requirements, these are the things that will drive different behaviours rather than the oversight of different pieces of legislation.

Dr Casey

Energy-intensive industries are already reporting into many different schemes. It is a massive burden; please do not burden us with any more reporting.

Richard Lyle

Perhaps I should report that my son works in the oil and gas industry in Aberdeen, just to keep myself correct.

Elizabeth Leighton

Taking sectoral reporting more for the climate change plan and how that has been broken down, it would be advantageous to have sectoral reporting so that we could understand progress against the targets. I presume that that would be supported by reports from the UKCCC.

Such reporting would also show how progress aligns with the budget. We need adequate resources if we are going to make the targets credible. There also needs to be a plan for corrective action if the policies fall behind what they set out to achieve. That has been a failing of previous climate change plans, even though the detail is useful.

I will comment briefly on the “achievable” targets. I hope that the committee looks at what comes from the UKCCC. You have asked for advice on the issue, and I presume that it will give you some advice on the interim and final targets. If it says that the targets are achievable, that will give some comfort that the Parliament is providing good leadership in Scotland and the UK, and to other parts of the world, in responding to the IPCC’s report with targets that will address the challenge that has been set for us.

The Convener

That is a good note to end on. Thank you for all your evidence this morning.

At its next meeting, on 27 November, the committee will continue its consideration of the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill by hearing evidence from the Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform.

12:36 Meeting continued in private until 12:46.  

20 November 2018

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Eighth meeting transcript

The Convener

Agenda item 2 is the final evidence session on the bill at stage 1.

I am delighted to welcome to the committee the Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform, who is accompanied by officials from the Scottish Government. Clare Hamilton is the deputy director of the decarbonisation division, Sara Grainger is the team leader in the delivery unit of the decarbonisation division, and Simon Fuller is the deputy director of economic analysis in the office of the chief economic adviser. I welcome you all.

I will ask the first series of questions, which are on the Paris agreement and the recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change report. We have asked many of our panels whether they think that the bill complies with the Paris agreement. What specific temperature target is the bill aiming for? Is the bill adequate for compliance with the Paris agreement?

The Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform (Roseanna Cunningham)

When we originally requested advice from the United Kingdom Committee on Climate Change—in June 2016—we asked it specifically for advice on bringing the new legislation into accord with the Paris agreement in general terms. We asked for advice about an appropriate response to the Paris agreement as we understood it at that time, and given the best available evidence. The aim, of course, was to limit global warming to well below 2°C and to pursue further efforts to limit it to below 1.5°C. That was the backdrop against which we asked for general advice that would bring us within that set of parameters.

Our more recent request was for more specific advice. Some 18 months down the line, we are, of course, in a different place. The specific advice that we sought was on the range that emissions would need to be within to make an appropriate contribution to keeping warming to well below 2°C and to limiting it to 1.5°C.

The response to our original request for advice—the few members left who were on the committee at that point will understand this—resulted in the Committee on Climate Change giving us two target ranges in March 2017. One of the ranges was for keeping warming below 2°C, and that was to reduce emissions by between 78 per cent and 87 per cent. We were already committed to an 80 per cent reduction, so we were, arguably, already committed to a target for keeping warming below 2°C.

The UKCCC uses what I believe is now common parlance and talks about a “return to 1.5°C”, which means there is an expectation that we might overshoot the target and then have to come back. That is not just us; I am talking globally. That target range was for a reduction of 89 per cent to 97 per cent, which is the range that 90 per cent falls into. That is how we have got to where we are at the moment.

The Convener

We asked a number of stakeholders, including Stop Climate Chaos and WWF Scotland, whether they think that the bill complies with the Paris agreement. They all said no. From what you have just said, however, the bill is on target for reductions that would limit any increase to as close to 1.5°C as is practicable.

Roseanna Cunningham

Yes. That is the advice that came from the UKCCC. That advice is dated March 2017, which is 18 months ago. We need to get the updated advice so that we are in a better position to know whether the 89 per cent to 97 per cent range that the UKCCC was flagging up to us is something that it needs to look at again. That is how we have understood the advice.

I hear the criticism, but it is, in fact, criticism of the statutory adviser to all the Governments in the UK. I am not quite sure where we would be if we were simply to set aside that advice and launch ourselves on some other way of gathering evidence.

The Convener

There is a tremendous difference for Scotland between the impact of 1.5°C warming and that of 2°C warming. Has work been done on the impact if warming is 2°C rather than 1.5°C?

Roseanna Cunningham

That would be quite difficult to do. Apart from anything else, we do not have control over everything, here in Scotland. We chose the tougher of the two targets—we chose a target within the range that would return to 1.5°C. We did that because, although the UKCCC said that that is at the limit of feasibility, it is feasible to construct a pathway to that target. Once we have set the targets, we construct that pathway. Some of the work has begun, but we have not considered the pathway in advance of the bill being passed.

As I indicated, the return to 1.5°C indicates a target range of between 89 per cent and 97 per cent reduction. The 90 per cent target is at the bottom end of that range, but the UKCCC says that it is at the limits of feasibility. There might, I suppose, be some discussion about the range, unless the UKCCC comes back with a more specific prognosis for net zero emissions.

The Convener

Since the UKCCC advice, we have had the IPCC report. What is your initial reaction to that report? How do you anticipate the bill being amended to reflect recommendations or information in it?

Roseanna Cunningham

At one level, our reaction was the same as everybody else’s. At another level, we could all have anticipated that the IPCC was going to come forward with something like this.

I do not think that we require to amend the bill because of the IPCC report. We are already on track, with the bill, to achieve what the IPCC report is looking for, including being carbon neutral by—in our case—a set date of 2050. What we are proposing lies within the parameters of what the IPCC asks for.

The IPCC is clearly looking at a global scenario and is anxious about countries that are not tackling climate change seriously enough or, as is the case for some countries, not tackling it at all. I am therefore relatively comfortable—as comfortable as one can be, given what we are discussing—that what we propose for Scotland is at the top end of what is achievable.

The Convener

You mentioned that you are waiting for updated advice from the Committee on Climate Change. We have heard that it will respond to you by April. Given the ambition to complete passage of the bill by the start of next summer recess, will there be sufficient time to incorporate the Committee on Climate Change’s advice between stage 2 and stage 3?

Roseanna Cunningham

All the Governments in the UK had hoped that we would receive the advice by the end of March; each has different reasons for hoping for that. We wanted the advice by then so that we could pass the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill, which was introduced in May. However, neither the Government nor I want to tie the bill too tightly to a timetable that would mean that we would need to proceed without the necessary advice. That would be an absurd position to be in.

At the end of the day, it will be for the committee to negotiate how the parliamentary business takes place. I think that if we get the advice in April, passing the bill by June 2019 is still doable, but I do not want to make the June deadline so hard and fast that it does not allow for our receiving the advice a bit later than would fit into that timetable. We would all probably like to see the bill done and dusted in this parliamentary year, but it is more important that the bill is right and reflects the advice that we receive, than that we stick to a deadline in a timetable.

Mark Ruskell (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

You have talked about the “return”—the overshoot scenario in which we go beyond the target temperature increase and then, I hope, drop back down again. Are you worried by the impacts that might occur on the back of that scenario in relation to environmental refugees and habitat and species loss?

Roseanna Cunningham

Those are global issues and worries. The Committee on Climate Change gave us advice on the return scenario, and I expect that it might come back to that issue in its upcoming advice.

We are already seeing some impacts—there is no doubt about that. As we struggle to get the temperature back down again, some global effort will be required on the adaptation side and on the response side. The responses will need to be global, in particular on issues such as refugees, on which the global picture does not look great, at the moment.

Stewart Stevenson (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

I am heartened by the cabinet secretary’s view that we need time to accommodate the UK Committee on Climate Change’s next report. If the committee were to decide that it wants to take evidence on the report before stage 3, would the Government be minded to ensure that that would be consistent with any timetable that it pursues? Another option might be to have a chamber debate on the report before we proceed to stage 3.

As I suspect others are, I am anxious to ensure that we give full consideration to the report before the legislative process is completed. I am not asking for a commitment at the moment—I guess that you are not in a position to make one. It will be down to Parliament, to an extent. I am asking merely whether the Government would be prepared to collaborate and co-operate on such a basis.

Roseanna Cunningham

Yes. It is not in my gift to make such a commitment. There will be discussion between the committee, the Parliamentary Bureau and the Presiding Officer on chamber business. The fundamental thing is that we get the bill right, not that we pass it quickly. If that means that the committee thinks that it might need a bit of extra time, I see no problem with that. However, that will not be my decision; the committee will make the decision, in discussion with the relevant authorities. Even after so many years, it is still a bit of a mystery to me how some such decisions come out of the sausage machine.

09:45  

John Scott (Ayr) (Con)

Indeed—but my understanding is that we might have to go back to stage 1 to take evidence again. I think that that is what Stewart Stevenson is suggesting.

Roseanna Cunningham

That discussion needs to be had. I do not know the answer: it will depend on the advice of the Committee on Climate Change. The commitment in the bill to meet net zero emissions as soon as practicable is such that it would be relatively easily amended if the Committee on Climate Change comes back with advice that that is a feasible pathway. Such an amendment at stage 2—which is when we would see it happening—would be fairly straightforward. At that point, it will be up to the committee to decide whether to stop and go back to take more evidence. I will not be in a position to decide that for you.

John Scott

We will cross that bridge when we come to it.

Claudia Beamish (South Scotland) (Lab)

I want to focus my questions on the scope and implementation of the bill. We have heard evidence about the need for it to be transformational, and I think that this committee and many other people are agreed on that.

Given the number of tangible policies that we have been told about in oral evidence, is the Government considering including in the bill what I would call policy pointers that would support target delivery? Earlier today, I recalled the fact that the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009 contained a significant number of policy mechanisms that would help to drive towards the target, such as the single-use bag policy. I would like to highlight some suggestions for this bill. One is the nitrogen budget and another—although it has not yet come up in evidence—is a reinforcement of the stance on fracking. It would also be good to have something about energy efficiency. Those are some thoughts that I have had; others might want to highlight other suggestions.

Roseanna Cunningham

I understand—at least, I appreciate—the thinking behind those suggestions, but we had to make a decision in relation to the bill with regard to whether it was going to be about targets or policy delivery options. If we started to include policy delivery options, the bill could become enormous, as it could end up bringing in things from every portfolio. If that happened, it would become unmanageable, because the committee would have to take specific evidence on specific policy delivery options across a potentially huge range. I caution people not to go down that route. The committee has had a recent example of what happens if you bring in something like that. The processes are such that the capability to understand the applications and to be in a position to make an absolutely informed decision on things is vastly limited.

I appreciate where people are coming from, but is that the best way to handle it? I do not think so. There could be any number of such measures across a range of policies. Claudia Beamish has mentioned energy efficiency, but there is a whole section of the Government that is already progressing energy efficiency and a huge amount of money has already been committed to that, and fuel poverty is being dealt with in another part of the Government. It is not that nothing is happening on those issues, and I am not sure that a bill such as the one that we are discussing is the right way to address them. We decided at the start of the process that it was not particularly appropriate to do that because, in effect, we wanted the legislation to be about resetting targets. At the end of the day, all the policies that will be required to deliver on those targets will be dealt with in each of the portfolios.

Claudia Beamish

Do you agree that what I have termed policy pointers, rather than detailed provisions, would give some clarity to where policy should be going, as happened with the 2009 act? You highlighted energy efficiency. There has been a recent statement in Parliament on that and a strategy is being developed. Other important areas, such as the good food nation, appear to have been kicked into the long grass, with a strategy rather than a bill.

I understand that we cannot have everything in this bill, but not everything was in the 2009 act. Indeed, some of the pointers in the 2009 act have not yet been implemented and may never be. Does listing policy pointers not give confidence? Was that not the purpose in 2009?

Roseanna Cunningham

Is that an argument in favour of listing them?

Claudia Beamish

Some pointers in the 2009 act have been implemented and some have not. Does including policy pointers not give confidence that there are policies that it is important to consider? Perhaps some may be controversial, such as some of the agriculture policy proposals, which there is a lot of uncertainty around.

Roseanna Cunningham

The committee would need to take detailed evidence on some of those things.

Claudia Beamish

That is what has happened.

Roseanna Cunningham

I do not know whether the committee would be in the best position to do so over a range of potential policies.

Claudia Beamish

That happened at the point at which it was necessary with the policies that have been taken forward, such as the policy on single-use bags.

Roseanna Cunningham

I do not think that that was triggered by what was in the act. It was happening anyway.

This discussion is about the nature of legislation. If the committee will forgive me for reverting to my previous profession as a lawyer, I say that if we legislate for vagueness, we will get vague legislation. That is not particularly helpful in the long run. This piece of legislation is not the right place to start dealing with specific policy pointers, as Claudia Beamish calls them. Those would be vague. There are plenty of other legislative and policy opportunities through which to progress such pointers.

Every one of my colleagues will be tasked on the basis of the targets in the bill to progress the necessary policies in their portfolio area. I have already begun bilaterals with colleagues about the implications of what the bill proposes.

Finlay Carson (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)

To back up what Claudia Beamish said, I say that, throughout the evidence that the committee has had, we have heard about various policies that would help Scotland reach the targets more urgently. Are you ruling out the need for the targets in the bill to be underpinned by supportive policies?

Roseanna Cunningham

No, I do not think that that is what I said. There is a difference between setting things in the legislation and understanding what is required to achieve the legislative targets that the bill is about. If things are set in the legislation, that has implications. This is a high-level discussion about the nature of legislation and how government should proceed.

I caution the committee to think carefully about that. There has been a recent example of what happens when a specific policy is brought into a general bill. People may feel, and I think that most committee members did feel, that not enough evidence had been brought forward for the decision to be properly informed.

I understand the temptation and I am not saying that, if I were sitting on the other side of the table, I would not also be tempted. The reality, however, is that legislation locks things down for the future. At this point, we do not know what provisions might be needed. We are setting out on a course and would not want to have our hands tied in certain directions. If legislative provisions do not tie hands, they are meaningless and become points of dispute, which is something that nobody wants.

Angus MacDonald (Falkirk East) (SNP)

The Government considers not legislating to be the most effective route to take for the just transition commission, stating that

“providing a statutory basis for the Commission would delay the work we want it to undertake.”

Why will placing the commission on a statutory footing “delay the work”, and what will be happening with the JTC between now and June next year?

Roseanna Cunningham

First, there is a debate over the June date, as we are into what is potentially a fairly long legislative process.

Secondly, we have already appointed a chair of the commission, and I will soon be appointing its members. The expectation is that it will have its first meeting in January with a remit to deliver advice within two years, and not legislating for it gives us the fleetness of foot to enable us to take that approach.

I have no idea when this bill will get through stage 3 or when it will get royal assent, but let us presume for the purposes of generalisation that it gets through in June and receives royal assent perhaps by autumn, at which point it comes into being. If the just transition commission is put into legislation, I will at that point have to pause the existing commission, and we will then have to go through an entire public appointments process to appoint the commission’s members. That will take about four or five months; people will find that difficult to understand, but anyone who has gone through and understands the procedure will know that it takes a very long time.

We will then have to set up an independent secretariat, with all its associated costs, and the likelihood is that the set-up will not be in place until about a year later, at the very minimum. In the meantime, we will have to stop the just transition commission that will already be doing all this work, because of the commission that has been legislated for. I do not think that that approach will aid us if we have to stop the work that is being done. An already appointed just transition commission cannot continue if there is legislation that requires the commission to be put on a legislative footing.

Indeed, if we put the commission on such a footing, we will have to argue about how long it will sit for, which is an issue on which I know there is a hugely different set of views. Moreover, its costs will change, depending on that decision. There is a just transition commission that is about to start work right now and which will give us advice in two years. At that point, we can consider how best to progress.

The just transition commission that we are putting in place right now will be the first of its kind in the world, and I think it far better that we crack on now and deal with some of the really important issues that the commission needs to deal with instead of having to deal with the awkwardness of setting up a statutory commission, with all the costs and time that that would entail.

The Convener

I will take Mark Ruskell next and then come back to Claudia Beamish to finish this line of questioning.

Mark Ruskell

I want to return to the previous point about what and, indeed, whether policies go into the bill. I suppose that some of this comes down to what confidence the committee has in the other parts of legislation or the Government picking up on whatever target is in the bill, whether it be net zero by 2050, 2040 or whatever, and putting in place the right policies to drive that forward. How much reassurance can you give the committee that there is a plan B for the other parts of the Government so that, if the bill ends up with a higher target than it has at the moment, the legislative frameworks that are needed to deliver it will be put in place?

Roseanna Cunningham

I would have expected the confidence to come from the fact that Scotland has already reduced its emissions by 49 per cent since 1990. We are well on the way and well on track, and everything that we are doing is at the very top level of ambition as far as anything else in the rest of the world is concerned. I would have thought that that in itself would give you confidence. In a sense, what you are asking me betrays one of the difficulties. You want to try to second-guess, across all the portfolios, what particular policy things they should be doing and then lever those into the bill. That really is not the best way to progress. Although I understand the temptation, it is not appropriate for us to do that. I guess that there is a fundamental difference between our approaches.

10:00  

Mark Ruskell

I did not necessarily say that I was suggesting that. I was just putting it back to you for you to reassure me, so that I do not have to.

Roseanna Cunningham

I can reassure you only about this Government’s intentions. I cannot reassure you about a future Government of any colour, but that is the same with everything. The bill will bind us to targets, but the policies that are used to achieve those targets may vary. There may be lots of alternative options, but I do not know. That is one of the things that I hope the Committee on Climate Change gives us good advice on.

The Convener

Of course, the climate change plan is key.

Roseanna Cunningham

Yes.

The Convener

When can we expect a new or updated climate change plan to be published?

Roseanna Cunningham

In a sense, that is a follow-on discussion, because that is about the way in which we are doing things. That is why we have taken the approach that we have taken just now. Under the 2009 act, the next plan is due in late 2021-22. I go back to the point about when we might expect the bill to be passed. We have only just come through a climate change plan process. Do we get to the end of 2019 with an expectation that, somehow, we can create an entire new climate change plan from scratch in the space of a year, although it took two years to produce the existing one? Alternatively, do we consider updating or redoing the existing climate change plan to take account of whatever targets we end up with in the bill?

We need to have that discussion. Another reason for having it is that there is an issue about scrutiny periods for anything that we do. I will consider that as soon as the bill has passed through Parliament. There will be a difference if the bill gets through in June rather than slipping into the following parliamentary year. I will think about whether it is more appropriate to update the current plan in the short term or to bring forward a new plan quickly. However, I have to say that bringing forward a new plan involves a minimum 12 to 18-month exercise. If we do not start it until the end of 2019—which would mean starting a new plan almost as soon as the ink has dried on the royal assent—we would not finish it before the next Scottish parliamentary election. We are stuck with the parliamentary timetable, whether we like it or not. I need to think about that and, obviously, we will discuss the issue further with the committee.

Claudia Beamish

I want to go back briefly to the just transition commission. It is surely a question of balance. You used the term “awkwardness” in talking about that—I do not want to summarise what you said, because we heard it and it will be in the Official Report. However, I want to ask you again about the fact that, when we set the targets for net zero, whenever that is, the whole thrust must be that there is a fair way forward for affected communities and workers. I am delighted that a commission is to be set up, but surely the awkwardness and complexity of having a statutory commission must be weighed up against the importance of ensuring that, as with the targets, whatever Government we have, the commission drives us forward in a fair way. I have concerns about the just transition commission not being on a statutory basis.

Roseanna Cunningham

I do not think that that follows. You are falling into the trap of assuming that the just transition commission is the only place where those conversations are happening. We have a number of other things. Like all Scottish Government policies, the climate change plans are subject to impact assessments. There is a duty to carry out an equality impact assessment and a fairer Scotland duty assessment, where that is appropriate. The purpose of the fairer Scotland duty assessment is to ensure that those living on low incomes—that is not just about employment—are not disproportionately disadvantaged as a result of policy decisions.

We have to consider various criteria, including social circumstances, in relation to some of the bill’s targets. An equality impact assessment, a children’s rights and wellbeing impact assessment and a fairer Scotland assessment were all carried out on the bill’s proposals. Indeed, we have not set the net zero target date at this time because, until we have a credible pathway, there may be negative social consequences, which we do not want to see.

It is not the case that those things are not being looked at; they are simply not all being dealt with by the just transition commission—the issues are being taken on board in a lot of other Government policy areas. An argument that the just transition commission has to be on a statutory basis does not necessarily follow. In any case, I return to the fact that, as I understand it, once a just transition commission was legislated for, in effect we would stop the current just transition commission from continuing. It would take considerable time, effort and cost to set up a statutory commission, so we would lose at least a year of really important work that we do not have time to lose.

It is a case of pressing ahead now, rather than waiting for the commission to be put on a statutory basis. That is why we have done what we have. We have decided to press ahead. I am sorry if going too fast is a problem, but we are doing it.

Claudia Beamish

I have never said that we are going too fast, and I have never criticised the just transition commission. I am simply saying that there is a lot of robust argument, including from unions, non-governmental organisations and businesses, for putting the commission on a statutory footing. I would have thought that there could be a way to move towards to that position, so that, whoever is in government, we have an inclusive partnership of dialogue. That is a different view, so perhaps we should just agree to differ.

The Convener

Angus MacDonald wants to ask questions on the same theme.

Angus MacDonald

We have covered the just transition commission, but it is probably fair to say that the majority of stakeholders that we have asked are keen to see it put on a statutory footing.

I will follow on from all that and look at transformational change. The evidence to date has shown—and we all clearly see—that there is a need for “transformational change” and that it should be “systemic” rather than just at an individual level. It has been noted that there is no “all voluntary future” and that climate change cannot be solved without statutory backstops.

I am keen to hear how transformational change can be achieved while retaining sectoral and societal buy-in. For example, are there limits to public acceptability? To what extent can transformational change be voluntary?

Roseanna Cunningham

I preface everything that I will say about that with a reminder that we live in a democracy and that everything that is done in a democracy must have, if not the explicit support, at least the implicit support of the majority.

It is possible for Governments to do fairly ambitious things—we have seen a smoking ban introduced, and we have minimum pricing of alcohol. Two different Governments brought in those measures, and it is probably fair to say that there was a degree of muttering in certain quarters about both of those proposals; members of the public were not particularly on board for either. Nevertheless, there was an implicit understanding that the proposals tackled problems that needed to be tackled. In some cases, people were a bit reluctant, while in others they were more enthusiastic, but they were willing to accept that those were, if not their preferred options, at least reasonable ways of taking things forward. It is really important to state at the outset the need for that implicit, if not absolutely explicit, support.

Climate change is on the verge of becoming part of that scenario. The most recent Scottish household survey showed that concern about climate change is beginning to penetrate the majority of households’ and people’s minds, and that is an important indicator of the possibility of pushing forward with climate change policies that might accrue implicit buy-in. That buy-in is important, and we have to know that we are going to get it. As far as policies and certain sections of the community are concerned, that will be easier to do in some areas and harder to do in others.

This is not just a straightforward, across-the-board game that we are talking about; it is something that we have to engage in at every level. Indeed, behaviour change must happen at every level, too. What slightly frustrates me is the way in which, in this debate, we jump from what the Government is doing to what individuals are doing without looking at the range of other groups and institutions, both public and private, in between. Behaviour change can be driven by exemplars. If, for example, a big private company begins to make statements on the matter and makes changes, that helps to build the implicit buy-in that we want across the board. I do not want the conversation to be just about what the Government is doing and what individuals are doing, because there is a whole range of behaviour changes in between that I think are necessary, too.

We must ensure that people know about the technological changes that will help and, as a Government, change our approach to behaviour change. Last week, we announced that we had finished a review of the current public engagement strategy, which is provided for under the 2009 act, and our conclusion is that we need to revise that strategy to ensure that what we do is commensurate with the targets in the bill. We know that the scenario is constantly changing and that we have to keep up with it. I do not know whether colleagues were aware of the review of climate change behaviour issues, but we are thinking about the issue.

Angus MacDonald

We welcome the behaviour change that is happening, but are there any plans for statutory backstops?

Roseanna Cunningham

I do not know what you mean by “statutory backstops”.

Angus MacDonald

I am talking about backstops that will ensure and encourage further behavioural change.

Roseanna Cunningham

I do not think that we can legislate for behaviour change—what we can do is constantly engage and encourage. In that respect, we have identified 10 key behaviours, and we have the public engagement strategy to which I have just referred. We are going to publish a refreshed strategy as soon as possible, but I am not sure—

Sara Grainger (Scottish Government)

May I come in, cabinet secretary?

Roseanna Cunningham

Yes.

10:15  

Sara Grainger

The cabinet secretary made the point that many of the policies need to be taken forward in different portfolios. An example that touches on your question, if I understand it right, is the work that is being done as part of the energy efficient Scotland programme, which involves quite a lot of behaviour change—for example, in how people use their heating systems and in the decisions that home owners make about insulating their homes. Consideration is being given to how to encourage home owners to better insulate their properties and when to stop encouraging them and absolutely require them to do that. As that involves huge costs for home owners, the issue is being considered carefully. If that is the kind of behaviour change that you are talking about, the conversations about such considerations take place in the relevant portfolios.

Angus MacDonald

Thank you.

John Scott

I declare an interest. How will the Scottish economy and Scottish society have to change to achieve a 90 per cent target and a net zero target? What change do you foresee?

Roseanna Cunningham

It is difficult to foresee what change would be required in relation to a net zero target. The UK Committee on Climate Change said that it could not see a pathway to that target. If we were to set a net zero target without there being a pathway, that would, in effect, take us into the realms of high-level guesswork.

The Committee on Climate Change thought that a 90 per cent target was at the outside of feasibility, so every sector of society will require to think about the changes that need to be made. A 90 per cent target is challenging for us from the point of view of transport and the other obvious areas that have been flagged up. The energy transformation is already taking place and will continue to proceed quickly. The challenges that we face relate to buildings—we are dealing with that issue through the fuel poverty and energy efficiency work—agriculture, which I know the committee will often come back to, and transport. I have already had conversations with my colleague Michael Matheson about the changes that are required in transport.

I go back to the comment that I made about behaviour change and the need for us not to jump automatically from the Government level to the individual level. A range of bodies need to be challenged on, for example, their policies on their car fleets. At what point will they make the transition to low-emission vehicles? When we are being called on to increase targets, it is fair to ask companies and institutions when they expect to do such things and what their plans are.

A variety of measures might be taken. We will have to add them all up, and that will be part of our consideration of the climate change plan, which we discussed earlier.

John Scott

Would it be fair to say that you are prepared for such societal change to be brought about not necessarily by the provisions in the bill but in different portfolios that other cabinet secretaries are in charge of? In other words, you are charging them with responsibility for delivery.

Roseanna Cunningham

In effect, that is how we progress; that is how we have got to where we are. As I indicated, I have started to have direct conversations with colleagues in the areas that are most likely to be affected, to flag up the need for them to go back—notwithstanding the fact that they have just come through the climate change plan process—and start to think more ambitiously about what can be delivered in each of their portfolios.

However, as I said, I think that this is a task for everybody. It cannot just be the Government that takes action; action will have to be taken at every level of society. If we want fossil-fuel vehicles to be phased out by 2032, I would like to hear about what companies and other institutions are doing in respect of their activities and provisions.

I am sometimes a bit naughty when I have these conversations. When I get the calls, I want to say to, for example, the Church of Scotland and the Catholic Church, “Well, when are you going to tell your priests and ministers that they are not going to be permitted to buy a fossil-fuel car?” Those decisions have to be made as well, and I want to hear back from some organisations what their decisions are going to be. It is not good enough just to call for the targets; everybody has to buy into them. I am not asking everybody around this table when they plan to do that, but it is a decision for individuals, institutions and the Government all together.

John Scott

You do not have a particular biblical reference to back up that statement.

Roseanna Cunningham

On ultra-low-emission vehicles? Sadly, I do not. I will seek one, because I am sure that there is one somewhere that will suffice. There usually is, and there might even be a Shakespearean reference that does the job as well.

I am trying to make the point that an effort is required at every level of society. I am concerned about jumping from the high level of Government down to the level of individual behaviour and putting it on the individual’s shoulders when there is a range of things in between that we can reasonably expect to see movement on as well.

Stewart Stevenson

I think that the cabinet secretary was maybe struggling to go for the tower of Babel with regard to a biblical reference.

Roseanna Cunningham

We could have a theological discussion, if you want.

Stewart Stevenson

Indeed, but on another occasion.

I want to explore the targets a wee bit. In particular, substantial pressure has come from many of the stakeholders who have appeared in front of the committee for the Government to set a net zero target sooner rather than later. Before I go on to that, I will develop a bit of what has gone before and ask whether particular policies that might advance the climate change agenda, such as electrifying the car fleet, might have adverse effects if improperly implemented.

For example, given the substantial sunk carbon costs of new vehicles, it would be unhelpful if we doubled the size of the car fleet, which we might do if we thought there would be a zero-carbon effect. I was thinking of the renewable heat initiative in Northern Ireland, which was a good idea if a boiler was replaced with a better boiler. However, an awful lot more boilers were installed, so the effect was negative, not positive.

Roseanna Cunningham

That is an important issue to raise, because, when we are looking at a policy option, we have to think about the whole life of the item or all the consequences of its introduction. That applies to virtually any of the delivery decisions that we might make. In addition, a lot of delivery decisions might be predicated on a technology that, at the moment, we are not certain is the right way to go, which is another issue to be considered.

With a lot of things, at the moment, we are at the VHS versus Betamax stage of the debate. Who would have been able to predict which one of those would be the technology that everybody would go for? I am not sure that we are in that space with some technologies. That complication has to be looked at for all the proposals that I see being mooted not just in evidence to this committee but out there. We all read about them and see them, and I think there are real consequences of going down that road. In general terms, the consequences might not be immediately evident when we make a superficial call or introduce a policy without proper evidence.

I do not want to get drawn too far into a discussion about cars, as I have never owned one in my life, so I do not have much of a feeling for that area. However, I am conscious that the proliferation of cars may not be the best thing to happen for a lot of reasons. The speed with which one can make the changeover is another issue. Nevertheless, it is obviously where we have to go, and that change will have to be managed. People have questioned the increasing electricity use that will be required if we go down that road, and such things all have to be factored into any decision about cars. There will then be the argument that, rather than increase the use of cars, we should increase the use of public transport. All of that has to be taken into consideration.

Stewart Stevenson

One sector in which the speed of change is seen as particularly difficult is agriculture. Is the Government thinking about the balance that there could be? For example, if we were to move ahead with something that we know we probably can do, such as upping our exports of zero-emission electricity, given that we have huge potential for renewable energy, that could take us towards net zero without doing anything on agriculture. Is that part of the thinking, or is the Government considering the feasibility of particular things that can be done in agriculture?

Roseanna Cunningham

I am having conversations with my colleague Fergus Ewing about the issue, and I have had meetings with a range of agricultural associations. They are in no doubt that, in effect, a bit of tough love is needed—they are aware that they need to make changes. However, there are issues with making changes. We cannot produce food without emissions. There is no way in the world to produce food without emissions. There will always be agricultural emissions; therefore, to an extent, there will always be the need to balance, and whether we balance through a calculation that is about exporting renewable electricity or in a different way is a matter to be considered as things progress. The aim with agriculture and food production is to reduce emissions as far as is reasonable, manageable and doable given the current understanding and tools that we have available. However, we will never get emissions in that sector down to zero, because producing food—which is a fairly fundamental thing that we all have to do—will produce emissions.

The Convener

I presume that we do not want to shift emissions to other countries by making it too onerous for people to produce food here.

Roseanna Cunningham

That is an issue. There is a big question mark over some of the ideas that are floating about in respect of people’s diets and all the rest of it—in my view, they would simply shift emissions, which is not particularly helpful in a global sense. If people offshore emissions because of decisions that we make, that is the other side of the coin that Stewart Stevenson mentioned when he talked about our ability to balance using other mechanisms within our economy. Equally, we may end up offshoring emissions, which is not particularly helpful.

Mark Ruskell

I wonder where the evidence is for that offshoring argument. A couple of years ago, the World Bank produced a report that said that environmental policies have been found to induce innovation to offset part of the costs of compliance with environmental policy.

Roseanna Cunningham

I suspect that such policies do both—they encourage innovation and run the risk of encouraging offshoring. I remind members that we are making decisions in Scotland, which is a devolved part of the UK. If our climate change targets encourage businesses to move south of the border, it is easy for them to do that but it does not help us. Given that we have domestic targets in Scotland, from our perspective, offshoring is more about going to the rest of the UK than about going elsewhere completely.

10:30  

I think that both things can happen. Scotland has a great history of innovation, and it continues to innovate, particularly in the areas in question, but there is also a risk. That is why, for example, Norway—which has not set a target, as it has not legislated—has said that it will reach net zero emissions by 2030 if other countries do the same. What is driving its ambition is its need to ensure that it does not get itself so out of kilter with neighbouring countries that it ends up, in effect, causing itself a problem by having parts of its economy disappear over the borders.

Mark Ruskell

You have spoken very negatively about a net zero target. I do not think that I have heard a positive argument from you or any of your officials about that in the past year or so. Can you see any advantages—to the economy, for example—of setting a net zero carbon target?

Roseanna Cunningham

If we did not, we would not be asking the Committee on Climate Change for advice. The point about the net zero target is that, at the moment, we do not know how to get there. We have said right from the outset—from the moment that the bill was introduced—that, if we can get advice about how to get there, the bill was drafted in such a way as to allow us to amend it immediately there is a pathway.

It is not about being negative; it is about needing to be credible and realistic, and needing to see a way to get there. We are already among the most ambitious countries in the world in terms of achieving emissions reductions, and that will not change.

Mark Ruskell

Do you see any advantages to the economy of setting a net zero target and driving innovation? Do you see any advantages in being a first mover on technologies, rather than waiting to see what Norway does and adopting that somewhere down the line?

Roseanna Cunningham

That is not what I was saying. The point that I was making was that, if we set out with a target without knowing how to get there, we would run a real risk of making serious mistakes. I want to get advice from the Committee on Climate Change before we embark on that. However, the minute that that advice comes—the minute that the CCC says, “Here is the pathway”—the Government will adopt it.

Finlay Carson

I want to go back to agriculture and the red meat sector in particular. We must remember that we are only 75 per cent self-sufficient in beef. Throughout the evidence sessions, we have heard perhaps not enthusiasm but certainly an acceptance from academics and the college sector and from farmers that there is more that the sector can do. There is an open-mindedness on that. The suggestion is that most of the difference between a 90 per cent reduction and a reduction to net zero is down to nitrous oxides, and a lot of that will be down to agriculture and transport. Around six months ago, there were lots of rumours—or a bit of scaremongering—that suggested that, if the Government were to go for net zero, that would decimate the red meat industry in Scotland. Is that your belief?

Roseanna Cunningham

One of the challenges relates to the residual gases that we are talking about other than CO2. It is not just about nitrogen; it is also about methane, and methane is a particular issue for meat production.

I go back to what Stewart Stevenson asked about. There is a bigger issue to do with meat production globally, as opposed to how it is managed in Scotland, and there is a tendency to generalise globally. Because something is done in one way in many countries, is that what happens here? I am conscious that a lot of work is being done on the issue, and I know that farmers—particularly those who deal with beef cattle and sheep—are very aware of it.

However, we need to remember that around 86 per cent of the agricultural land in Scotland is in less favoured areas. The hill farmers are already on marginal incomes, so it would not take much to tip them over the edge and end their businesses. I am really conscious of that. We have had a long discussion about a just transition. That is not just about workers; it is also about consumers and individuals, and about some farming sectors. I know that some of the farmers we are talking about live off incomes that range between £14,000 and £18,000, which most people would find astonishing. We have to be careful about the decisions that we make here and what they mean.

Carrots and potatoes are not suddenly going to grow on that 86 per cent of agricultural land in less favoured areas, which is not suitable for any other type of food production. We need to take all those things into account when we think about the effects of some of the decisions that might be made. I am as conscious of all that as anybody is or should be. There will real impacts on real people.

Finlay Carson

A document was published around the time of the Royal Highland Show that suggested that meat production in Scotland would be decimated if the decision was taken to go to net zero.

Roseanna Cunningham

We certainly produced an analysis that said that, without having a specific pathway, the difference between 90 per cent and net zero would put enormous pressure on food production, and particularly meat production.

I cannot imagine that anybody here is unaware of the widespread discussion that is taking place about rapid dietary change being required, which would end up with nobody eating meat at all by 2050. If nobody is eating meat at all, the implications are pretty enormous for anybody who makes a living, however marginal, from the production of meat.

There is real concern about managing the situation. That is why we have to work with farmers to try to get them to a place where we understand what they are doing and how they can get their emissions down as far as possible, and then use some of the balancing-off from other areas. At the end of the day, we all need food, and food has to be produced. Even if people do not eat meat, plants still have to be raised. Whatever we eat, its production will have involved emissions. We just have to be careful about the changes and what they might mean for particular sectors.

Finlay Carson

Right now, with the evidence that we have and the information that you know, if we went to net zero, you believe that it would decimate meat production in Scotland.

Roseanna Cunningham

I do not use words like “decimate”. What I understand to be the case is that this is one of the areas in which we would need to make quite draconian decisions. My point is that there is also a just transition issue here. People produce food on land that will not produce any other food if they no longer farm it in that way. We already import a significant amount of meat, and if we increase those imports, we are in danger of increasing emissions elsewhere.

It goes back to the complicated equation between a decision that we make here and its potential effects on emissions reduction. There could be a positive effect on our emissions and a negative effect on those of other countries. That is why it is complicated.

I do not have an easy answer. Everything I read that suggests that we all have to be vegetarian, if not vegan, by 2050 presupposes that nobody in Scotland will be producing meat. The consequences of that would be pretty drastic, and in those circumstances would have to be thought through very carefully. I am trying not to be alarmist. I am aware that there was some discussion around the RHS that got a bit alarmist. Nevertheless, it is an important issue. If a decision is made in one place, it has consequences in another.

The Convener

Talking of other places, the cabinet secretary will have seen the evidence that we got from our Swedish colleagues, in particular the politician Anders Wijkman, who talked positively about Scotland’s ambition. Here, Sweden is pointed to as the epitome of good practice on the net zero target and so on. The Swedish system, policies and targets are quite different from ours.

Roseanna Cunningham

That is one of the things that has surprised me most in doing this job. I took it as read that international comparisons compared like with like, but that is not the case. The more I understand that, the more I realise that what one country says and does compared with what another says and does can vary considerably and make it almost impossible to do a straight read-across.

That is one of the weaknesses of the international system. It is not within my gift to fix that, but it ought to be fixed. When we look at what another country says that it is doing, it is hard to know how that compares with what we choose to do. The Scottish Government still refers to Sweden as being in the forefront of policy and says that we are second only to Sweden.

The Convener

Anders Wijkman said that about Scotland.

Roseanna Cunningham

If they say that about us, perhaps there is a debate in Sweden that says that Scotland is ahead. I do not know, because I am involved only in our domestic debate.

There are countries that do not include LULUCF—the land use, land-use change and forestry sector—at all. When I ask their ministers why, they say it would be too difficult. Ireland does not include LULUCF in its announcements because it runs four peat-fired power stations. We include a share of international shipping and aviation, but other countries do not—including, I think, Sweden. There is also the issue of carbon credits, on which our approach has been different from that of others. It is frustrating, and I always want to look behind the announcements now. That is why I mentioned Norway. Norway made an announcement about net zero by 2030, but I have looked behind that: the target is not statutory and it is predicated on things that arguably mean that it is challengeable.

We do things in a way that is constrained by legislation and which includes annual targets. We are the only country in the world with annual targets. We are the only country in the world where the Government has to come to Parliament every single year and explain each set of statistics on greenhouse gas emissions. There is no other country in the world where a climate change minister has to do that. In those circumstances, why would we not say that we are among the most ambitious in the world?

The Convener

That is a good point at which to turn to John Scott’s questions on interim targets. I will try to bring in other members. I want to move the agenda along so that we get to everyone’s questions.

John Scott

Before I ask about interim targets, I want to ask a question on the previous subject.

Please accept at the outset, cabinet secretary, that I am not really setting out to be awkward—

Roseanna Cunningham

He said, setting out to be awkward.

John Scott

—but you will be aware of the revolutionary work in Queensland in northern Australia on reducing methane in cattle through the use of seaweed. Under laboratory conditions, the approach reduces methane output by 90 per cent. Some of our research institutes are already aware of and looking at that, but were it to be discovered that seaweed around Scotland shared the same properties that seaweed on the great barrier reef apparently has to facilitate methane reduction in cattle in Scotland, how would we harvest it?

10:45  

Roseanna Cunningham

If we have this conversation, we might simply end up reiterating a conversation that we have already had. An easy answer might be that there is obviously real potential for seaweed farming, and I think that we can all agree that that would be a good way forward.

I do not know the details of the research to which you refer, but I am aware that a lot of work on methane is being done around the world, and we need to be absolutely clear about the practical implications of such scientific research and whether it will work in Scotland. I am sure that Scottish Government officials and, indeed, farmers will be watching that work carefully, because such a way of proceeding could well become very advantageous, if the research is borne out in practice.

John Scott

Many thanks. I will now ask the questions that the convener wants me to ask, which are on the adequacy of interim targets. Given that the 2020 target is on course to be achieved, is it actually challenging enough?

Roseanna Cunningham

You have raised the slightly existential question whether a target is only a good target if it cannot be achieved. If that were the case, you would come and beat us around the head for not achieving it. In that sense, we cannot win if we set a target that is achievable, however stretching it might be, and if we do not achieve it, we are seen to have failed. I do not know any easy answer to your question—all we can do is set targets that seem to be realistic and credible on the basis of the evidence that we have when we set them. In 2009, we set targets that have turned out to be more achievable, but we could not have foreseen at that time some of the things that happened subsequently.

John Scott

I agree. We should be celebrating having achieved the targets instead of beating ourselves over the head for not doing so.

Why has the Scottish Government decided to take a linear emissions reduction pathway to 2050, given what we have heard in evidence about the risk being exponential? Of course, I would need to discuss with Stewart Stevenson whether, by saying the term “exponential”, I am using the right scale in that respect.

Roseanna Cunningham

First, we are constrained in the way that we do things here, in that we have to set out in the climate change plan and so on how we will progress towards the final target of 2050 and show what will happen at each stage. To a certain extent, that binds us into a linear way of thinking.

It is always easier to look at things in the short to medium term, because you will have more confidence about what might or might not be required and what might or might not be available. It is harder to know such things as you move into the longer term. I know that we are not yet at 2020, but trying to think about, say, the year 2040 would be equivalent to trying to think about the year 2020 back in 2000. Some of the things that we are doing now would have been unthinkable and unforeseeable just 20 years ago. There is therefore a constraint in that respect.

The way we are trying to do things at the moment is, I think, the best way possible. I am also not sure what the alternative to linear targets would be.

Sara Grainger

The other way of approaching the question is to ask not why we have linear targets, but why we have not taken any of the other approaches that we could take. For example, we could take a steps-based approach, related to when we expect technology to come on stream, but that would become a guessing game in which you would bet on which year things would come in.

Another possibility would be to have a curve, one way or the other, perhaps with greater effort in the near term. However, we already have the most ambitious targets in the world for 2020 and 2030 and, as the cabinet secretary has made clear, we think that credibility is very important, so we do not think that we can do anything morer in the nearer term.

Roseanna Cunningham

Is that a word?

Sara Grainger

I have invented it. We assumed that doing less in the near term and more later would not be acceptable to stakeholders or the Parliament, so that leaves us with a linear pathway.

John Scott

I see. There are reasonable questions to be asked. Why should we wait until after 2030 for more rapid decarbonisation? In evidence, the committee has been told that the tools and much of the technology already exist in many sectors, but they need to be applied. There might be the issue of the cost of applying that technology sooner rather than later—I see Mr Fuller from the Government’s finance department nodding his head sagely.

Roseanna Cunningham

I suppose that we could have this conversation ad nauseam. We are trying to progress and make changes while keeping in mind all the other issues, such as the consequences, a just transition, social justice and so on, that we need to think about. That is why everything needs to be credible and realistic, because we need to be in a position to make the changes in a way that will not damage sections of society.

I know that there is a bigger argument that, if we do not make the changes, damage is coming anyway from climate change. That is why we are setting out our long-term targets and trying to ensure that all the things that we do work through that balance.

This is a challenge for every single country, but Scotland is meeting that challenge far better than virtually any other country. Are we meeting it perfectly? Perhaps not. Maybe in 20 or 30 years’ time, everyone will be able to sit in this room—I presume that it will not be us—and, with hindsight, look back and say, “They should have said X, Y and Z,” but we can make decisions only on the basis of the information that we have now. That is what we are doing, whether that be in the energy portfolio with the rapid changes that we have made in decarbonising energy—that work will continue apace—or work that cuts across all the other portfolios, too.

John Scott

For the record, do the interim targets, as set out in the bill, fulfil the IPCC’s requirement for

“rapid, far-reaching and unprecedented changes in all aspects of society”?

Roseanna Cunningham

Yes, absolutely.

Sara Grainger

The IPCC report said that the world needs to reach peak emissions very soon. Scotland has passed peak emissions—we have halved emissions since 1990 and we have the most ambitious targets for 2020 and 2030. That very much delivers on what the IPCC has said.

Mark Ruskell

Are there some assumptions that could still be challenged? For example, there is the assumption in the UKCCC advice that, in 2050, we will still be producing electricity by burning North Sea gas. That seems like a very early 20th century debate. Surely technology will have moved on by then.

Roseanna Cunningham

It might have. Oil and gas production is changing rapidly, and I cannot foresee what might be the case in 2050. The Committee on Climate Change is not in any better position than we are, in terms of being able to anticipate what technologies will be available and applicable to that industry, or to any other industry, 32 years from now. That is the difficulty in all this. Unbeknown to us, we could be on the brink of major technological changes in some areas, or we might not. We need to proceed on the basis of what we know now, as opposed to what we think might be the case in another 20 or 30 years’ time.

Claudia Beamish

Some people would argue—it is a credible argument; I mention that because you have talked about things being credible and realistic—that the climate change plans are the policy mechanisms by which, on the back of innovation and technology that develops over the next 30 or 40 years, we can be even more ambitious than the 90 per cent target that you think that we should go for. Surely that pathway is there.

Roseanna Cunningham

Yes, but we do not legislate the climate change plan. The plan is an official document that involves a constantly changing discussion that Government has to have with stakeholders and the committee. I have already indicated that the minute that the bill is through, we will revisit the current climate change plan, which, I remind you, was signed off not that long ago. We will have to consider it again, because it will have to be updated. I see that Claudia Beamish is shaking her head, and I appreciate that the committee might feel that it is engaged in a constant cycle of thinking about the plan but, in truth, that is the case. That is where these discussions and detailed conversations need to be had.

Finlay Carson

Section 5 sets out the target-setting criteria. Generally, people have welcomed the additions and the updating of the position in the 2009 act. However, some people have suggested to us, in relation to the target-setting criterion about not exceeding the fair and safe Scottish emissions budget, that the term “fair and safe” should be defined and calculated. What are your thoughts on that?

Roseanna Cunningham

The term “fair and safe” concerns the total amount of emissions over the period that the Committee on Climate Change thinks would be consistent with an appropriate Scottish contribution to global efforts. Basically, that is all that “fair and safe” means. I understand that, to a lot of people, that sounds a bit circular and does not say very much. There is an issue around that, and there is a possibility that that could be tweaked if people are particularly interested in that issue. The term “fair and safe” could be expanded beyond that, or could be made to be a bit more specific. That is a conversation that could reasonably be had with the committee and others.

Finlay Carson

There was certainly a desire that the term should be defined and calculated. There was also a suggestion that public health should be one of the target-setting criteria. Should public health be added? That could relate to preventative health spend, fuel poverty and so on.

Roseanna Cunningham

That is a discussion that we could have if we decided to add things into “fair and safe”. However, there is a danger that we start to expand the term by including so many things that it becomes meaningless. If you recall, I said earlier that there was quite a lot of work being done in other parts of Government on some of those aspects. To some extent, the just transition commission is about the “fair” part.

There is a discussion to be had about this issue, and I am happy to have that conversation.

Mark Ruskell

How do you define “achievable” in relation to the net zero target?

Roseanna Cunningham

In effect, “achievable” means being able to show how we get from here to there in a way that is credible and realistic. That means avoiding rhetorical flourishes and, instead, looking at what can be done and the timescale in which it can be done. Achievability has to be quite specific: it is not simply about setting a target without thinking about how you get there.

We cannot set a target that is not achievable. If people respond by asking, “What is the point in even trying?” that means that it is not achievable, and Governments in future will simply shrug their shoulders and say that they cannot be blamed for not meeting those targets, because they were simply not achievable.

11:00  

I think that Lord Deben indicated to the committee that there is a degree of judgment around this. If it is financially possible, there is a technological pointer or they can put together a way of getting there that does not require what is in effect a leap in the dark, that is an achievable pathway. That is all that we are looking for. We cannot get absolute certainty, so we are looking for something that we can present to people, in practical terms, as how we get from here to there, what we need to do and what we need to be thinking. That is the achievability issue.

Mark Ruskell

Let us say that we set an ambitious target, far north of what is in the bill, and that we came close to achieving it, but did not actually achieve it. Would there be any advantages to society as a result of taking that pathway and trying to meet the target? Would we have sent out any positive signals to business or innovators?

Roseanna Cunningham

I would need to know what you were talking about in terms of getting there. Presently, we do not have a pathway. I remind everybody that the Committee on Climate Change’s advice is that 90 per cent is at the very “limits of feasibility”. I very much hope that nobody here thinks that a Government should act in a way that is not feasible. We are asking the Committee on Climate Change to update its advice two years down the line and consider whether it thinks that there is a feasible way of doing it. If there is, we will do it that way.

Mark Ruskell

Do you see any feedback in terms of innovation? By setting a net zero target, you would send out a signal for those who want to innovate—

Roseanna Cunningham

Innovation is happening across the board now and the target sits at 80 per cent. I am not sure that an argument about this particular target will necessarily drive innovation any faster than it is already being driven.

Mark Ruskell

Why was achievability not a major factor in the 2009 bill, but it is in this bill?

Roseanna Cunningham

I am sure that it was a major factor in the discussions at the time. The reality is that, as part of the 2009 bill, there was a lot of discussion about targets. I seem to remember—I may be wrong because I did not do the 2009 bill—there being a choice of two targets and that we went for the higher target.

Sara Grainger

The term “achievable” is in the 2009 act.

Roseanna Cunningham

There you go. At the end of the day, achievability ought not to have to be in legislation. Are we seriously arguing that a Government and a Parliament should be legislating on things that they do not think are achievable? That would be an astonishing position to be in. Achievability ought to underpin just about everything that we do without having to be legislated for.

Achievability was part of the discussion in relation to the 2009 act and it is a discussion now. That discussion is driven by the advice that we have had that, at the moment, the net zero target is not achievable because a pathway to it cannot be seen. That is why we are having the discussion in the terms that we are.

Every piece of Government legislation and every Government policy has to be predicated on achievability. It is not a game.

Mark Ruskell

It is physically impossible to meet a net zero target.

Roseanna Cunningham

No. You can go on twisting my words if you want, but you know perfectly well that that is not what I am saying.

Mark Ruskell

It was a question.

Claudia Beamish

It was a question.

The Convener

I will come in here. A couple of people from whom we have heard, including Lord Deben and, I think, Andy Kerr from ClimateXChange, warned against or were critical of other Governments that have been virtue signalling. If you put out something and say that you will do X, but, as you say, you are not looking behind that at what is achievable, what impact could that have?

Roseanna Cunningham

I cannot speak for everybody’s targets and policy statements. All that I can keep saying is that a lot of Governments make high-level calls, but they are not legislating or being held to account for them; in many cases, they will certainly not be held to account in the next 10, 15 or 20 years. A lot of expectation is loaded into a presumption that somewhere around 2035 or 2040 we will have amazing technological changes that will make all this doable.

In the circumstances in which that does not come through, the difficulty and danger is that ordinary people and businesses will default to saying, “What is the point of this, if it is not achievable?” I would rather talk in terms of achievability, credibility and realistic expectations—as we are doing—and push further only when we know that everything is locked into place. If the UK Committee on Climate Change advises us that a net zero target is now feasible, in March, April, May or whenever, we will do it. We may be talking about the difference between where the Government is currently with legislation and where it might choose to make amendments in just a few months’ time. We are in danger of angels dancing on the head of a pin.

Stewart Stevenson

Is achievability also about avoiding things that will not contribute to achievability? I go back to the Northern Ireland renewable heat initiative, which has made things worse for climate change and cost £0.5 billion. When we conclude whether something is achievable, we have to look at the risks—if they are serious, the danger if the thing is not achieved is that it will waste money and take us in the wrong direction.

Roseanna Cunningham

Indeed, and we have had conversations this morning around that. To a certain extent, we have to be able to make the best decision that we can with the evidence that we have. We cannot foresee the unforeseeable. I do not know whether the renewable heat initiative in Northern Ireland was specifically targeted to climate change emissions reductions. I guess that they thought reductions would be a good benefit from it, but it is an example of what can happen if something goes badly wrong.

On the other hand, we have to avoid the danger of paralysis in some areas. We will continually have to make decisions about a balance of advantage and disadvantage, and there is absolutely no doubt that we have to go forward. We could end up in paralysis if all we do is constantly look at risks—they are in almost everything that we do, because everything that we do in life carries risk. The issue is about best evidence, realism, credibility and making decisions that can be justified; if there are disadvantages, they can be worked off against the advantages and balanced in that way.

Angus MacDonald

I will go back to use of carbon credits. Under what circumstances might they be used, for example, to achieve net zero? Given that their availability and cost are likely to be prohibitive from the 2040s onwards, why is their use being retained?

Roseanna Cunningham

I cannot imagine that carbon credits will ever be used and the bill in effect establishes a new default position, such that we cannot use credits to help to meet a target. However, if in the future it were to be thought that credits should be allowed, we would have to go back to Parliament and go through a process in order for that to happen. We are not really expecting that. Under the bill, credits could not be used to meet targets without our introducing a statutory instrument that would be subject to affirmative procedure.

Even with a non-zero limit, credits cannot represent more than 20 per cent of a year-on-year change in emissions—but the cost rules that out, from Scotland’s perspective. If we were to use credits to make up the gap, particularly with the net zero emissions target to which we do not yet have a pathway, we would be talking about £15 billion over the period to 2050. Our Scottish budget could not possibly support that, and the money would have to be found from right across the Scottish Government.

I do not see the point of carbon credits. The question goes back to the decision about offshoring: we would, in effect, just be letting somebody else reduce emissions on our behalf. We would be banking the good feeling from having achieved our targets without having done anything at all for global emissions reductions. Carbon credits are a bit of a red herring in all this.

Angus MacDonald

I will continue on that red-herring theme. You mentioned the 20 per cent limit. How was that decided on? What analysis was done to arrive at that figure?

Roseanna Cunningham

You will need to ask the Labour Party that question because it was a Labour amendment to the 2009 legislation that introduced that. I am not sure what the thinking was. In fairness, I note that I do not think that Claudia Beamish was here, then.

Claudia Beamish

No.

Roseanna Cunningham

I suspect that we accepted the amendment in the spirit of trying to give something. There was no detailed Government analysis, although there was a determination not to use the limit, so accepting the amendment would not have been an issue.

Angus MacDonald

On inventory revisions, we had a response from the bill team a while back that said that

“a fundamental change in the scope of future inventories”

is expected due to the incorporation of

“new emission factors and categories of peatland condition”

being

“likely to substantially increase emissions from LULUCF in Scotland.”

Will inventory revisions make targets easier or harder to meet? For example, by how much will inclusion of peatland emissions increase emissions from the LULUCF sector? What has been done to mitigate those emissions?

Roseanna Cunningham

Inventory revisions are completely out of our control because they are driven by changes in the science and in measurement. They can help in one year and hinder in another. They are quite volatile, which is one of the reasons why quite a lot of countries do not include LULUCF in their emissions stats. The decision was made in Scotland to include inventory revisions, but that means that we are subject to that volatility, which can be year on year.

We know that some major revisions are coming down the track. We have not seen the detail, however: I understand that the UK Government has a report that it is not sharing it with us, although we know that it will be pretty significant.

The revisions are a particular issue for us because we have our annual targets. Revisions can have different impacts from year to year, so we are, for that reason, not proposing to change our annual targets. However, we must have a way of managing inventory revisions.

About 18 months ago, there was a period when we thought that the bill would end up being subsumed by the argument about inventory revisions, but the work that we have done with stakeholders and everybody else behind the scenes to bottom out the impacts has meant that we have come to what we consider to be a reasonable conclusion.

There is a lot of uncertainty about the amount that we are talking about and—as I said—we have not seen the detail of the UK Government report. Scotland has about two thirds of the UK’s peatlands, but accounts for only about one third of peatland emissions. We think that the impact on Scotland could be about 6 megatonnes of CO2, which is about 10 per cent of the inventory. That would increase emissions by 4 to 5 percentage points. You can see that the impact will be quite significant if we do not manage emissions better.

We must remember that this is nothing to do with domestic effort. The inventory revisions result from changes in measurements, in the science and in understanding. That will continue to be the case, particularly in the LULUCF sector. There was a year when we benefited from inventory revisions relating to forestry because a way was found of counting smaller parts of woodland cover than had originally been included in the statistics. That was a measurement change as opposed to a science change—although, I suppose, measurement is also science. That all happens at a level way above us.

11:15  

Mark Ruskell

Further to that, is work being done on how we measure emissions from agriculture? Obviously there are, other than production, many things that agricultural holdings do, including renewable energy production and agroforestry. Will they address the difficulties that agriculture has in reducing its emissions to zero, which we talked about earlier?

Roseanna Cunningham

It is fair to say that there is a bit of a grumble in the agriculture sector about the fact that it does not get credit for many of the things that it is doing because those achievements are assigned to other sectors. We need to acknowledge that farmers do much more than appears to be the case. Work is on-going in the industry and the scientific community on the potential for reducing emissions in agriculture, and we are talking to the sector about how we might better reflect its achievements. There is a conversation to be had about what we can do better in the food-production side, but there is also a question about how we assign emissions reductions sector by sector.

Sara Grainger

Exactly. It is difficult to look at the inventory and say who is responsible for which emissions reduction in which sector. An error that people commonly, and understandably, make is to think that the statistics on the agriculture sector reflect everything that farmers do. There is a big difference between everything else that farmers do and agriculture: they do an awful lot to reduce emissions that is captured in other sectors—for example, power generation, which is all captured in the inventory but not under the agriculture heading. Perhaps when we talk about the statistics, we need to make it clear that “agriculture” does not mean everything that farmers and landowners do.

Roseanna Cunningham

We should remember that we are using an international set of standards for greenhouse gas emissions, and what we count for agriculture is part of that. There is perhaps an opportunity for us, even though it is not part of the greenhouse gas statistics every year, to do a calculation that shows what agriculture is delivering, on the understanding that that cannot be used as a replacement for what appears in the greenhouse gas emissions stats, which measure a very specific thing, as opposed to wider matters.

Agriculture is not the only sector that is affected in that way. The building sector is similarly affected: some of the work that it does will be assigned to the energy sector rather than to the building sector. The situation is not straightforward in any sector.

Finlay Carson

We have touched on the fact that peatlands and agriculture have important parts to play. I would like to get something on the record in that regard. We know that climate change has no national boundaries. How are you engaging with the UK Government on how the whole UK can make advances?

Roseanna Cunningham

I try to engage as much as possible, but sometimes that is a little one-sided.

John Scott

I have a series of questions on the TIMES model and the cost estimate of £13 billion in the financial memorandum.

Roseanna Cunningham

This is the science bit.

John Scott

This is the actuality bit.

Emissions pathways in non-energy sectors, including land-use change, waste and parts of agriculture, were not updated in moving from an 80 per cent target to a 90 per cent target in the TIMES modelling. Why were those emissions pathways not updated?

Roseanna Cunningham

The short answer is that we considered those areas to be already at a point at which we could not see a pathway beyond that. That is not to say that the position will not change in the future. However, at present we feel that if we were to update the pathways further, we would be out in a canoe without paddles. When it comes to doing the TIMES modelling runs, that would not make sense.

Simon Fuller might want to expand on my very non-scientific answer.

Simon Fuller (Scottish Government)

Absolutely. In the TIMES framework and the associated modelling, we try to look at the lowest-cost option for moving from 80 per cent to 90 per cent reduction. Although there are options for increasing emissions reductions in all sectors, the most cost-effective way to proceed that we could identify was to focus primarily on industry, surface transport and, to an extent, buildings and property. That is the basis on which the modelling that fed into the financial memorandum was done.

John Scott

I see.

As far as confidence in the estimated cost of £13 billion is concerned, we have a variety of figures in front of us, which, to be frank, I do not fully understand. The cost of achieving a 90 per cent reduction is said to be £13 billion, but that figure is unadjusted for inflation. If the cost is adjusted for inflation, it goes up to £25 billion. If the figure is adjusted for inflation and the impact of discounting is removed, the estimated cost of moving to a 90 per cent target is £59 billion. Which figure should we use? I appreciate that Mr Fuller says that we are trying to achieve the least-cost way of getting to where we want to be, and I fully support that. However, there is a huge range of figures out there, and I would welcome an explanation of what they mean, how they work and how we got to them.

Simon Fuller

The easiest way to do it might be to start with the highest figure and work back. The £59 billion would be the cash outlay—the amount of money that would have to go out the door. We have the figures that are adjusted for inflation and discounting because the cash outlays will occur over a 32-year period. When we spend £1 billion in 2050, the real cost of that is less than £1 billion in today’s prices, because there will be inflation and economic growth in the intervening period. More generally, spending money in the future is easier than spending money today.

The £25 billion figure takes into account the discounting that factors in future economic growth, which obviously affects the affordability of policies. The idea of discounting is standard practice when costs are looked at over a longer timeframe. The discount rates and assumptions that we use are taken from the Treasury’s green book appraisal guidance, which sets out standard assumptions that should be used when discounting over future years.

The final adjustment that we make is for inflation over a 32-year period, which is quite substantial. We want to strip out the effect of inflation. That leaves us with a figure that provides the most realistic expression of what the cost would be when it is thought about in today’s prices.

John Scott

I would not go so far as to call that “sophistry”, but it sounds like a wonderful way of dressing up the fact that achieving the target will cost £59 billion even if, at today’s prices, it is only £13 billion.

Roseanna Cunningham

Hang on—it is a little unfair to use the term “sophistry” when we are applying a standard practice that all Governments in the UK use. We are not departing from what is considered to be the appropriate way of calculating the cost. To a degree, there has to be built-in uncertainty, because we cannot know for certain. What we are trying to do is use all the tools we have that are understood to be robust. They are the Treasury’s way of calculating costs, so if you are calling it “sophistry”, in effect you are also accusing your own party’s Government of that.

John Scott

I submit. I give in, cabinet secretary. [Laughter.]

Roseanna Cunningham

All that we are doing is what is considered to be established practice. I agree that, although it is sophisticated guesswork, it is guesswork.

John Scott

I will go back to the questions. We should then have absolute confidence, or as much as we can have with all the caveats that the cabinet secretary gave, in the £13 billion figure. From what I have read, the TIMES model has 2,000 variables, and each of those has four different variables, so there are about 8,000 variables. In terms of probability theory, I do not know how that holds together. It must be very sophisticated mathematics to provide absolute confidence in the predictions, with so many variables.

Roseanna Cunningham

I do not think that anybody can have absolute confidence—“absolute” is not a word I would use here. We can have reasonable confidence on the basis of what we are doing and saying now that, to the best of our knowledge, those figures are appropriate. I cannot say for sure that, in 20, 30 or 40 years, people will not be sitting here laughing about that. Everything has to be done on the basis of our best understanding right now, using the appropriate methods that are mandated for use across the whole of the UK, in order to achieve the results. That is the best that I can say, folks.

John Scott

I think that that is all for me to ask—oh gosh, there is more over the page.

Does the £13 billion include consideration of the potential social, economic and environmental benefits of climate mitigation policies, such as benefits to health or biodiversity?

Roseanna Cunningham

No. As I understand it, we have not tried to calculate that side of the equation. I have made the point that there will be other benefits. They might not all be easily quantifiable, but they do exist. There is also an economic benefit. Mark Ruskell asked questions earlier about that. Clearly, there is an economic benefit from the technological change and innovation that is happening and will continue to happen. The last time that we looked at that, it was something like $29 trillion.

Sara Grainger

That is the figure that is available globally.

Roseanna Cunningham

It is available globally. It would be a bit much to expect that to be available in Scotland.

John Scott

I would think so.

Roseanna Cunningham

That figure is no more quantifiable than the other elements. I do not know what the calculation is, but there is a figure and people are thinking about the potential benefits. We have to produce the potential costs. We have done that in the best way we can.

John Scott

Have you done any analysis on the risks and cost benefits of actions to mitigate climate change at different rates from the ones that are proposed?

Sara Grainger

In arriving at the proposal for a 90 per cent target, we conducted a range of impact assessments on the difference between the current target of 80 per cent and a 90 per cent target. I will not list them, but there was a good handful. We set out various costs, benefits and risks. On the difference between the 90 per cent target and the net zero target, we set out as best we could in the analysis paper that we published alongside the bill what we thought the risks and the different ways to achieve the target were.

To summarise briefly, the primary benefits of tackling climate change as quickly as is feasible include being at the forefront of the global shift to carbon neutrality and getting a good share of the figure for technological change and innovation that the cabinet secretary mentioned. As all countries move to carbon neutrality, there will be good markets for those technologies and skills. By being at the forefront, Scotland can capitalise on that very successfully. There are also all the health co-benefits, such as clean air and more active travel.

There are social risks, though, and risks around interactions with other policies. For example, if we try to go too far too fast, there are risks to fuel poverty. The interaction between reducing emissions and reducing fuel poverty is very finely balanced. If we try to do one too fast, we will damage the other. That is one of the major risks that we looked at.

11:30  

John Scott

Will you explain that a bit more? The Minister for Energy, Connectivity and the Islands, Paul Wheelhouse, said that in a statement last week, but I do not fully understand the risks of moving forward more quickly on the targets and reducing heat loss.

Sara Grainger

Increasing the energy efficiency of a building does not increase greenhouse gas emissions. There is a different kind of risk there, which relates to whether Scotland can get the economic benefits from the supply chain, which I am much less familiar with.

I will oversimplify this but, on the issue of moving to lower use of carbon fuels to heat homes, fossil-fuel heating is currently cheaper than low-carbon heating. If we push really fast to reduce emissions, we will push people to use more expensive fuels, which will increase fuel poverty. The same applies vice versa: if we push quite hard to reduce fuel poverty, more people will use more fuel fossil-fuel heating and emissions will increase. There is a fine balance there, and we have to try to achieve both through a carefully calibrated, steady approach.

John Scott

If I have understood you, you are saying that you expect the cost of fuel that is produced with fewer carbon emissions to come down, which is why you are prepared to wait a little longer to get to that point and push for those improvements.

Sara Grainger

Yes.

The Convener

I am afraid that we have run out of time. I thank the cabinet secretary and her officials for all their evidence this morning.

11:32 Meeting suspended.  

11:38 On resuming—  

27 November 2018

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19 June 2018

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23 October 2018

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30 October 2018

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6 November 2018

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13 November 2018

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15 November 2018

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20 November 2018

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27 November 2018

Committee findings

What is secondary legislation?

Secondary legislation is sometimes called 'subordinate' or 'delegated' legislation. It can be used to:

  • bring a section or sections of a law that’s already been passed into force
  • give details of how a law will be applied
  • make changes to the law without a new Act having to be passed

An Act is a Bill that’s been approved by Parliament and been given Royal Assent (formally approved).

Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee's Stage 1 report

This report was published on 4 March 2019.

Delegated Powers and Law Reform Committee's Stage 1 report

This report was published on 14 November 2018.

Debate on the Bill

A debate for MSPs to discuss what the Bill aims to do and how it'll do it. 

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Stage 1 debate transcript

The Presiding Officer (Ken Macintosh)

Our next item of business is a debate on motion S5M-16697, in the name of Roseanna Cunningham, on the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill, at stage 1.

14:30  

The Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform (Roseanna Cunningham)

I thank the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee for its stage 1 report. I am pleased that it supports the general principles of the bill and recognises that it will maintain Scotland’s place among countries that are at the forefront of global ambition on climate change, and that it will make target setting more transparent and accountable. Those are exactly the reasons why we introduced the bill in the first place.

I intend to summarise the Scottish Government’s view of the bill and to set out our response to the lead committee’s recommendations. I will focus on three main areas. First, I will focus on Scotland’s headline target and the upcoming advice from the Committee on Climate Change. Secondly, I will focus on the importance of transparency and rigour for the framework within which the targets are being set. Thirdly, I will focus on the vital question of how the on-the-ground-measures that will be used to achieve the targets should be agreed.

The Scottish Government has been absolutely clear about achieving its long-term goal of net zero emissions as soon as possible. Throughout the bill process, we have been consistent in our intention to set a target date for that in law, as soon as it can be done credibly and responsibly. The bill includes the most ambitious statutory emissions reduction targets of any country in the world for 2020, 2030 and 2040, and it means that Scotland will be carbon neutral by 2050. Those targets follow the CCC’s 2017 advice on the highest-ambition Scottish response to the Paris agreement that remains within the limits of feasibility.

In its stage 1 report, the committee has acknowledged the world-leading nature of the targets in the bill, as have a number of leading international figures, including Laurent Fabius, the architect of the Paris agreement, who has described the bill as a

“concrete application of the ... Agreement”.

The bill clearly delivers on the Scottish Government’s commitment always to strive for the most ambitious credible climate targets. However, I recognise that the evidence continues to evolve at a rapid pace. In particular, the special report, “Global Warming of 1.5°C” that was published by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change last October, represents a very significant step forward in the scientific evidence that underpinned the Paris agreement, and I am delighted that the lead authors of the IPCC’s report are in Edinburgh this week for a major scientific meeting, as part of their preparations for their next assessment review.

In responding quickly to the IPCC’s report, the Scottish Government joined the Welsh and United Kingdom Governments in jointly commissioning from the CCC further independent expert advice on targets. That advice is scheduled to be published on 2 May. If the CCC advises that higher targets for Scotland are now credible, the Scottish Government will act quickly, in line with that advice. I emphasise that important point: if, in its advice in May, the CCC advises that a date for net zero emissions of all greenhouse gases can now credibly be set, we will act to amend the bill to that effect at stage 2.

The Scottish Government recognises the urgency of the call to action on climate change. That call has been set out through the science of the IPCC, and is now being expressed very eloquently to us by our young people. I believe that some of those young people are here to watch this afternoon’s proceedings.

The devastating flooding that Malawi is currently experiencing is making it painfully clear what is at stake for communities around the world. All too often, it is those who have contributed least to climate change who are hit hardest by it.

In the light of some confusion in the ECCLR Committee stage 1 report on our approach in relation to the ambition of near-term targets to reduce emissions, I clarify once again that we have already asked the CCC to provide updated advice on the appropriate levels of all Scotland’s future targets, including those for 2020 and 2030. If the CCC advises that higher near-term targets are now credible, the Scottish Government will act quickly to put such targets in the bill at stage 2. Whatever targets are agreed by Parliament will then shape the update of the current “Climate Change Plan: third report on proposals and policies 2018-2032”.

I want the CCC’s advice next month to inform Parliament’s deliberations on the bill. I note the ECCLR Committee’s intention to seek for the remaining stages a timetable that will allow it to take further evidence, following publication of the CCC’s advice. It is my hope that the committee will be able to find a wide consensus around a set of targets that reflect the highest credible level of ambition.

I turn to the framework around the headline emissions reduction targets. The Scottish Parliament’s Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009 is already the toughest statutory framework on climate change in the world. Scotland remains the only country to have set statutory annual targets to reduce its emissions, and has ensured annual scrutiny here in Parliament. We were the first to include in our targets a fair share of emissions from international aviation and shipping, and I am pleased that Wales has now joined us in doing that.

Scotland’s approach is working well. As members know, Scotland has almost halved its emissions since the 1990 baseline, and the last three annual emissions reduction targets have been met. As the ECCLR Committee recognises in its stage 1 report, the bill makes a range of changes to improve further the transparency and accountability of the 2009 act target framework, while maintaining its rigour. For example, the bill’s provisions will measure progress towards targets based on actual emissions from Scotland, and the bill establishes the clear default position that no international carbon credits can be used to meet domestic targets.

The ECCLR Committee has proposed further changes to the target framework. The Scottish Government accepts many of the proposed changes and will explore updating the definition of Scotland’s fair and safe emissions budget so that it is more directly linked to the Paris agreement, including the aim that it has set for global temperature.

Neil Findlay (Lothian) (Lab)

Just for clarity, can the minister confirm whether the Scottish Government has completely abandoned its plans either to cut air passenger duty or to eradicate it altogether?

Roseanna Cunningham

It would be helpful if members were to focus on areas that are within my portfolio. Colleagues will deal with specific issues that arise in relation to their portfolios.

The additional changes to the framework, combined with those that are already in the bill, will ensure that Scotland continues to have the most rigorous, transparent and accountable framework of climate change legislation anywhere in the world.

That, in turn, will ensure that the framework continues to fulfil its purpose of driving effective on-the-ground action to reduce emissions. The Scottish Government recognises that highly ambitious climate change targets have to be matched by an equally ambitious package of delivery measures, if they are to be credible and meaningful.

The approach that was established by this Parliament’s 2009 act is for ambitious evidence-based targets to be set in legislation, and then for the Government to introduce regular and comprehensive climate change plans that set out how the targets will be met, with Parliament playing a key role in scrutinising the plans.

I note the committee’s view that it might have preferred to include specific delivery measures and targets in the bill. Although I understand the desire to consider headline targets and delivery measures side by side, I consider that what is most important is that we get the best possible package of delivery measures for the people of Scotland. The Scottish Government is of the view that the current approach remains the best way to achieve that outcome. Setting out delivery measures through regular strategic plans allows measures to be updated as circumstances and technologies evolve. The plan process means that a wide range of policies can be considered so that we find the most beneficial pathways overall.

To put a specific set of delivery measures directly into statute now would risk compromising the approach and might lead to less effective overall planning—potentially even by binding us to delivery mechanisms that prove to be ineffective or that will be overtaken.

John Scott (Ayr) (Con)

Does the cabinet secretary concede that the bill is strong on ambition but rather weak and short on costed solutions? The financial memorandum is, at best, unclear in that regard, so can the cabinet secretary give any clarification?

Roseanna Cunningham

John Scott is a member of the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee, which has taken evidence from a number of people who have flagged up the point that long-term costing for climate change is not simple, and that the further out we go, the harder and more vague it becomes. The bill is about target setting, and a lot of the detail will be discussed in considering the climate change plans. I know that the member and some of his colleagues are very keen for that aspect of costing to be part of the discussion: I therefore expect that it will be.

In that context, I recognise that it is vital that the climate change plan process works as well as possible. I also recognise that there is scope for improvement in the process, so I welcome many of the constructive suggestions that the committee has made. The bill already includes the addition of new annual statutory sector-by-sector reporting for monitoring delivery of climate change plans. As has been requested by the committee, we will bring forward the timing of those reports from October to before the summer recess. The Scottish Government has also committed to exploring lodging a range of amendments, including amendments that would specify a structure of chapter headings for future plans.

We have already committed to looking again at the content of the current plan as soon as the bill is finalised. I have noted the committee’s recommendation on the timing of that update, and I will consider that carefully with my colleagues. We will provide a further response to Parliament once the CCC’s advice on target levels is available, but prior to the start of stage 2.

The transition to our being a carbon neutral and then a net zero emissions country will be transformational. The current climate change plan includes plans to phase out the need for new fossil-fuel vehicles by 2032, and effectively to decarbonise all buildings by 2050. Although there will be immense co-benefits and opportunities, hard decisions will be needed in many areas. As the IPCC made clear in its special report, everyone will have to act—Governments, businesses, communities and individuals.

Alex Rowley (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)

Does the cabinet secretary accept that, if we are to make the just transition that everyone talks about, we certainly need to do a lot better than we are currently doing on employment in renewables in this country?

Roseanna Cunningham

I think that there is broad agreement on the need to do that. If I have time, I will talk a little about the just transition, which is central to a lot of what we are doing.

Everyone who is calling for even higher target ambition must also, if those calls are to be credible, be prepared to support practical on-the-ground measures to deliver the additional emissions reductions. A number of the policy levers that are needed to deliver the transformational changes to create a carbon-neutral Scotland remain reserved to Westminster.

For example, decarbonisation of heat depends on UK Government decisions on the future of the gas network. The potential for industrial-scale deployment of carbon capture, usage and storage depends on decisions about conservation of critical infrastructure in the North Sea. Faster decarbonisation of transport in Scotland could be achieved by enabling Scotland’s electricity network companies to make investment decisions that differ from those that are made in other parts of Great Britain.

More broadly, an approach to UK taxation that is coherent with high ambition on climate change and inclusivity could enable a faster pace of decarbonisation that is fair for all. The UK Government is able to tax goods and services to reflect the environmental harm that is inherent in their production or consumption. Through broad business taxation powers, including corporate taxes and reliefs, the UK Government is able to influence investment decisions and the structure of the economy. That is why it is so important that the forthcoming CCC advice will consider UK as well as Scottish and Welsh targets.

I again thank the lead committee for the constructive recommendations in its report. Climate change is a defining and far-reaching issue on which cross-party consensus is especially important. The general principles of the bill—of Scotland striving for the highest ambition on credible targets, and doing so within a transparent framework that provides strong roles for independent expert advice and parliamentary scrutiny—are ones on which I sincerely hope we can all agree. I look forward to our debate.

I am proud to move,

That the Parliament agrees to the general principles of the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill.

The Presiding Officer

I call Gillian Martin, the convener of the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee.

14:45  

Gillian Martin (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)

As convener of the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee, I welcome the opportunity to highlight the committee’s views on the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill.

Climate change is the biggest environmental and societal challenge that we face. It represents the single greatest threat to our existence on this planet, and it is the most significant intergenerational justice issue of our time. Many of us in the chamber have children, grandchildren, nieces and nephews, and it is their world that we are fighting to save. They are telling us loud and clear that we need to do more. They are organising outside this Parliament every week and demanding that we act. We must listen and ensure that we acknowledge the urgency and gravity of the task at hand.

The bill presents us with a timely opportunity to examine Scotland’s current ambition, and to explore what we can all do to limit global warming and tackle climate change now. We all recognise the urgency of the situation, so we need to increase and accelerate our action in the near term. We also need to recognise that the benefits and cost savings of early action far outweigh the costs of climate change itself. Increasing our climate change ambitions will offer clear potential for innovation, jobs, the economy, the environment and the wellbeing of the people of Scotland and beyond. We want Scotland to be at the forefront of exploring, developing and investing in those opportunities and the technology that will help us to reach our emissions targets.

The Scottish Government has stated that it is working towards

“a low carbon economy that will help to deliver sustainable economic growth and create a greener, fairer and healthier Scotland”.

We believe that the bill represents a significant step in the right direction, by strengthening Scotland’s existing climate change legislation and setting Scotland on the path to achieving the ambitious targets that are set out in the Paris agreement.

The bill sets a target of a 90 per cent reduction in all greenhouse gases by 2050, and it allows for a target of a 100 per cent reduction in greenhouse gas emissions from the baseline—known as a net zero target—to be created at a future date. It also introduces more challenging interim targets, including a 66 per cent drop in greenhouse gas emissions by 2030, with a 78 per cent decrease envisaged by 2040. We welcome the introduction of more challenging interim targets and note the cabinet secretary’s points about accepting the UK Committee on Climate Change’s revised advice.

Although we recognise that this is a framework bill, our exploration of the issues that it raises has taken us far beyond figures and percentages. We travelled across the country and found communities eager to support Scotland’s ambition to be a global leader. We held outreach events in Glasgow, Elgin and Kirkcaldy, as well as one here in Parliament. At those events, we asked participants to set out the changes that they would personally be prepared to make in order to achieve more ambitious climate change targets. One of the more memorable visits was to Wallacestone primary school in Brightons, where we met the school’s eco group—a group of young future leaders who were brimming with ideas on how we can move forward together. We also held several formal evidence sessions with stakeholders from across Scotland, as well as with experts who are tackling climate change issues in Sweden, in order to gain an international perspective.

The evidence that we heard throughout our scrutiny of the bill at stage 1 served only to emphasise the scale of the challenge that we face, as well as the immediate need for action. We identified several significant issues that still need to be addressed, and provisions that still require strengthening, in order to ensure that Scotland fully contributes to meeting the challenge of limiting temperature rises.

We are conscious that the bill was drafted ahead of the publication of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change report on limiting global temperature rises to 1.5°C. The committee supports the report’s findings and urges the Scottish Government to ensure that the stark evidence presented in it is taken into account at stage 2.

The targets in the bill were based on the advice from the Committee on Climate Change in 2017. As we have said, updated advice from the Committee on Climate Change on the targets that we should be seeking to achieve will be published in early May.

Elaine Smith (Central Scotland) (Lab)

Was the committee disappointed by the Government’s late response to the stage 1 report?

Gillian Martin

Obviously, I am speaking on behalf of the committee. It is always good to have time to consider a Government response, but we were aware of the fact that we were given considerable time—extra time—at stage 1 to put together our report. We have to be mindful of the fact that we were given many weeks of extra time earlier this year.

We have recommended that the bill should reflect the most ambitious targets that are set out in the forthcoming advice from the Committee on Climate Change and that the Government should provide an explanation if it acts contrary to any advice from the CCC.

We identified several other areas that needed to be addressed. As the IPCC’s report states, we have a crucial 12-year period. If we do not get things in line, we will find it incredibly difficult to get back on track. With that stark warning in mind, we need a greater sense of urgency to ensure that global temperatures do not rise to dangerous levels in the near term. Therefore, we ask for clarity to be provided on the temperature limit that the bill seeks to work towards. We recommend that that should be 1.5°C and that it should reflect the most ambitious scenario of the CCC’s forthcoming advice.

We also need a greater focus on transformational behaviour change at the individual, institutional and systemic levels, so we ask the Scottish Government to prioritise, promote and incentivise behaviour change.

John Scott

I note Gillian Martin’s comments on behalf of the committee on limiting the temperature rise to 1.5°C and our preparedness to take advice from the Committee on Climate Change.

The cabinet secretary has talked about a “credible” scenario. Would Gillian Martin be happy to concede that the cabinet secretary has made a valid point in that regard?

Gillian Martin

I will concede that, because targets are all very well, but we need pathways in order to achieve them, or else we will fail. We cannot afford to fail in reaching our ambition.

We noted that

“Climate justice requires further focus”

to ensure that everyone is supported in the transition to a decarbonised economy and society. No one should be left behind. Therefore, we ask the Scottish Government to continue to place an emphasis on a just transition and to consider all steps necessary to ensure that the most vulnerable in our society are protected.

We noted in our report that

“Further consideration is needed on the possibility of establishing an independent Just Transition Commission”,

which could be underpinned by statute.

Alex Rowley

I welcome what the committee’s report said about that and note that the committee also said:

“Further consideration should be given to setting sector specific targets within the Bill.”

On a just transition, we know that transport, for example, has performed fairly poorly and that agriculture has a long way to go. However, there is sometimes the view in those sectors that they are not quite sure what they are meant to do and what support they should get. Should the committee push further on setting sector targets so that we understand better what is going on in those sectors and what needs to go on in them?

Gillian Martin

I take on board Alex Rowley’s view on that, but we do not want to constrain ourselves, because we do not yet know where the innovation will be. We recommended that, in their support for businesses, business support networks and business support agencies such as Scottish Enterprise prioritise low-carbon innovation. As I said, we do not know where the innovation will be. If we set strict sectoral targets, we might constrain development.

We believe that the Government needs to take a holistic approach to climate change across all sectors and that further work is needed on target setting and identifying pathways for key sectors. Investment in and support for innovation, knowledge exchange and technology transfer and support to sectors such as agriculture and transport will be vital to meeting the targets.

In our report, we asked the Scottish Government to consider introducing sector-specific targets and to provide further clarity on the targets that it has already set. We have also asked it to clarify the costs and opportunities associated with setting revised targets and to consider the limitations of the TIMES model.

We believe that further clarity on and safeguards in the use of carbon credits are necessary. We also believe that there should be no fixed period for parliamentary scrutiny of climate change plans and that monitoring reports should be published in time for parliamentary committees to consider them in their budget scrutiny. I thank the cabinet secretary for her response on that today.

As a developed country, Scotland has a responsibility to lead action to ensure that future generations inherit a world that is sustainable. A secure and fair future for the planet lies at the heart of what the bill is trying to achieve, and experts have advised that that will only come about through transformational change.

I have been inspired—we have all been inspired—by the children and young people who have participated in climate strikes across Scotland. We hosted 13 climate strikers at our committee this morning and some of them are in the gallery this afternoon. In 12 years’ time, they will no longer be children. They will be adults dealing with the consequences of our actions now. We have a choice to make. Do we help them now or do we hinder their future? We want to see greater urgency and action across all parts of Government—

The Presiding Officer

Convener.

Gillian Martin

The bill represents a significant step in the right direction. I commend the general principles of the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill to the Scottish Parliament and recommend that they be agreed to, but, as highlighted throughout our report, the committee has raised several significant issues that need to be addressed. The committee, therefore, invites the Scottish Government to address those issues at stage 2.

The Presiding Officer

Thank you convener. I call Maurice Golden, to be followed by Claudia Beamish.

14:55  

Maurice Golden (West Scotland) (Con)

The numbers sound small—a rise of 1.5°C or 2°C. Yet those seemingly small temperature increases would have profound effects on humanity: tens of millions of people would be impacted by sea level rises, hundreds of millions would face drought, and billions would be exposed to extreme heatwaves. The environment would see catastrophic changes too: almost all coral reefs would be lost, the Arctic would be regularly ice free, and scores of species would be impacted. Indeed, as the RSPB has highlighted, we have already seen wildlife affected right here in Scotland.

The question is: what must be done to avoid that? Much of the debate around the bill has, understandably, been on what targets should be set for emissions reductions, and especially on the potential for net zero emissions.

First, though, clarity is needed on exactly how the bill responds to the Paris agreement. I note that the ECCLR Committee’s report recommends that the bill should explicitly reference the temperature targets that are being aimed for, with a 1.5°C limit suggested. Moreover, the committee recommends that the bill should also include a commitment to avoid an overshoot scenario. Both are sound proposals. I am mindful of the consequences of an overshoot scenario, having raised the issue last year with Professor Jim Skea from the IPCC. He was clear that the environmental consequences would be disastrous—not to mention the economic impact of having to cope with subsequent higher adaptation costs.

It is not just the long term that we should be concerned about. The IPCC report suggests a sense of urgency and raises the issue of what actions we are taking in the near term, particularly on interim targets. Both the UK and Scottish Governments have sensibly sought updated advice on our long-term targets from the UK Committee on Climate Change, and I welcome the same approach for the 2030 target. Of course, we will hold the Scottish Government to account in line with the advice that is received. It is important that we do so, because progress in reducing emissions will be achieved only if it is rooted in an evidence-based approach. The bill affords us an opportunity to embed that approach at a fundamental level across all Government departments.

I was pleased to see that the ECCLR Committee takes a similar view on monitoring and reporting, echoing the case that I have consistently made for climate change thinking to be factored into every portfolio. The suggestion is that, in practice, climate plan monitoring reports are made available in time to inform budget scrutiny, and that ministers should report on the long-term impact of their spending decisions rather than just the immediate impact. The latter point lends extra strength to the idea that individual ministers should be held accountable for delivering specific sections of the climate plan. That accountability would produce a greater emphasis on actions that are achievable—and it is worth noting that the committee has recommended that the bill should include a definition of “achievable”. That measure would give the public, businesses and stakeholders confidence that policy decisions are rooted in practicality.

Mark Ruskell (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

Maurice Golden may have noticed the Scottish Government’s response to the committee’s report, which suggests that it does not intend to take further action, particularly on agriculture, beyond what it already laid out in the debate in the chamber on 10 January, when it explicitly took the view not to link future farm support to action on climate change. What is the Conservative view on that? Do you support farm support being dependent on action on climate change?

Maurice Golden

I was disappointed by the tardiness of the Government’s response to the committee report, which did not allow parliamentarians time to fully digest it.

On the specific question about agriculture, I see farming, land managers and the agriculture sector as a whole as part of the solution in tackling climate change. Payment should very much be part of that. An incentivised system should work for farmers and our climate change efforts. In addition, fantastic techniques are available, including no-till farming. We have to ensure that we not only foster the sector, but make it accountable. This and future Scottish Governments should be scrutinised on that.

We must closely monitor the situation when the CCC releases its updated advice on reaching net zero. The cabinet secretary has already confirmed that she will adopt any technically feasible pathway to the targets. Ultimately, that will result in consideration of sectors beyond those that have already seen significant emissions reductions. For example, the 49 per cent overall emissions reduction that we have seen has been largely driven by a 69 per cent emissions cut in the energy sector and a 73 per cent cut in the waste sector. Those are welcome achievements resulting from a combination of public, private and third sector actions and a favourable policy landscape from both the UK and Scottish Governments.

However, that success masks a lack of progress in other areas, such as the housing sector, where emissions are down by only 21 per cent, or transport, where they are down by just 3 per cent. Conversely, success must not breed complacency. The latest waste figures show that the recycling rate is down while the volume of waste and the amount incinerated is up. Clearly, there is need for further action: action that is based on evidence, informed by relevant voices and has at its heart the principle of just transition.

Let us consider agriculture. NFU Scotland is broadly supportive of the current strategy and is willing to engage on further measures. For it, progress is, as I have highlighted, more a question of resources and recognition of the nature of the sector, rather than just a question of stretching targets. Therefore, we propose direct capital funding and technical support, which would enable farmers to produce better environmental and economic outcomes. It would recognise that they are part of the solution.

That same principle applies to other businesses: they must feel that they can contribute and they must have confidence in the changes that we ask them to make. However, a recent WWF Scotland survey found that just one in six small businesses felt they had the right direction from the Scottish Government about their role in climate change. That should be a wake-up call to make a better business cases for action on climate change. When businesses are invested in the process, the results can be extremely impressive. For example, the Scottish Leather Group in Renfrewshire has developed a world-leading low-carbon leather production technology, which has reduced the carbon footprint from 10kg of CO2 per 1m2 to less than 1kg.

I have mentioned the housing and transport sectors. With the former, the Parliament has indicated that it wants to take action, and the Scottish Conservatives led cross-party efforts last year to bring forward energy efficiency and heat waste reduction targets by a decade.

In transport, targets have been set to phase out petrol and diesel cars and reduce sectoral emissions by 37 per cent by 2032. That ambition is laudable but, with just 1 per cent of Scotland’s 2.9 million cars currently being electric, there is a question over the level of detail and the feasibility of that. Perhaps a way to kick-start progress would be—as the Scottish Conservatives have suggested—to ensure that, where possible, electric vehicles are the default in all public procurement by 2027.

In sector after sector, there is a need to go further. I understand calls to commit to maximum reductions as quickly as possible. That is why I welcome the opportunity to explore these issues in as much detail as possible as the bill progresses through Parliament.

15:06  

Claudia Beamish (South Scotland) (Lab)

I am proud to open for Scottish Labour. This is the first parliamentary debate on a bill that holds monumental significance for the future of our country, our standing in the world and the joint battle against man-made climate change. I am also pleased to support the recommendations that are set out in the stage 1 report of the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee.

In this stage 1 debate, I must recognise the tireless work that has already been undertaken to get us to this point. I want to thank the clerks and all stakeholders for their briefings and support, as well as those who were out at the demonstration today, which focused our minds. I also thank those who gave compelling evidence to the committee, and the school students—some of whom are in the gallery today—who have made sure that this Parliament really sits up and listens. It was fantastic to meet young climate activists this morning in the committee. They are clear that they did not create the climate emergency, yet it is they who will experience the drastic effects of adults’ slow action or inaction, across the globe and here in Scotland. Those young people, led by the brave Greta Thunberg are an inspiration, sending messages of urgency and equity that cannot be ignored.

It is welcome that the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee has produced a pretty strong and consensual statement of action on climate change. We can proudly say that, despite some differences with regard to pace—along party lines, in various ways, beyond the committee—there is unanimous, cross-party agreement in the committee for our report. The report recommends that the bill should

“include an explicit reference to the temperature the targets are seeking to achieve”

and it

“recommends this should be 1.5°C”.

It also says:

“The Committee accepts that a net-zero target is a clearer message to understand than 90% and would send a strong signal, emphasising the need for significant change.”

It recommends that the Scottish Government should

“reflect on the possibility of establishing a Just Transition Commission with statutory underpinning”,

that it should

“continue to place a priority on intergenerational justice”

and that it should

“continue to focus its work on how Scotland should account for its fair share globally.”

Scottish Labour welcomes the committee’s report. We considered the Scottish Government’s response as best we could, given that we had only 24 hours in which to do so—other committee members have made that point.

We welcome the agreement of the committee and the Government to strive for greater transparency, for improvements to the TIMES model output and for the creation of a more comprehensive link between the international Paris agreement and national targets with, in the words of the Scottish Government, a

“fair and safe emissions budget”.

One of the most important points in the report is the statement that a net zero emissions target would

“send a strong signal, emphasising the need for significant change.”

That is absolutely correct and, although it is disappointing that the Scottish Government considers itself unable to make that commitment without the approval of the UK CCC, I look forward to that advice and the Scottish Government’s response.

In response to the committee’s recommendation 272, the Scottish Government said that Scotland’s relatively small size is relevant to its climate ambition. Scottish Labour strongly refutes that assertion. We may be small, but our capacity for innovation knows no bounds, and historical industrial emissions must be accounted for and responsibility must be taken. We must be inspirational climate change action leaders.

The Scottish Government’s openness to a statutory just transition commission is also welcome, following on from its support for my amendment calling for further consideration of that. While we are in the process of transitioning to a net zero economy and society, we will need proper guidance and advice from industry experts, environment experts and trade unions in order to find a fair and rapid way forward, and we must be rigorous about testing for injustice when delivering the targets.

The Scottish Government is clearly unshifting in its intention that the scope of the bill should remain narrow. I am not convinced that that is the best approach. However, it is positive to have a commitment from the Scottish Government to look again at the current climate change plan, which runs to 2032, once the bill’s passage is over. The updating of policy intentions in line with stricter targets will be vital if we are to ensure that action is not delayed.

In addition, in relation to delivery on the targets, it is promising that the Scottish Government will explore commissioning further work to assess the current low-carbon investment landscape, particularly in the context of the Scottish national investment bank.

The debate about how best to tackle each sector is interesting. I urge the Scottish Government to commit to requiring all cabinet secretaries and ministers to account for their portfolios, thereby embedding climate change concerns in everyone’s work. As we heard, sectors such as agriculture and transport need to speed up the rate at which their emissions are falling, and that will take support, direction and robust policies from Government. The bill could be the place for a firmer requirement on the Scottish Government to set out how its decisions contribute to meeting the targets.

There is much to be proud of in the stage 1 report and in the response from the cabinet secretary, but there is still much further to go. We are following in the footsteps of the 2009 act: there is collaboration and agreement, as well as a driving ambition to set targets that will make a real difference to the lives of affected workers and communities here in Scotland, people in the global south, who will be hit the hardest, and the young people of today and tomorrow.

We are facing a national environment and climate emergency. That is a declaration that Scottish Labour and UK Labour can both make. Scottish Labour supports the ECCLR Committee’s stage 1 report, which provides strong ground from which to move forward. I welcome the report and this debate.

15:11  

Mark Ruskell (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

I welcome this stage 1 debate and the opportunity to step up our climate laws to the monumental challenge of keeping the world below 1.5°C of global warming.

At times, the stage 1 report was not an easy one on which to find consensus. Some of the harder questions have been pushed to the UK Committee on Climate Change to answer. However, the report allows us to move on to stage 2, at which there will be clear choices to be made about strengthening the bill.

The Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009 might be world leading in its annual targets, but it lacks a world-leading net zero target and a far-reaching 2030 goal to secure the future. We need the bill to deliver the changes that are necessary.

Those changes require us to look unpleasant truths in the eye and turn them into opportunities. It is about Government setting clear goals for transition, with time to plan and bring the jobs of the future into reality today. It means acting, as New Zealand has done, to plan ahead for the next generation beyond oil and gas and for a net zero farming sector—because if we cannot make decisions today for future decades, we are simply condemning communities to abrupt and inevitable economic shocks in future.

To avoid such shocks, a just transition commission needs to be underpinned in the bill. The commission must have a remit to speak truth to power and guide us through the complex challenges and opportunities that lie ahead.

The business of transition needs more than just a chapter in the climate change plan. It must be central to the purpose of Government, with innovation and productivity growing only in a low-carbon way from now on.

It is not good enough to point to examples of where enterprise agencies are steering low-carbon work. This mission needs to run right through the core of all Government business, with no policy contradictions and all effort in the same direction.

The same goes for Government spending decisions. It is welcome that the Government wants to discuss further how the budget process could be strengthened through the bill, building on the commitments that were secured through last year’s budget deal with the Greens.

One of the few clear positives that I took from last week’s debate on climate change was that there is a consensus in this Parliament that we must keep temperature rises below 1.5°C. That is the only credible response, and it needs to be reflected in the bill at stage 2. We are either on the right side of history or we are not. Going over 1.5°C will mean death for millions. It will mean droughts, floods and heat waves that lead to mass climate migration. It will mean development in the global south going into reverse. It will mean collapsing economies, and it will mean wars over resources that we take for granted, such as water.

We have to give people in the south room to breathe on this tiny planet. After centuries of colonialism and industrialisation, how can we deny people their birthright and their future because of fear of the industry lobbyists who are standing in the way of change at home?

The 1.5°C goal must be reflected in the bill, but I am disappointed by the Government’s response to the report, which was issued yesterday and seems to weaken the much stronger position that it took on 1.5°C in the debate just last week. Although there is an acknowledgement that the emissions budget in the bill needs to be linked to the Paris goal of “well below 2°C”, the Government backtracks in the very next point when it starts to explain that Scotland makes a very small contribution globally and that it is not confident that a 1.5°C goal will be met. So much for world-leading ambition. Perhaps the person who wrote that needs to talk to the person who wrote the Government’s amendment for last week’s debate. If the UK Committee on Climate Change was not asked how to avoid the “overshoot scenario”, in which the planet heats beyond 1.5°C and millions of people are killed, the cabinet secretary should avoid any further confusion and make sure that she has that advice.

It is clear that an acceleration of action is desperately needed in the next decade, rather than the current trajectory, which will cost lives. If we consider land use, the committee has a strong consensus on the need for better management of land to drive action on climate change and for farming to be the solution rather than the problem. However, the Government’s response points to low key voluntary programmes and even highlights its position during the debate on agriculture on 10 January, in which the Government rejected an explicit climate change objective for future farm support.

There is strong cross-party agreement in the committee that measuring what the farming sector does, from carbon sequestration to productivity improvements, must be understood, incentivised and counted. It is not good enough for Government to say that this stuff is hard to do on a farm level; it must be integral to individual farm support payments. In this morning’s committee meeting, we heard direct from IPCC scientists that New Zealand and Ireland are ahead of the game with regard to farm inventory accounting—it is time that we caught up, because we are running out of time.

After last week’s debate on climate change, I started to question whether this Parliament is fit for dealing with the biggest existential crisis that faces humanity. It is clear that growing numbers of people—especially young people outside the Parliament—are making up their minds on that question right now. This is our opportunity to restore faith and to show that politicians can reject short termism; can look to a future beyond our political careers; and can do the right and necessary thing to correct the errors of what has come before us, so that we can give the gift of the future to all those who will come after us.

15:17  

Liam McArthur (Orkney Islands) (LD)

It is customary to start by thanking the committee for its work on the stage 1 report but, given the magnitude of the issue and the complexity of the bill, “thanks” seems somewhat inadequate. Nevertheless, I congratulate Gillian Martin and her colleagues, not least on reaching unanimity, and I acknowledge the contribution that has been made by all those who gave evidence and, indeed, who have provided helpful briefings for today’s proceedings.

After last week’s dummy run, this afternoon’s debate gives Parliament a chance to flesh out where we should be setting our sights to match the gravity and urgency of the challenge with the ambition that is necessary to avert the catastrophic consequences of climate change. Whatever our disagreements over the detail—and there will be some—I hope and believe that we are more likely to be successful in that if Parliament ultimately comes to a united and unified view by the end of stage 3.

Scottish Liberal Democrats are proud of the part that we have played to date in framing ambitious legislation and policy. We remain committed to doing so, again, for this bill and related strategies. However, we should not be under any illusions—the easy wins and low-hanging fruit have largely been grabbed. What comes next will require greater effort, more difficult choices and increased resources. Unfortunately, the Government’s bill falls short of meeting that challenge. The Scottish Catholic International Aid Fund and others have pointed out that, despite what the cabinet secretary has said, it fails to enshrine the Paris agreement. Explicitly aligning the bill with the 1.5°C global temperature goal would be one way of moving us in the right direction, and I echo the sentiments of the ECCLR Committee in that regard.

Of course, the Paris agreement also enshrines the principle of equity. The ECCLR Committee is right to acknowledge that, as a developed nation, Scotland has a greater responsibility for global warming that should be reflected in the targets that are set in the bill. As Lord Deben, the chair of the UK Committee on Climate Change, fairly observed:

“When you look at the capacity of some countries to meet the targets that they are prepared to sign up to, it is clear that we in the richer countries have to do more.”—[Official Report, Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee, 23 October 2018; c 22.]

That is what equity means in practice, and it is what we need to achieve through the bill. That is what those in the global south—who have contributed least to the creation of climate change, but are already enduring its worst impacts—have a right to expect. It is also why the targets that we set need to be as ambitious as possible. I still believe that achieving net zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050 is stretching, but feasible. Should we be going faster? Absolutely, if that is underpinned by the evidence and independent expert advice. I note that WWF Scotland, Scottish Environment LINK, Stop Climate Chaos Scotland and others advocate bringing forward the net zero target to 2045. They are absolutely right to keep our feet to the fire, but I am conscious of Lord Deben’s response to the ECCLR Committee on target setting, in which he cautioned:

“It is not sensible to espouse a target without being clear about what it really means. You can have any old target, but it will not work if you cannot come down to the terms for how you will get there.”—[Official Report, Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee, 23 October 2018; c 33.]

Mark Ruskell

When Parliament set the target for renewable energy, were we clear about how we were going to achieve that?

Liam McArthur

As I said, we should set stretching and ambitious targets, but if we pick and choose the points at which we accept the advice of the UK Committee on Climate Change, we move into difficult territory. It is right that we sought revised advice from that committee, but to distance ourselves from that advice would leave us in a position in which substantiating and justifying our approach becomes more problematic.

Of course, the public also expects us to face up to the urgency of the threat posed by climate change, and not simply to postpone taking hard decisions. That is why I have considerable sympathy with calls for an emissions reduction target of 80 per cent by 2030. Again, that needs to be aligned with the advice from the UK CCC, but the view of the IPCC that

“rapid, far reaching and unprecedented changes in all aspects of society”

will be needed over the next 12 years cannot be ignored.

That is also the clear message from young people. Last week, like other members, I highlighted the local dimension of the climate strike campaign. I will quote Jessie Dodman from Papa Westray, a pupil at Westray community school, who wrote to me, saying:

“The Scottish Government’s Climate Change bill offers a good first step but needs to be delivered more quickly and effectively before the predicted deadlines for irreversible change in 2030.”

She added:

“Scotland and the UK are investing millions in roads, bridges and ferries but not nearly enough in making sure all transport is carbon neutral.”

As well as offering me a chance to reiterate my call for the Scottish Government to help to fund replacement of the internal ferry fleet in Orkney with one that is more fuel efficient, Jessie’s comments underscore one area—transport—in which more urgent action is desperately required. Heat and agriculture are perhaps two other obvious ones.

In identifying how we achieve the emissions reductions that we need to see, it is worth bearing it in mind that while advances in technology will undoubtedly help, we cannot innovate our way out of the problem and behaviour changes will be necessary.

On the question whether we should look to set sectoral targets, again I find myself in agreement with the ECCLR Committee. Its stage 1 report suggests that

“sectors need a clear understanding of what they are expected to deliver”

and adds that

“sectoral disaggregation of the targets is required and as our understanding of what is necessary in each sector develops, a move to sector specific targets may be appropriate.”

That is one of the key roles for the just transition commission, and another good reason for putting it on a statutory footing.

Before I conclude, I will touch briefly on agriculture. That sector needs to do more, and there is an appetite for it to do so. However, that is best achieved collaboratively—by using carrots as well as sticks, rather than the more confrontational approach that, unfortunately, is adopted by some. As the NFUS says, emissions are an inevitable consequence of our food production. They can and should be reduced, but there is an argument for looking at how the positives from agriculture can be more fairly balanced alongside the negatives. Ultimately, however, farmers and crofters must be seen as part of the solution.

The clear and present threat that is posed by climate change—both here and internationally—has been exposed by the latest IPCC report. It demands a more urgent and ambitious response from the Scottish Government and the Parliament. I am determined to continue to work with colleagues across the chamber to ensure that, as we have done in the past, we can meet that challenge collectively.

The Deputy Presiding Officer (Christine Grahame)

Before we move into the open debate, I note that we have a little time in hand so members may take interventions and have the time made up. I ask for speeches of six minutes.

15:24  

Stewart Stevenson (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

With the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009, we showed leadership in tackling the scourge of climate change, and we can and will do so again with our Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill. I deliberately say that it is “our” bill rather than the Government’s bill because in a Parliament of minorities, the Government is merely the midwife; we must all be the bill’s parents.

In 2009, the Parliament united to support our bill, and as we consider whether to support the general principles of the new bill, the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee has shown the way by unanimously agreeing its report. That does not mean that any of us has resiled from the detailed differences that we will explore as the bill proceeds, but we have to put some of our differences on hold in order to agree the next steps, and that will continue to be true throughout the bill’s passage.

For my part, I have already written two stage 2 amendments—I saw the cabinet secretary flinch when I said that. One is to put into the bill the zero carbon target that is implicit within it, and the other is to add to the long title a reference to the world’s need to restrict global temperature rise to 1.5°C. I cannot see any way that we could make it legally enforceable in those terms, but others may do so.

It is vital that we continue to challenge one another and ourselves on every proposal, including the ones that I have just described, but in the end we must return to agreement if we are to succeed in moving our fellow citizens with us to protect our planet and all life that depends on it. That means that we must be prepared for compromise, but it does not require us to advertise what compromises we might contemplate before we actually make them.

In essence, we are writing a corporate plan for our country’s future—a model process, actions and method for other countries to follow. We are but a small speck on the globe’s surface, but that small speck can be the fulcrum over which we leverage others’ actions. However, a corporate plan is mere hot air if it is just a piece of paper. It has to lead to individual change. For that reason, I want to talk about some of the things that we in the Parliament can do—the practical things that we can do on the ground to contribute to reductions.

I will illustrate that. In my first full year in the Parliament, I claimed for 19,391 miles in a car at a rate of £49.03 per mile. [Laughter.]

Stewart Stevenson

It was 49.3p per mile. Did I say something different?

Members: You said “pounds”.

Stewart Stevenson

If only. Presiding Officer, are you not glad that everyone is listening to my every word? [Laughter.]

I also claimed what would have been £369.67 had I been able to use a senior railcard, as I now do. Therefore, 96 per cent of my travel costs were for car miles. In the year that has just ended, I claimed for 6,387 miles at 45p per mile and £2,707 for public transport. Only 51.5 per cent of my costs are for car miles now, and my mileage is less than a third of what it was in 2002-03.

Finlay Carson (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)

I wonder what costs the member puts on democracy given the lack of representation that people in very rural constituencies who do not have the luxury of a train station might experience if their members were unable to visit them by car in order to represent them properly in Parliament.

Stewart Stevenson

My personal activity rate, measured by the number of surgeries and the number of entries in my diaries, was broadly the same in the year that has just ended as it was in 2002-03. If I can do it, others can. We also have modern technology. Why do we not do online video surgeries with our constituents so that they can engage with us without leaving home? That idea was just made up on the spur of the moment. I am talking about what we can do to set an example. I am not saying that everyone can do it.

Elaine Smith

Will the member take an intervention?

Stewart Stevenson

I ask the member to forgive me. I will make a little more progress on cars, if I may.

The marginal cost of a car mile is falling steeply as hybrid propulsion becomes more pervasive, and for all-electric vehicles the fuel cost is now down to 3p per mile. I am going to write to the Presiding Officer at the end of this debate to suggest that we reduce our expenses per mile, initially from 45p per mile to 30p per mile, and that we commit to tapering it to zero by 2032, which coincides with our going electric, because the marginal cost of driving becomes almost zero.

We should also keep our cars for longer; I plan to keep mine for 10 years. I have a paperless office in the Parliament, which saves money. Other people can do that as well. [Interruption.] Okay, my speech is on paper—I have a 99.5 per cent paperless office. [Laughter.]

Neil Findlay

Will the member take an intervention?

Stewart Stevenson

I will. I will regret it, but I will.

Neil Findlay

Would the member care to hazard a guess how many of the people who access the electric vehicles grant are from the lowest socioeconomic groups? I have tried to find that out from the Government, but I cannot get the information.

Stewart Stevenson

I will not hazard a guess. However, I know that there are a lot of electric vehicles out there, because there are 6,500 charging points in Scotland and, as time goes on, more vehicles will be available at cheaper prices. Let us hope that that happens sooner rather than later.

We are also encouraging active travel for our citizens. I propose that we stop allowing MSPs to claim for short taxi journeys—initially journeys of less than a mile, less than 1.5 miles by 2021 and less than 2 miles by 2026. I am going to write to the Presiding Officer about that, too.

I walked 81.3 miles in March. It is not very much—only 2.6 miles a day—but how far did everyone else in the chamber walk?

If we, as individuals, do some of those quite simple things, we can have credibility and a dialogue with the citizens of Scotland. I have given only a couple of examples. If I had another hour to speak, Presiding Officer—

The Deputy Presiding Officer

Which you do not have, thank you.

Stewart Stevenson

—I could give another 100 examples.

15:31  

John Scott (Ayr) (Con)

I declare an interest as a farmer, landowner and food producer.

Roseanna Cunningham

And as a car owner.

John Scott

I am a car owner as well, cabinet secretary. I will not be doing any virtue signalling in my speech, I can tell members that now.

I welcome the opportunity to speak in this stage 1 debate. I thank all those who have given evidence, in whatever form, to the committee. I thank our clerks, and I thank the wider public and our young people for their active engagement in the process.

Although we all share the ambitions to reduce the speed of climate change and the rate of temperature rises, we need to find a practical way of achieving them. The Scottish Conservatives want our nation to be one of the lead nations worldwide in getting to net zero as quickly as possible. Although we are concerned about the difficulties and cost of pioneering and delivering on that ambition, we are also excited by the opportunities that it may offer to our scientific and business development communities. It is a long-held business mantra that the prize goes to those who can turn a challenge into an opportunity, and Scotland as a whole will need to buy into that concept. As I said in the climate debate last Wednesday, it may be our young people who help drive it forward more quickly, by influencing their parents. I welcome the young people who are in the public gallery today.

Ambition is not lacking, but easily reducing greenhouse gas emissions and keeping temperature rises to 1.5°C will be very hard. We are in a limbo land: we are debating the principles of the bill today while awaiting further advice from the Committee on Climate Change on 2 May. However, the consideration of various fundamentals of the bill are not dependent on the CCC’s advice or on pathways being demonstrated.

The most obvious fundamental is the cost of pursuing targets. The Parliament and the people of Scotland need a better understanding of what is going to be expected of them, and the cost to them, as the financial memorandum for the bill is—at best—unclear on that point. A figure of £13 billion appears to have been almost plucked out of thin air, with TIMES modelling not accurately applying to the two sectors that are most perceived as needing to do better—namely transport and agriculture. That, of itself, calls into question the reliability of the whole TIMES modelling process.

Stewart Stevenson

Will the member take an intervention?

John Scott

If it is brief.

Stewart Stevenson

Does Mr Scott regret, as I do, the fact that there is not a costing for the cost of doing nothing, which, I think it is generally accepted, will far exceed the cost of doing something?

John Scott

I have only Mr Stevenson’s word for that, but by and large, I accept what he says.

The accounting methods and models used to arrive at the figure that I have mentioned, and other figures as high as £55 billion, were not clearly explained to the committee and left us all—at best—confused. If the Government cannot easily explain the likely cost burdens to committee members who are willing and endeavouring to understand them, how will it get its message over to the taxpayers and the businesspeople who are going to have to fund them? Although yesterday’s response from the Scottish Government to the stage 1 report acknowledges those concerns, it does little to address them, noting as it does that the bill is about raising ambitions, not about delivering costed solutions.

Another cost that will not change, no matter what the Committee on Climate Change says, is the physical and mental health cost of expected and required behaviour change. The lifestyle changes that the Scottish Government and we as a Parliament are apparently expecting the people of Scotland to make will leave many individuals and businesses feeling threatened and financially pressured. The Scottish Government will have to be very careful about how it is perceived as it presses for modal shift—that is to say, moving people out of their cars and into electric vehicles or on to trams, buses or bicycles, or just on to pavements, given that more of us are expected to walk to work.

With regard to the agriculture sector, lifestyle and business model changes will undoubtedly be required for the increased delivery of the public goods that is demanded by the bill and environmental non-governmental organisations. A welcome start to such progress would be a more realistic appreciation, understanding and measurement of the contribution that land managers and farmers already make to climate change reduction, if that were measured in a more holistic way. Mark Ruskell has already alluded to this issue, but not everyone will know or think it reasonable that a farmer planting trees on his land or allowing renewable energy projects such as wind farms or hydroelectric schemes or, indeed, peatland restoration schemes on his land receives no credit in terms of carbon reduction for doing so. Indeed—and more important in this context—the agriculture sector receives no credit for that type of land use on agricultural land.

The measurement of climate change-reducing industries is driven by IPCC standards, but a parallel and more realistic way of measuring the benefits of different types of whole-farm land use, particularly here in Scotland, is required. I welcome the Government’s acknowledgement of that in its response and its offer to work further with the committee on the matter, and I suggest that the Scottish Government look to New Zealand and Ireland for good examples of how that should be done.

Turning very briefly to housing, I support Maurice Golden’s view that we need all homes to have an energy performance certificate rating of C by 2030, and I earnestly encourage the Scottish Government to work harder to deliver that. Its response suggests that ambition to improve housing is only for others, not for the Scottish Government.

We await the further evidence from the Committee on Climate Change on 2 May and hope that, if it expects still greater effort from the people of Scotland to reduce the threat of climate change, it will explain and demonstrate credible pathways to doing that, and the likely cost involved.

15:38  

Angus MacDonald (Falkirk East) (SNP)

I do not think that it is overdramatic to say that the possibility of a climate catastrophe is the biggest global issue of our time. Indeed, we should never tire of saying it until it is well and truly planted in the mind of every citizen in this country and beyond.

Six months ago, we all got a wake-up call when the IPCC warned the world that

“rapid, far-reaching and unprecedented changes”

were needed to tackle the climate crisis effectively. I was therefore pleased to see the Scottish Government hosting nearly 200 climate scientists this week at the John McIntyre conference centre in Edinburgh at the third working group of the IPCC. They were looking at ways of equipping Governments with the information that they need to act now, keeping in mind the goals of the Paris agreement and national ambitions to achieve net zero emissions. The final report, which is due for publication in 2021, will provide Governments with scientific information to underpin responses to climate change in the context of sustainable development.

Of course, all of that is happening in the week of this stage 1 debate and the release of some interesting statistics from Stop Climate Chaos Scotland’s YouGov poll. According to the poll, 78 per cent of respondents are either more concerned or as concerned about climate change as they were 12 months ago; one in three are more concerned about climate change now than they were a year ago; and 70 per cent support Scotland taking greater action on transport, food and homes to tackle climate change. It is encouraging to see new polling that highlights that people in Scotland are getting the message, recognise the seriousness of the situation and want more action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

As Gillian Martin, the convener of the ECCLR Committee, mentioned, we had the benefit this morning of meeting young climate change protesters at an informal meeting of the committee. It is fair to say that they did not hold back in letting us know all that we need to do, and that we need to do more. There is no doubt in my mind that the recent climate strikes have acted as a catalyst to show that there is not only justification, but an appetite for urgent and more ambitious action from Governments across the world, not just here in northern Europe.

Turning to the stage 1 report, I add my thanks to the committee clerks for the work that they have done. The committee recognised that the Scottish Government selected the more ambitious of the two options proposed by the CCC, which highlights what will be required from Governments around the world to keep temperature rises closer to 1.5°C than 2°C. However, we also noted that the Scottish Government is awaiting further advice from the CCC in the light of the 2018 IPCC report, as are we all. It is therefore welcome to see in the Scottish Government’s response to the ECCLR Committee’s stage 1 report its reiteration that it

“has been clear that if the CCC advises on 2 May that higher target ambition is now credible then we”—

that is, the Scottish Government—

“will act on that advice”.

I was pleased to hear the cabinet secretary confirm that in her opening speech.

The ECCLR Committee’s report states:

“A 90% target is stretching and challenging and a net-zero target will present further challenges but there are also great opportunities. The benefits and cost savings of early action far outweigh the costs of the effects of climate change.”

However, we have to bear in mind that setting targets that are too high too soon could have a detrimental impact on Scotland’s economic growth. Striving for the most ambitious targets possible, based on the best available advice, is admirable, but it must not compromise the wellbeing of the people of Scotland.

That brings me to farming. I am grateful to the NFUS for its briefing in advance of the debate, which recognises that climate change is a critically important issue for Scottish farming. I am also grateful for the WWF briefing, which highlights the report that it produced with Vivid Economics, providing a pathway for agriculture to reduce emissions by around 35 per cent while maintaining current production levels.

There is no doubt that farmers and crofters will have an important role to play in helping to tackle the climate change challenge, and it is important that agriculture is seen as being part of the solution, not part of the problem, as other members have stated this afternoon. It should be noted that reducing emissions from farming beyond those that can be achieved through efficiency and technology would mean reducing the amount of food produced in Scotland and instead importing from abroad. That may result in a reduction in emissions in Scotland, but would result in increased emissions elsewhere.

Several witnesses who gave evidence to the committee spoke of the potentially disproportionate impact that a badly managed transition could have in rural areas and on those working in the agricultural sector. I am sure that none of us in the chamber wants to see land abandonment in the Lowlands or the Highlands and Islands, which could be an outcome if we are not careful.

I want to touch quickly on carbon capture, use and storage, as I am keen to see progress on the carbon capture and storage plant that is proposed for Grangemouth in my constituency. The ECCLR Committee welcomes the recent shift in the UK Government’s position on CCS and has recommended that the Scottish Government continues to work with its UK and international counterparts on the development of CCS technology. We call on both Governments to utilise all levers at their disposal domestically to evaluate the merits of CCS and consider the merits of early development and implementation of that technology. It is encouraging to see the Scottish Government’s response detailing the establishment of the CCUS leadership group, support for the acorn CCS project and funding for a Scottish universities collaborative on CCUS. That is progress indeed.

15:44  

Elaine Smith (Central Scotland) (Lab)

I thank the committee for its work and note that the committee had extra time to look at the issue, as mentioned by the committee’s convener, Gillian Martin, in response to my intervention. However, other members had little time to consider the Government’s response, and I express my disappointment at that.

Although I am not a member of the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee, I welcome the opportunity to speak on a vital subject that should—and, increasingly, does—concern all of us. As we know and as other members have mentioned, school pupils around the world have been on strike to raise awareness of climate change. They want to ensure that future generations are not denied the right to a healthy planet.

As the committee’s report notes, the issue of climate change raises particular challenges for intergenerational justice. We have a duty to protect the environment and natural resources for future generations. Alan Munro of Young Friends of the Earth Scotland warned the committee that the Government risks

“passing on the burden for ... radical transformative action to young people”.—[Official Report, Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee, 20 November 2018; c 15.]

In an open letter about the effects of climate change, young activists say:

“People did die, are dying and will die because of it, but we can and will stop this madness.”

As Claudia Beamish mentioned, the young people’s movement was launched by Greta Thunberg, a young woman who first missed school in Sweden to protest in 2018. I understand that she has recently been nominated for the Nobel peace prize. It is apposite that it was a young woman who started the movement, as women and girls suffer disproportionately from the effects of climate change. The tasks of producing and gathering food, collecting water and finding fuel for heating and cooking are often the responsibility of women, and climate change is making those life-supporting tasks much more difficult.

The committee’s report cites the Paris agreement, which names important rights such as gender equality and the empowerment of women as fundamental to achieving climate justice. The report recommends that

“climate justice requires further focus to ensure Scotland has the necessary structures in place to engage and support the most vulnerable through the period of transition, as well as a responsibility to developing nations.”

Many organisations have been campaigning on that issue for some time. There was a large campaign outside the Parliament today, which many members took the opportunity to join in, and there are many campaigners in the gallery. The Scottish Catholic International Aid Fund—SCIAF—knows from its consistent work in developing countries that people who were already living in extreme poverty are suffering the most severely as a result of climate change. The most recent cyclone that struck Mozambique, Malawi and Zimbabwe affected more than 2 million people and caused indescribable devastation. When I visited Malawi on a previous occasion, I saw the aftermath of such an event, when people lose shelter and do not have access to food because of flooding.

Jessica Swart, a CARE spokesperson, commented that, following a natural disaster such as a cyclone, women and girls are particularly vulnerable. Climate scientists have confirmed that such disasters will only become more severe as a result of climate change. The effect that those events have on real lives underpins what we are trying to do. In response to the IPCC’s report, the committee recommended that the Government should seek further guidance on whether its 2030 target is still appropriate, and we have heard that the Government intends to wait until 2 May to consider that.

The committee’s report shows that 0.5°C of difference would result in several hundred million fewer people being exposed to climate-related poverty. As we know, 70 per cent of the world’s poorest are women. We also know that 80 per cent of the people who are displaced by climate change are women. The UN has highlighted the need for gender-sensitive responses to the impacts of climate change, yet the average level of representation of women on national and global climate negotiating bodies is below 30 per cent, which is just not good enough. The Women’s Environmental Network specifically makes the point that

“Until social inequality is addressed, climate change will only get worse.”

I turn to another issue. During stage 1, the committee heard evidence on the importance of monitoring other harmful emissions, such as methane, and acknowledged the potential for targets to positively impact on air quality. I believe that fracking would challenge our ambitions. Fracking is an issue of major concern in my community. As MSPs, we have a responsibility to protect our communities from harm. Fracking has proven deeply unpopular in every community in the UK where it has been trialled. Pollution, noise and dangerous tampering with the very ground on which we have built homes are justified concerns. I believe that a practice that is banned in Germany and France is not safe here in Scotland. Aidan O’Neill QC confirmed recently that we have the power to ban fracking. As fracking would put at risk the ambitions of the targets that are set, it is time that the Government used that power.

SCIAF notes in its submission to the committee:

“The 2020 and 2030 targets proposed in the Bill essentially maintain current levels of ambition and are, therefore, inadequate, and a 90% target by 2050 would represent a huge missed opportunity to lead the world in climate change legislation.”

In a briefing to MSPs, SCIAF adds:

“We must see this Bill for what it is—an opportunity for this Parliament to make a bold and world leading commitment to save the poorest, and all of us, from this impending disaster. At a time when concern over climate change is at an all-time high, this Bill is an opportunity for this Parliament to do something truly remarkable, in the name of the poorest who are already suffering the effects of climate change, and for the sake of the next generation, whose future is in our hands.”

That is why we need the Government and this Parliament to tackle climate change with urgency and not push it on to the shoulders of today’s young people. I look forward to seeing amendments to the bill at stage 2, including the introduction of a statutory just transition commission.

15:50  

Richard Lyle (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)

Climate change is one of the defining challenges of our age, and Scotland’s international leadership on climate change means that our plans must be ambitious, credible and affordable. That is exactly what the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill delivers.

The bill is set against a backdrop of Scotland being a world leader in tackling climate change and on the circular economy. Scotland’s low-carbon transition is well under way. Our emissions have almost halved since 1990 and we continue to outperform the UK in delivering reductions.

We have a target to generate the equivalent of 100 per cent of gross annual electricity consumption and 11 per cent of heat consumption from renewable energy by 2020. In the UK context, Scotland continues to lead on renewable energy, with 75 per cent of Scotland’s gross electricity consumption coming from renewable sources—an increase on the 70 per cent figure that was achieved in 2017. Importantly, Scotland’s renewable energy electricity currently makes up 24 per cent of the UK’s renewables output.

Of course, our ambitions extend beyond that as we set forth towards Scotland creating a circular economy. We are the first country in the UK to commit to the introduction of a deposit return scheme for drinks containers to improve the rate and quality of recycling. I have seen that scheme operating at first hand, at a local Nisa store owned by Mr Abdul Majid. Mr Majid piloted the scheme and the generous people of Bellshill asked that the money from their returns be donated to St Andrew’s Hospice, which does amazing work caring for those who require palliative care. Not only is the scheme helping with recycling, but it is having a positive impact on the community, thanks to the generosity that has been shown. The deposit return scheme is just one of the elements that the Scottish National Party Government is introducing to tackle our throwaway culture; other elements include the establishment of an expert panel on environmental charging and other measures to tackle the issue.

In 2017, across Scotland, for the first time we recycled more than we sent to landfill. Since 2007, Scotland’s household recycling rate has improved by more than 13 per cent, from 32.2 to 45.6 per cent. Let us all hope that that trend continues.

The Scottish Government’s approach makes sure not only that we continue to reduce our greenhouse gas emissions, but that we are resilient to climate change impacts. This week, the Scottish Government will meet its 2018 programme for government commitment to welcome 220 of the world’s top climate scientists by hosting a meeting of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change to discuss its sixth assessment report; once again, that reiterates the Government’s unwavering commitment to international leadership on the issue.

However, we can always go further—and, with this bill, we are doing that. The bill sets out the Scottish Government’s commitment to reduce emissions by 100 per cent, with ambitious interim targets that strengthen Scotland’s world-leading position on climate change. The 90 per cent target will be even tougher than the 100 per cent goal that has been set by a handful of other countries, because our legislation will set more demanding, legally binding annual targets covering every sector of our economy.

Finlay Carson

Will the member give way?

Richard Lyle

No. I do not have time.

By 2030, Scotland will have cut emissions by two thirds and, unlike other nations, we will not use carbon offsetting—whereby other countries would be paid to cut emissions for us—to achieve our goal.

We have a moral responsibility to fight climate change, but Scotland’s academic and engineering expertise, coupled with our outstanding natural resources, mean that fighting climate change is also an economic opportunity, which is waiting to be realised.

It is important to reflect the fact that there are some who criticise the bill as not ambitious enough. The message is clear: the bill means that Scotland will have the toughest climate legislation in the world. Sweden has legislated for a 100 per cent target in 2045, but up to 15 per cent of that can be met through the use of international credits. New Zealand has committed to legislate for a 100 per cent target, but has not yet set out details of how that will be met. France, Iceland, Norway and others have made political commitments to net zero, but have not set out plans to legislate for that. Of course, in typical fashion, the UK Government has acknowledged the need to legislate for a 100 per cent target but has not yet set out details of how it can do that. I believe that our SNP Government is making a commitment in the bill to realise our ambitions and to tackle a most important issue.

I pay tribute to the work that our young people are doing. We have seen climate strikes by schoolchildren and other young people in Scotland and across the UK. Some people were quick to criticise them, but I am not. As far as I am concerned, it is their world and their future. It should be a reason for great optimism that young people are taking a stand on climate change. It is right that we are all challenged to see what more we can do. We all have a moral responsibility to do what we can to prevent and mitigate the effects of climate change for future generations.

Scotland has been praised as a world leader, but the urgency of climate change means that it is right that we are all challenged to constantly reassess our approach and see where we could do more. We must harness the energy of our young people and challenge ourselves to go further. In the bill, we are doing just that—we are taking action to deliver the change that we need. We have to do it, to safeguard our future, our children’s future, our grandchildren’s future—including my grandchildren’s—and the future of generations to come.

15:56  

Alexander Burnett (Aberdeenshire West) (Con)

I join members across the chamber who are delighted to see such a bill coming before the Scottish Parliament. As someone who has been involved with renewable energy companies and worked towards improving our environment for most of my life, I very much welcome the bill. I refer members to my entry in the register of interests and in particular to my interests relating to agriculture, forestry, land management, housing and renewable energy.

For members who may not be aware, I point out that my background is one of environmental consultancy, rural development work in Azerbaijan, renewable energy, sustainable construction and numerous conservation projects. From planting trees and restoring peatlands to saving our red squirrels and championing the pearl mussel, almost all of my activities look to improve our natural environment. I am proud of the work that all of those projects have done in not only improving our environment but doing so in a sustainable manner, creating jobs and ensuring that businesses function.

It is clear that the bill has interested many people, and I am sure that many more will contribute as it progresses through Parliament. In my constituency, groups such as Tarland climate change group and St Ternan’s in Banchory have already voiced their concerns, and I look forward to working with them to ensure that their points are taken into consideration.

I will focus first on housing. The debate coincides with tomorrow morning’s stage 2 consideration of the Fuel Poverty (Target, Definition and Strategy) (Scotland) Bill, in which I am due to speak to my amendments. I am seeking to gain support for the identification of residential buildings with low levels of energy efficiency and which require improvements to achieve an energy performance certificate band C or higher by 2030. Last year, the Parliament voted in support of a motion calling for the same commitment from the Scottish Government and I hope that tomorrow’s stage 2 consideration will be the first step in achieving that.

It is not only members who are looking for improvements in EPC ratings of homes across Scotland—WWF Scotland has repeatedly called for similar action for a variety of reasons. The first reason is that the measure would naturally reduce energy costs for home owners by moving more people out of fuel poverty and allowing them to live in warmer homes. Secondly, and importantly for the bill that we are considering today, having more energy efficient homes would be a huge step in reducing carbon emissions. WWF Scotland has noted that it is supportive of such measures but is keen for targets to be set in the bill for improving energy efficiency in our homes.

A second area requiring serious attention is our agriculture sector, which would need to reduce emissions significantly to play its role in a net zero target. We of course support NFU Scotland’s position that food production is always likely to remain one of the biggest emitting sectors and that a net zero target does not mean reducing agricultural emissions to zero.

However, the NFU in England now believes that it can reduce its emissions to 35 per cent by 2045, so we await the Scottish Government producing a similar achievable road map. There is no doubt that our farmers are experiencing at first hand the effects of climate change. They accept that more needs to be done to reduce their contribution towards carbon emissions, but they cannot achieve that alone. NFU Scotland has called on the Scottish Government to provide better support so that farmers can become part of the solution to climate change.

A third area that affects climate change is transport. Transform Scotland flagged up that the Scottish Government’s current climate change plan and transport proposals are deeply inadequate. Given the lack of ambition for clean green buses and the zero progress on the electrification of rail routes to Aberdeen and Inverness, there is much that can be done here in Scotland to benefit the environment and our economy.

We want the Scottish Government to set ambitious targets, and the Scottish Conservatives will support that ambition. However, it is clear that the Scottish Government is still not being ambitious enough, and the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee is rightly concerned that there is not sufficient assessment or promotion of the positive opportunities for the economy of setting a net zero target. Stop Climate Chaos Scotland briefed that it would like the bill to set a target of reaching net zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2045 or earlier, citing evidence from WWF Scotland and Vivid Economics that shows that Scotland is capable of achieving such a target.

Although a net zero target is clearly the preference of many organisations, we must work on building a pathway to ensure that it is possible. We must reach for ambitious targets, but we need to be mindful about making them realistic. We need to ensure that we have sufficient skilled jobs to make the necessary transition, that businesses work with emerging technologies to improve their emissions, and that sectors work together. As the Confederation of British Industry Scotland points out, we need to ensure that there are collaborative policy frameworks across the whole of the UK, because climate change is an issue without borders.

We are very supportive of the bill at this stage, but we will try to strengthen it at later stages. I look forward to working with members, constituents and organisations to hear how we can achieve our shared ambitions.

16:02  

Bill Kidd (Glasgow Anniesland) (SNP)

I thank the young climate change activists in the public gallery, who are very welcome, because their enthusiasm has kept us all going.

Today, we are debating, and will vote on, one of the most significant issues that faces humanity. Curbing global warming to a 1.5°C rise demands that we accelerate action. For decades, the scientific consensus has been that global warming exists and that it is anthropogenic—that means that it is a result of human behaviour. High consumption and having little regard for the consequences, even following early warnings of climate change, meant that our behaviour did not change. Humanity’s failure to act over the past decades has caused 1°C of global warming above pre-industrial levels, which cannot be undone. Headlines are already showing the harm that that rise has done to coral reefs and the effect that it has had on species loss and rising sea levels. With regard to migration, it is clear that people are being forced to move due to climate change-related issues such as flooding and poor agricultural productivity.

Estimated anthropogenic global warming—remember, that means that emissions that have originated from human activity—is increasing at a rate of 0.2°C per decade due to past and on-going emissions. According to the IPCC, warming from anthropogenic emissions from the pre-industrial period to the present will persist for centuries to millennia and will continue to cause further long-term change in the climate system. One example of a continuing change is the rising sea levels. I repeat the point: the emissions that have already been accrued over the period in which we have failed to tackle climate change will affect the planet for centuries to millennia to come. That inactivity has to stop.

Today, we have the opportunity to vote for a bill that could shift Scotland’s path towards a sustainable future. We have extensive scientific knowledge to draw on to help us to take the bill through Parliament, and, as a nation, we are equipped with abundant natural resources that will enable us to transition more fully to using renewable energy.

The 2015 Paris agreement, which the bill responds to with an increase in our targets, and the IPCC’s 2018 report inform us with greater evidence and reasons for action than ever before. We know from that report that reaching and sustaining net zero global anthropogenic CO2 emissions and declining net non-CO2 radiative forcing would halt human-influenced global warming within several decades. We also know from the IPCC that the maximum temperature that will be reached will be determined by what we and other policy makers across the world are doing now. Global warming will be determined by culminated net global human-caused CO2 emissions up to the point that we achieve net zero. That means that we have to act as quickly as possible—we have to act now.

Elaine Smith

Earlier, we heard about paperless offices from one of Bill Kidd’s colleagues. Does Bill Kidd agree that we should be encouraging our engineers, for example, to look at the lack of recycling of new technology and the ever-increasing scramble for things such as new mobile phones? Such things are not recycled enough, and that is a problem.

Bill Kidd

Elaine Smith is absolutely right. We have to address the capitalist madness that means people have got to have a new toy every five seconds. That does not do anything about recycling the old toys. I thank Elaine Smith very much for raising that issue.

Climate change is serious, and it requires cross-party and global action. Everyone—irrespective of their political allegiance—needs to back radical and rapid change. The next generation will, quite rightly, hold us to account, and we must act on its behalf and on behalf of generations to follow.

An increasing number of people in Scotland—seven out of 10—agree that tougher action on climate change is needed. Greta Thunberg—whom Elaine Smith, I think, mentioned earlier—is an incredible 16-year-old who inspired 1.4 million school pupils to strike against climate inaction. She has been nominated for the Nobel peace prize. Incidentally, I found out only yesterday that she is related to Svante Arrhenius, who won the Nobel prize for chemistry in 1903 and was the first person to use basic principles of physical chemistry to calculate the link between increases in CO2 and the earth’s surface temperature. Everybody should watch Greta Thunberg’s TED talk, in which she spoke profoundly about our responsibilities. She commented:

“the one thing we need more than hope is action. Once we act, hope is everywhere.”

That statement has stuck with me. We should not be afraid of action or change; rather, we should embrace them.

In that context, I am pleased with the Scottish Government’s quick response to the IPCC’s report and its commitment to seek fresh advice. I trust that, as soon as a pathway towards net zero emissions and curbing emissions to 1.5°C is drawn up, it will be followed. I believe that independent advice will be published early next month.

I can see that I am near the end—of speaking only, I hope—so I will jump forward.

According to the Tyndall centre for climate change research, transitions to a sustainable path would secure jobs in Scotland for at least two generations in the renewable energy sector and related sectors. Improved air quality would be another positive benefit. We could also use the approach to tackle fuel poverty by creating energy-efficient homes that are powered by renewable energy. We can be smarter and, crucially, we can use this turning point in history to build a future that is fit for generations to come.

16:08  

Neil Findlay (Lothian) (Lab)

With all those big words and the history lesson from Mr Kidd, I thought that he had lifted Stewart Stevenson’s speech, but it was far more interesting than what we usually get from him. I am glad that Stewart Stevenson was not here when I said that.

I came into elected politics after years of campaigning on environmental issues in my community. I saw big, powerful companies exploiting the land around my community to make huge profits from their plans to rip up the countryside for opencast activity, to fill in previously opened-up countryside with landfill or to take over land for energy production with little thought or care for the impact on the water, the air, the climate or the community—and certainly with little care for the impact on local people.

That was my introduction to political campaigning, and I have retained a strong interest in the issue to this day, because the environment and climate change go to the very essence of the politics that I believe in. It is a class issue—absolutely. By that, I do not mean the way in which it is depicted in the media, as an issue for the chattering classes. It is not, because it chimes 100 per cent with the politics that I believe in—politics with a socialist philosophy.

In order to address climate change and to ensure that there is justice for all our people, not just the powerful and the rich, we have to show international solidarity and co-operation, deal with all people equitably, and use and distribute the world’s resources in a sustainable way. If we are to deal with climate change, we have to act on those principles.

If the world’s climate continues to heat up, we know who will be affected most: it will be the poor, the weak, the vulnerable and the isolated who suffer most—as we see when we look at marginalised communities, whether in the Amazon in South America, in sub-Saharan Africa or, indeed, around our own coastline and marginal lands. It will be the low paid who suffer from increased food and energy costs and whose homes are the least energy efficient. It will be the poor who will suffer most from the impacts of air pollution and respiratory illness. It will be the marginalised and the isolated whose land will be flooded or eroded, whose farms will turn to desert and who ultimately will be displaced, homeless and stateless, or will become refugees, as often happens when war breaks out because of conflicts over resources or land. That is the reality of climate change for the most vulnerable people not only in our society but in societies across the world.

One of the most frustrating local issues that I have had to deal with during my time in Parliament has been that of wind energy. I am a great supporter of wind energy, but I have watched us waste one of the greatest opportunities that we have had, as speculators have come in with applications for wind farms in communities—one of the latest in my area is from an Austrian viscount—in the hope that they will get permission. Very often—most of the time—they do.

The consequence is that, every time the turbine turns, the profit flutters off to the board rooms of Paris, Bonn, Amsterdam, Madrid or Copenhagen when that money could go back into our communities to fund services, to ensure that houses come up to proper energy standards, to go into decarbonisation projects and to ensure that those communities can then enthusiastically endorse the roll-out of wind energy. Instead, we have hugely wasted that opportunity. Almost all of it has been exploited by the private sector when it could have been community owned and led by the people. Let us not repeat that mistake with offshore wind energy as it is rolled out.

Earlier, I asked the minister about air passenger duty, but she failed to give us an answer. How can she claim to support the strongest action on climate change while, at the same time, seeking to develop a policy that expands air travel? It just does not add up.

When will we see a watertight ban on fracking? As we know from Elaine Smith’s speech and from Queen’s counsels’ advice, we do not have such a ban at the moment. I have to say to the Government that we do not need another consultation on fracking; we need a ban that is watertight.

Many of the relatively easy things have been done on climate change. We now need big ideas, some of which may make only small but incremental differences. Scottish Labour wants to expand and better regulate public transport. We want to expand bus travel and make it a free service across the country. I have heard people criticise us for our ambition. If such people had been around when the national health service started up, they would have said, “Oh no, Mr Bevan, that’s far too hard. Don’t even attempt it.” It is essential that we do these things, and I hope that others will come on board with our approach.

The Deputy Presiding Officer (Linda Fabiani)

Come to a close, please.

Neil Findlay

We have to aim high in this debate. The Scottish Government has a plan, and we suggested changes to it to make it more robust. I hope that the Parliament as a whole takes the lead.

16:15  

Maureen Watt (Aberdeen South and North Kincardine) (SNP)

This is, indeed, an important debate in which to participate, as we have heard from members’ very thoughtful speeches. The close attention that is being paid by the young people in the public gallery is testament to the debate’s importance.

Our is the first generation to know that how we are living is impacting on the planet, and we have a duty to do something about that. All of us have a duty to leave the planet in a better position than that in which we found it, and knowing more about the effects that our mode of living is having makes doing so even more important. Of course, the information changes all the time, with more research on different aspects of our way of life and on different parts of the earth, so we must not set our actions in stone but be flexible while maintaining our goals.

Many people who are involved in the climate change field are constructing various models of how to progress. It is the Government’s task to make proposals that are credible and deliverable, and it is for all parties to coalesce around those proposals, as the long-term planning that is required goes well beyond one parliamentary session. The proposals must be credible because, whatever we do, we must take our population with us. Changing behaviour must be achievable. People will want to know what proposals mean for them and their way of life—they need to know what changes to make to their everyday lives and what will be available to help them to achieve those changes.

It is not credible, for example, to expect everyone to become vegan or to ditch their car if they live where there are no buses or alternative forms of transport available. If we tell people that they will not be allowed to fly, they will not come with us and support the proposals. Proposals have to be achievable if they are to mean anything and are to have a chance of success. We must harness the commitment and enthusiasm of our younger generation, to encourage older generations to make the required changes.

We need to remind ourselves and our constituents constantly that Scotland is a world leader on climate change already and that our ambitions in the bill are being watched carefully worldwide. It is not often that devolved legislatures are invited to contribute to climate change conferences, yet our First Minister and cabinet secretary have contributed frequently. There have also been discussions in the media between our First Minister and world leaders in the field such as Al Gore.

I am proud that Scotland will not use carbon offsetting, which I do not find very ethical. Other countries already have their own problems to deal with. As Elaine Smith said, we have seen recent terrible flooding in countries in southern Africa.

The fight against the effect of climate change is a moral responsibility for Scotland. We are fortunate to have academic and engineering expertise. That expertise, along with our outstanding natural resources, means that meeting our climate change targets is possible and that we can see the issue as an economic opportunity and not just a threat.

Many of our young people want to work in the fields that advise companies on their climate change responsibilities and how they can change their practices to meet them, as well as on their corporate social responsibility policies in relation to the issue. My daughter, for example, works in this area, and the work is increasing exponentially.

Several members have noted that the agriculture sector produces a high level of carbon emissions. Because of the nature of most the land in Scotland, agriculture is likely to remain an emitter. However, it can also play a huge part in the removal of greenhouse gases through tree planting, soil management and the protection and restoration of wetland and peatland. As Professor Andy Kerr, the executive director of the Edinburgh centre for carbon innovation, said to the committee:

“overall, we are not worried so much about exactly which sector emissions reductions come from; the issue is more about whether we are delivering them overall.”—[Official Report, Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee, 23 October 2018; c 17.]

It is important that there is a greater, wider debate and honesty, around these issues.

As I have said, we are fortunate in that we have access to people with expertise, including the people in the centre for ecology and hydrology and the James Hutton Institute, in my constituency, as well as its crop research centre in Dundee.

It is important that, under this legislation, we continue to include our fair share of aviation and shipping emissions in our targets. No other country does that.

Patrick Harvie’s attack on the oil and gas industry this afternoon was really ill judged. It should be noted that Scotland is already beating its climate change targets while supporting a strong and vibrant domestic oil and gas industry.

Patrick Harvie (Glasgow) (Green)

Will the member take an intervention?

The Deputy Presiding Officer

Ms Watt is just closing, Mr Harvie.

Maureen Watt

The just transition commission was established to advise Scottish ministers on the manner of transitioning to a low-carbon economy.

I support the bill proceeding, and I look forward to Scotland maintaining its position as a world leader on climate change.

16:22  

Finlay Carson (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)

I refer members to my entry in the register of members’ interests and my membership of the NFU Scotland.

As a member of the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee, and as a former farmer and now Scottish Conservative spokesman on the natural environment, I am delighted to be speaking in the debate. I join members in thanking the clerks, and in thanking the stakeholders who have provided evidence, including the young climate change activists who have been with us today and have been outside the Parliament.

However, as other committee members have done, I must express my frustration and disappointment at the failure of the Scottish Government to respond timeously to our report: 24 hours before the debate is far from enough time for us to respond constructively. The Scottish Government will happily grandstand on past achievements and talk tough on tackling climate change, but responding to the report only a day before the debate sends out a poor signal not only to those of us in the chamber, but to our communities, including the young activists who joined us this morning and who want meaningful and fact-based actions that stand up to scrutiny. It has left us little time to digest just how the Government is planning take on board the committee’s recommendations on how we can make progress on tackling climate change.

We must all play our part in tackling climate change, and we must strive to ensure that the right balance is struck in reducing greenhouse gas emissions. The committee heard extensive evidence from various organisations. Whatever their position on net zero emissions, they absolutely agree and recognise that although transformational change will not happen overnight, this generation must, without fail, be the generation that puts in place the policies that will safeguard the future of the planet and future generations.

I believe that our stage 1 report has taken the correct science-based and evidenced-based approach to understanding the drivers, impacts and future risks of climate change, and how we can reduce emissions. That science-based approach will give clear direction in setting targets and, ultimately, in achieving a net zero target as the science shows the pathway.

In the light of the recent IPCC report, the UK Government and the Scottish Government wrote to the UK’s CCC for further advice on setting potentially more ambitious emissions reduction targets.

I sincerely hope that a scientific pathway to achieving net zero can be identified and that we can have options to take it. There is also a case to be made for stretch targets, to encourage further investment in innovation.

I look forward to the Committee on Climate Change’s report that will be published on 2 May, and to scrutinising its advice and evidence at the ECCLR Committee. I hope that the Government will allocate the time that is needed to ensure that we have good and robust legislation that ensures that we can make the right choices for Scotland and the global environment.

By “the right choices”, I mean policy decisions that consider the wider implications, such as by ensuring that displacement of production does not occur by pushing demand-driven production to other parts of the world where the impacts are more damaging. A forced reduction in livestock production in Scotland, for example, would result only in the demand for meat being met by increased imports—potentially from South America, which would result in further reduction of our invaluable rain forests. The right choice in this case is accelerated and increased investment to improve animal husbandry and grass and feed production. It is arguable that enhanced and more efficient production will have a greater impact on reduction of greenhouse gases.

We need to change the narrative when it comes to agriculture and land use. Far too many people take the lazy option, particularly non-meat eaters—the vegan and vegetarian brigade—who portray agriculture as the villain of the piece, when science suggests that to a great extent it can be the solution.

Innovation and technology can be at the heart not only of emissions reduction targets but of a new revived and economically sustainable agriculture industry. We must seize new opportunities. I call on the Scottish Government to place greater emphasis on developing new technologies, and to give a clear commitment to action that drives private investment and accelerates change.

Mark Ruskell

Finlay Carson has probably never tried a Greggs vegan sausage roll. He might want to acknowledge that consumer trends are towards reducing meat consumption. Surely he recognises that that creates an opportunity for Scottish agriculture to respond, through horticulture products and through better quality meat, but less of it, being sold.

Finlay Carson

When we are looking to pick the low-hanging fruit, turning the whole Scottish nation into vegetarians is probably one of the last options that we need to consider.

Jim Skea, from the IPCC, said that, in setting the long-term direction, there is a clear need for research and development into

“land management, bio-energy with carbon capture and storage, and ... afforestation”.—[Official Report, Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee, 23 October 2018; c 8.]

There are many technologies that we can use and actions that we can take now to make quick gains. The Government can create an economy that can seize the low-hanging fruit.

The need for action is not lost on the public. A poll that Stop Climate Chaos Scotland conducted ahead of the debate shows that one in three Scots is more concerned with climate change than they were a year ago; indeed, almost 80 per cent of respondents are either as concerned about climate change as they were 12 months ago or more concerned than they were 12 months ago. The poll also highlighted that seven in 10 Scots support taking tougher action to reduce emissions in transport, food production and homes, in order to tackle climate change.

The Deputy Presiding Officer

Come to a close, please.

Finlay Carson

I am a member of the ECCLR Committee, and I stress that I will support the bill at decision time. It marks an important step forward in tackling climate change.

We should not rush the process. The cabinet secretary’s response at stage 1 hints at her wanting a stage 2 debate before the summer recess. That smacks of not taking action. We cannot afford to squander this opportunity. Climate change is an issue on which Parliament must not take a path that does not leave a positive legacy for future generations.

The Deputy Presiding Officer

I stress to members that “Come to a close” means “Come to a close.”

16:28  

Stuart McMillan (Greenock and Inverclyde) (SNP)

I will do as I am told, Presiding Officer.

I am pleased to be speaking in this debate on climate change, which is one of the most pertinent issues of our time. Few reasonable people could argue that climate change does not require immediate attention, so it is unfortunate that around the world some people are making baseless arguments to fit their own political agendas. Nothing highlights that more than President Trump pulling America out of the Paris climate agreement.

It is easy to stand here and criticise policy makers or leading businesses around the world that are denying or ignoring the extent of the environmental crisis that faces our planet. We can directly control only what we do here in Scotland through the Scottish Parliament. I believe that we are making positive strides forward, but there is still more to do.

I welcome the committee report. The following part of the executive summary was extremely accurate. It states:

“Climate change is an intergenerational justice issue and the committee believes we need to act now to help ensure future generations inherit a world that is sustainable.”

I do not think that anyone could argue with that.

It is only in the past 20 years or so that I remember anyone talking about recycling: 20 years ago, everything seemed to go in the same bin and to landfill. In the recent BBC documentary about waste, a site that had been used for landfill in the 1970s was dug up, and plastic items and clothing in it had not degraded at all. The onus is on us all not just to recycle but to re-use. We live in a materialistic and disposable society in which, unfortunately, instead of continuing to use older items that have begun to show their age, we bin them and buy something new.

In 1995, I was studying in Dortmund in Germany, where I learned a lot. It was the first place that I had visited where recycling of glass, newspapers and plastic was taking place, but when I came home, recycling did not exist in Inverclyde and Scotland.

The price these days of many items of clothing makes it very easy and affordable just to ditch them, but transportation to Scotland of the vast quantities of those products comes at an environmental cost. Many such items come from the far east—from China, Vietnam and Thailand. Those imports from across the oceans have a massive environmental impact, and we are all guilty when we consume those products. In 2017, Scotland for the first time recycled more than we sent to landfill. I welcome that progress, but it took a long time to get to that point.

It is fitting that the Scottish Parliament is debating climate change and transport in the same week, because they are intrinsically linked. Last year, rail travel increased yet again, but it is disappointing that we have seen a drop in bus travel. The Scottish Government has doubled its investment in infrastructure to support cycling, and is working to increase the number of charging points for electric cars.

The IPCC report touches on the fact that all businesses and individuals have a part to play. I welcome last week’s announcement from McGill’s Bus Service Ltd in my constituency, which has invested £4.75 million in 26 new buses to meet the new ultra-low emission vehicle standards. That is part of a £24 million investment over the past five years to improve its environmental impact.

Alexander Burnett unfortunately could not take my intervention earlier, but it is crucial that everyone has their part to play. Finlay Carson and even vegans have their parts to play as well. The way in which Mr Carson responded to my Green colleague was unfortunate: I will defend my colleague because I genuinely think that it was an unfair attack on him.

The Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill means that Scotland will have the toughest climate change legislation in the world. No other nation has committed to targets that are as ambitious as Scotland’s, which is testament to the determination of the Scottish Government. By 2030, Scotland will cut emissions by two thirds. Unlike other nations, we will not use carbon offsetting, in which countries would be paid to cut emissions for us in order that we could achieve our goals. I welcome that.

The Scottish Government has said that it will go even further if the UK Committee on Climate Change advises that a more ambitious target is now feasible, as the cabinet secretary said in her opening comments. The bill provides for annual targets, so that the Scottish Government can be held to account for progress every year. No other country has annual targets: most countries that have domestic climate change targets have only interim targets for 2020 or 2030.

I do not think for one minute that members of the Scottish Parliament or the public are shy about challenging Governments or politicians. They never have been and they never will be, and I welcome that.

I thank the younger people who are in the gallery today and who are pushing this agenda for our nation. I genuinely believe that every generation needs to leave the planet better than it was when it was handed over to them. We do not own the planet; we are merely its custodians in our time here.

The Deputy Presiding Officer

We move to closing speeches. We are very tight for time. Alex Rowley has no more than six minutes, please.

16:34  

Alex Rowley (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)

As other members have done, I thank Gillian Martin and the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee for the work that they have done in producing the committee’s stage 1 report. Scottish Labour members will support the motion on the bill at stage 1.

I will focus on a couple of areas. The possibility of establishing an independent just transmission commission that would be underpinned by statute needs further consideration. I hope that the Scottish Government will take that point seriously, and that it will seek to establish such a commission so that we can make progress.

Liam McArthur spoke about the low-hanging fruit that has been picked so far. That is true. However, while we have done well, factors such as the closure of Longannet power station were great contributors to that success. The next stage will be much tougher. If we are to achieve the net zero target we will need to ensure that there is a just transition

The evidence to date shows that the Scottish Government needs to do much more work. Transform Scotland says that transport is our largest source of emissions and that there has been almost no progress in the sector since 1990. While other sectors of the economy have made progress, there has been a failure to decarbonise Scotland’s transport. Transform Scotland also talks about Scotland’s fastest-growing emissions source, which it says is aviation.

Earlier, Neil Findlay put to the cabinet secretary a question about whether the SNP Government’s policy is to cut air passenger duty by 50 per cent or to get rid of it completely, neither of which would appear to illustrate joined-up government. The cabinet secretary’s response was to say that the policy does not fall within her brief, but comes under that of another cabinet secretary. That highlights the lack of joined-up thinking and joined-up government when it comes to that issue and the just transition.

Alexander Burnett talked about housing and fuel poverty. In my view, the Fuel Poverty (Target, Definition and Strategy) (Scotland) Bill, which is currently making its way through the parliamentary process, lacks ambition and clarity on how we will achieve some of its objectives, such as being able to have energy efficiency ratings built in to private rented sector properties. We have no detail on how we are to make progress on that and how we are to pay for what needs to be done.

If we want to take people with us on such matters, we need to create opportunities and jobs. So far, there has been a failure to do that. Burntisland Fabrications is now unlikely to get any of the jacket structure work for the latest round of offshore renewable energy projects. That is a tragedy: most of that work is being done abroad. We can imagine how that company’s workers and the unions that represent them feel about the just transition. The Scottish Government needs to do far more on that.

As Neil Findlay also pointed out, there has been a missed opportunity on community ownership of renewables—a complete failure on public ownership at local level. This morning, I read a brief from a community energy company that has been successfully established in Nottingham. The Scottish Government needs to think about being a bit more ambitious about how we engage in and involve ourselves in such things, so that we can look to good practice elsewhere. Why are no jobs being created in Scotland, and why are there so few jobs in our renewables sector? What is the Government’s role in that? I believe that the Government is failing in those areas.

We must also consider what we are told by various organisations. For example, SCIAF says:

“For developing countries, and for millions of people living in poverty, missing that 1.5°C target is literally a matter of life or death. Warming over 1.5°C means millions more people exposed to drought, heatwaves and floods, and intense competition for resources, leading to unprecedented levels of climate migration.”

That is another big threat.

This is stage 1 of the bill’s progress. We support the committee’s report, but we believe that we can be far more ambitious. We need very much to focus on the just transition so that workers in Scotland know that there will be a transition and that jobs will be protected as we move forward to tackle climate change and reach the net zero target. I hope that other parties in the Parliament will support that.

16:40  

Donald Cameron (Highlands and Islands) (Con)

I refer to my entries on farming and renewables in the register of members’ interests.

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this excellent debate, especially having had the privilege of being on the ECCLR Committee for some of the time that it was taking evidence on the issue. I pay tribute to the committee—its convener, its members and its clerks.

Back in 2018, when the committee began looking at the bill, I met various organisations, charities and individuals both in the committee and outside it, and they impressed on me the need to be radical and ambitious when legislating. It was clear back then and it remains clear today that decisive action is required, and I sincerely welcome the fact that, on climate change, there is a broad consensus across the Parliament on what is necessary. WWF Scotland is surely right to state:

“climate change is the biggest crisis facing the world, and Scotland must act urgently to meet this challenge”.

Although it is this Parliament’s role to set out the legislative framework and debate the extent to which we will go forwards in the struggle against the effects of climate change, we should also recognise those people across Scotland who are campaigning for climate change mitigation day in and day out. As the recent demonstrations involving young people have shown, there is an intergenerational passion for the issue. Those demonstrations and the one outside Parliament today remind us that we need to get this right not just for the current generation but for future generations, too. That point was made by Gillian Martin, Claudia Beamish and Angus MacDonald, among others.

Similarly, we must also bear in mind those on the ground far from this place who are already doing their bit to reduce their carbon footprints and particularly to cut emissions where possible. The wide variety of sectors across Scotland will ultimately need to adapt to any legislative changes that we initiate. Indeed, many sectors have already begun to adapt voluntarily. An example is housing, where businesses are looking at different ways to build more energy-efficient homes. Maurice Golden spoke about that. In particular, there is the Passivhaus movement, people from which I recently had the privilege of meeting in the Highlands.

In transport, bus companies are beginning to invest in green buses and are retrofitting existing vehicles to reduce carbon output. In Scotland’s food and drink sector, the Scotch Whisky Association has noted that the whisky industry is

“close to achieving zero waste to landfill”

and that

“In 2016 non-fossil fuels accounted for 21% of ... energy use, up from 3% in 2008.”

Many representative bodies across Scotland acknowledge the need to take action now. Particularly notable are the words of CBI Scotland, which says that it supports the

“increased ambition to reduce carbon and greenhouse gas emissions”,

because in that way

“we protect the economy, society and the environment”.

It is clear that there is broad recognition across society that action is needed, and that many are doing all that they can to enact such change.

Others have spoken about agriculture, and I will dwell on that for a moment. Scottish agriculture has recognised that it faces a challenge to reduce its carbon output, but it is clear from my conversations with farmers and crofters that the sector not only prides itself on its existing stewardship of land but is positive about making further changes in the way that it works and operates in order to cut emissions, whether that involves investing in new machinery to improve efficiency, planting new hedgerows and trees to sequestrate emissions or investing in new feeds to reduce methane output.

The ECCLR Committee’s report notes that Lord Deben said that

“credit and gratitude should be afforded to the farming community”

for the work that it has done so far. Much of that work has been carried out voluntarily by farmers and crofters for years or even decades. In pursuing the aims and ambitions of the bill, we must ensure that we do not overburden the livestock sector, which has enough struggles already with unnecessary regulation and impossible targets.

NFU Scotland has said that climate change is “critically important”. It believes that

“we will achieve much better outcomes in the long run if people are encouraged to tackle emissions rather than be forced to through the use of regulation”,

and that, if farmers are able to take a voluntary approach, it

“potentially also enhances their business”.

According to the Scottish Government’s climate change plan, the agriculture and related land use sector has seen a 25.8 per cent fall in emissions between 1990 and 2015, because of, for example, sustained efficiency improvements in farming and better fertiliser management. That is positive and it further highlights the actions that our farmers and crofters are taking to manage land more sustainably.

Representatives of the sector have raised concerns about how carbon capture calculations are made. The vice president of the NFUS questioned whether

“carbon capture calculations properly identify what is being sequestrated by our hills, uplands and peatlands and fairly balance that against emissions from the livestock grazing”.

If it does not, that sequestration should be promoted.

I acknowledge Mark Ruskell’s work on the committee on the measurement of on-farm activity. We will all be aware of farms, such as Kirkton and Auchtertyre farms near Crianlarich, that have been researching how different breeds of sheep are better adapted to changing climate in Scotland’s upland hills. Langtonlees farm in the Borders has sought to install new turbines to exploit the fact that it faces a westerly wind, and it has invested in a slatted shed, which has meant a reduction in the amount of tractor fuel that is required to bale, gather and haul straw back to the farm. Those are just some real-life examples of how our farmers are rising to the challenge of reducing carbon output.

I will turn briefly to another point that others have made: how the changes that we make can help some of the poorest countries around the world. Many countries face the brunt of the devastating impacts of climate change and it is not only our duty to make changes, but a moral responsibility. Neil Findlay was absolutely correct when he said that it is an issue of international solidarity and the effects of climate change on the poor. Those who suffer most will be those who are least able to bear it.

Last month, with other members, I had the pleasure of taking part in the launch of SCIAF’s wee box campaign. The funds that were raised from that and other activities that SCIAF run all year round help to support projects such as the climate challenge programme Malawi, which supports communities that are affected by climate change.

The Scottish Conservatives support the bill at stage 1. We recognise the need to act and be ambitious, and we believe that actions to limit global warming should be focused on those that provide for jobs, innovation and investment in technology. Before we can set a net zero target date, an identifiable pathway to zero emissions needs to be outlined and the potential consequences understood. We must do all that we can to meet the calls from the IPCC to limit global temperature rise to 1.5°C and curb the devastating effects of climate change for future generations.

The Deputy Presiding Officer

I call Roseanna Cunningham to wind up the debate.

16:48  

Roseanna Cunningham

I thank all members for their various contributions to today’s debate. There were a lot of speakers, so I am afraid that I will not be able to mention everyone in my closing remarks.

However, I feel that I should respond to the issue of the late arrival of the Scottish Government’s response to the committee report, which was raised by more than one member. I note that rule 9.8 of the standing orders lays down a strict timetable for committee report publication. There is a protocol for Government response, but people who read that protocol would discover that it actually goes so far as to allow for post-debate publication, which I am sure would have led to me getting even greater pelters than I have had this afternoon. In an ideal world there would have been more time for us to make a response, but it was a very large report with a lot of recommendations and, sadly, there was just not enough time for us to be able to respond earlier.

A number of strategic issues came up more than once and I would like to pick up on some of the key themes. First, I appreciate that the Scottish Government’s evidence-based approach to target setting has led to the somewhat unusual situation in which we are awaiting further advice from the CCC at the time of the stage 1 debate. I do not think that any of us would have wanted to be in this position, but that is where we are.

It is right that Scotland responded quickly to the Paris agreement with legislative proposals and the introduction of the bill. Indeed, we are one of the first countries to have done so—not that one would notice from the tenor of the debate. It is also right that we asked for updated CCC advice in the light of the new evidence in the IPCC special report. Clearly, we now need to wait for the CCC advice on 2 May. The Scottish Government will act quickly to amend the bill if the CCC says that even more ambitious targets are now credible, and I will keep the Parliament fully informed of our response.

In my opening statement, I emphasised the importance of Scotland’s evidence-based approach to tackling climate change. The committee’s stage 1 report has recognised the important role of the independent expert advice from the CCC as statutory adviser, but the Scottish Government is also mindful of a wide range of other evidence. Last month, I had a good meeting with Vivid Economics, the authors of the recent WWF Scotland-commissioned report on pathways to net zero emissions in Scotland. That report drew on 2018 work from the Royal Society on greenhouse gas removal technologies; both reports have become available since the CCC last provided advice on Scottish targets, and I am very grateful to both organisations for their positive and constructive contributions. I have also recently visited the greencow facility at Scotland’s Rural College to learn more about research on and innovation around climate-friendly farming, and the Scottish Government is, of course, proud to be hosting this week’s meeting in Edinburgh of the world’s leading climate scientists as they prepare the next IPCC review reports.

I am listening carefully to all credible sources of evidence, but I heard Claudia Beamish talk about the Government waiting for the CCC’s approval. She somewhat overlooks the fact that the CCC is embedded in the 2009 act as our statutory independent scientific adviser.

Claudia Beamish

I take the cabinet secretary’s point, but it is my understanding that, although the legislation exists, it is possible for this or any Scottish Government to give reasons for not accepting the CCC’s advice and, indeed, to go further than it. After all, the Government did not accept all the advice that it received on the climate change plan.

Roseanna Cunningham

Those calling for us to go beyond the CCC’s advice—and there have been a few in the chamber today—must consider what that would mean for an evidence-based approach more widely with regard to targets. It would undoubtedly result in distracting arguments about which evidence to follow when the real aim is meeting the goals of the Paris agreement, and it would walk away from certainty and scientific evidence and instead put opinion in the driving seat.

We all need to act if the Paris agreement goals are to be met—and by “we”, I mean not only all countries, but all communities, all individuals and all businesses. As not much has been said about businesses this afternoon, I will say something now about them. Some are leading the way in this: I recently had a meeting with one major global firm whose Scottish operations have reduced their emissions by 35 per cent since 2010. Their efforts have also helped to save money. For example, they established a behaviour change scheme for staff that allowed an individual worker to identify energy wastage from the programming of equipment, and the issue was addressed not only in that plant but in others using the same equipment. That is just one example of practical action from businesses; there are many more, and I have asked those businesses to use those examples in positive ways by going out and making that point to their colleagues in other business areas.

Scotland has halved its greenhouse gas emissions, and we should all be very proud of that world-leading achievement. The bill will provide the framework for delivering the second half of the decarbonisation journey all the way to net zero. The opportunities and challenges in the second half of that transition will, of course, be very different from those that we have experienced so far, but what remains unchanged is the value of political consensus. I entirely appreciate the level of interest in and expectation around the next climate change plan; once we have received the CCC’s updated advice, we will look again at the current plan, which will need to be reviewed after the passage of the bill. However, climate change plans are major strategic documents that affect all parts of our economy and every person in Scotland. There is a trade-off between their rapid production, including stakeholder and public consultation, and the extent and robustness of their content.

On the issue of costs, which was mentioned by John Scott and others, future Governments will decide what actions to take to deliver the targets, the costs of which will be affected by future scientific understanding and the availability of technology. It is not reasonable to expect to be able to describe those future costs with accuracy. In any case, as Stewart Stevenson interjected, the cost of not tackling climate change will be greater.

It is vitally important that the remainder of Scotland’s decarbonisation journey is fair for all. The Government is committed to a transition that continues to bring together our social, economic and climate objectives and that leaves no one behind. The need for a just transition was raised by a number of members, including Claudia Beamish and Alex Rowley.

The just transition commission that we have established has been tasked with providing the Scottish Government with practical advice on how to maximise the opportunities and manage the challenges of decarbonisation in relation to fair work, tackling inequalities and poverty and delivering a sustainable and inclusive labour market. The independent commission, chaired by Professor Jim Skea, started work in January and will advise on how to shift to a carbon-neutral economy in a way that is fair for all. The committee has asked the Scottish Government to further consider how the bill can reflect our commitments to a just transition. Following the debate on that in Parliament in January, I confirm that we are giving the matter further consideration and I will provide an update to Parliament before stage 2 begins.

The committee has asked the Scottish Government to give further consideration to the possibility of setting sector-specific emissions reduction targets. We will do so and provide an updated response once the CCC’s advice is available. Again, I must remind members of the multiple interconnections between sectors that sector targets could make substantially more difficult to factor in, which would be to the detriment of overall success. That is particularly the case with agriculture, which a number of members mentioned, where the inventory does not reflect all that farmers do to reduce emissions and data revisions can have a disproportionate effect on specific sectors. Our current view remains that the existing framework of economy-wide targets is working well and provides the necessary flexibility to respond to changing circumstances.

This is a vitally important bill for every person, business and community in Scotland. The bill strengthens Scotland’s place as a world leader in tackling the defining global challenge of our time. It sets the most ambitious targets of any country in the world and ensures that those always remain under review. It further strengthens our already uniquely rigorous framework of accountability around the targets. It will support action effectively over the years and decades to come, as Scotland delivers net zero emissions as soon as possible.

Mark Ruskell

On a point of order, Presiding Officer. The protocol between the Parliament and the Government in relation to the handling of committee business sets out in paragraph 41:

“The Scottish Government should normally respond to any committee report not later than:

a. two months after publication of the report; or

b. where exceptionally the debate is to be within the 2 months of publication, a week before the Chamber debate the report.”

Members received the Government’s response to the stage 1 committee report on the climate bill at 12.43 pm yesterday. That gave us barely 24 hours to read and digest the implications of the Government’s response ahead of this afternoon’s debate on this critical legislation. No letter was issued to the committee to explain the nature and reason for the delay.

Presiding Officer, I ask for your advice on whether the protocol has indeed been breached and, if so, what your advice is to the Government and Parliament on this matter.

The Presiding Officer (Ken Macintosh)

I thank the member for advance notice of the point of order. I note that the issue was raised at a meeting of the Parliamentary Bureau earlier today and that the cabinet secretary referred to it in her concluding remarks.

It is the case that a protocol exists covering the issue of how the Government should respond to committee reports. The protocol covers best practice. However, it also covers the circumstances in which the Government is not able to respond to a committee in good time and has to respond on the day of the debate. I believe that that is the situation that the Government has found itself in. I suggest that the member—or the committee—pursues the matter with the Government directly.

I thank the member for the point of order and I am sure that the Government has noted the point he makes.

2 April 2019

MSPs recommended this proposed law could continue

Stage 2 - Changes to detail

MSPs can propose changes to the Bill. The changes are considered and then voted on by the committee. 

Who spoke to the lead committee about this Bill at Stage 2

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First meeting transcript

The Convener (Gillian Martin)

Welcome to the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee’s 15th meeting in 2019. I remind everyone to switch off their phones or put them on silent mode, as they might affect the broadcasting system.

Agenda item 1 is for the committee to take further evidence on the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill at stage 2. This morning, I am delighted to welcome, from the United Kingdom Committee on Climate Change, Chris Stark, chief executive officer; Professor Keith Bell and Professor Piers Forster, committee members; and David Joffe, team leader for economy-wide analysis. I welcome you all. Thank you for coming to see us so quickly after your report, which we have all found interesting, was issued.

I will ask you some questions about how you compiled the report. You had just six months to research and compile the report. In that relatively short space of time, are you confident that you have considered all the available options that are open to the UK and devolved nations?

Chris Stark (Committee on Climate Change)

I will start by acknowledging that, as four white men, we are horribly lacking in diversity. I am sorry about that, but it does not reflect the make-up of the committee.

We are confident that we have considered all the available options. It has taken six or seven months of intensive work to produce the recommendations in the report for the Scottish and UK Governments but, of course, there is a lot more behind it than that—if you like, we have been in training for a while, expecting this commission. We draw on a number of pieces of evidence in the report, not least the work of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change last year and its landmark report, “Global Warming of 1.5°C”. The basis of our report is the IPCC work, a set of in-depth reports that we produced last year on land use, biomass and hydrogen, which are three essential components of the deep emissions reduction that we have projected in this report, and the body of work that we have put together over the seven or eight months since we received the commission from ministers. When we boil all that up, it allows us to say something that we have not previously been able to say. We now have a set of scenarios that take us out to 2050 and which, for the first time, permit us to talk about the net zero goal. We did not previously have the evidence base to do that.

I am certain that the evidence will get better over the coming months and years, but I am confident about the set of recommendations that we provided to ministers in the report. I am sure that we will want to look further at some of the issues that underpin our recommendations but this is one of the best pieces of work that the committee has ever produced and I think that it will stand the test of time.

The Convener

You mentioned that, as you go into the future, you want to do more in-depth work on some of the pathways. What are your top three priorities for that?

Chris Stark

Necessarily, we have had to do something that, in the main, looks at the UK. I have appeared before this committee many times, so you know that I have a prejudice towards thinking that we should also look closely at the Scottish issues. We have done a good job of that in this report, but some of the pathways to reduce emissions in Scotland will be contingent on things that happen UK-wide. Over the next 12 months, we intend to look closely at some of those things.

There is a requirement in the UK Climate Change Act 2008 for us to give advice on the sixth UK carbon budget next year. A huge amount of work in this report allows us to give an accurate assessment of the sixth carbon budget and the pathways to achieve the long-term target UK-wide. That will also allow us to look in much more detail at the Scottish issues.

Briefly, the kind of things that we will want to consider are the plan for decarbonising heat across the UK and how we approach the challenge of carbon capture and storage in the UK, which is an important issue for Scotland. We also want to consider some of the big issues that there is uncertainty about at the moment, such as what the policy towards land use and agriculture is after we leave the EU, if that happens.

We have made educated guesses about some of those things and have made a good assessment of them, but we want to consider them in more detail over the next 12 months or so.

The Convener

You have hit on another area that I want to ask about, which is equity. Obviously, there are more challenging targets for Scotland to deliver, but a lot of what can be done is dependent on what happens at a UK level. Is it equitable and realistic to put these challenging targets at the door of the Scottish Government when, as you say, the decarbonisation of the gas network and issues to do with carbon capture and storage involve responsibilities that lie at a UK level?

Chris Stark

I would extend what you say even further. We are talking about a global issue, not just one that is for the UK to deal with. In the end, the world will have to do something about all these issues. We are all going to have to get to net zero or the game’s a bogey. We can be pretty clear about the fact that these things will have to be in place or the overall mission will be off track. On that basis, it is fair, at this stage in the passage of the bill, to advise Scottish ministers that they should set the 2045 net zero target now and be confident that there will be a UK framework in place to deliver these things. In fact, I would say that inserting the new target into the bill at this stage creates a strong lever that I hope the Scottish Government will use when the two Governments are co-operating with each other.

I think that it is equitable to set the policy, but it is important that other UK and Scottish policy steps up to the task in a way that has not yet been the case.

Professor Keith Bell (Committee on Climate Change)

There is an interdependency between Scotland and the UK as a whole when it comes to reaching the targets that we recommend for Scotland and for the UK. With regard to the electricity decarbonisation that needs to be done, the UK has already benefited from what has been done in Scotland, such as the development of CCS resource, forestation and so on. It is a two-way interdependency. Therefore, as Chris Stark said, there is strong reason to believe that it is right that the recommendations be adopted.

Professor Piers Forster (Committee on Climate Change)

If you look at our cost analysis, you can see that the cost falls disproportionately on Scotland. We estimate that about 15 per cent of the overall cost of the UK net zero target falls on this country. That is much higher than your share of population or gross domestic product. Within that, there is an opportunity to send the rest of the UK quite a big bill for your forestation and your CCS work.

Stewart Stevenson (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

I want to pick up briefly on what Chris Stark said. I very much welcome the confidence that he has in his report—it would be rather depressing if he had said something different. You talked about further evidence emerging, and I want to ask about that. The implication is that the evidence will reinforce the report—that is what I get from what has been said today and from my independent reading. When do you think it would be appropriate to further revisit the targets for the UK and Scotland in the light of that evidence, so that we might be even more ambitious in future? There are some pressures to consider different targets right now, which I am resisting, because I want to support what the scientists are saying.

Chris Stark

That is an interesting question. The hallmark of the Scottish and UK frameworks, under the respective pieces of legislation, is that, when the evidence supports doing so, we revisit the targets. Of course, it is about 10 years since those frameworks were put in place, so this is the moment to do so.

09:45  

In response to your question, I say that, first, it is difficult to be certain what will happen with evidence in the future. Therefore, we have been prudent and cautious in our approach to aspects such as cost reduction and, on that basis, I think that we can be confident that the costs are in the right ball park.

The second thing is that the position is not static. The application of policy has a direct impact, especially on cost. There is an excellent—I would say that, wouldn’t I?—section in the report on what happens then, which is that we get a very happy feedback loop. When policy is framed in the right way and markets respond in the right way, there is a remarkable impact on cost. However, we have been prudent. We have not seen those cost falls in all areas—most notably not in nuclear, for example. It is appropriate for us to be prudent and transparent about the way in which we approach these things.

The question of when we might return to the target is difficult. A period of a decade has been useful in allowing us to establish what happens when we have a framework such as this and policy steps up to address the issue. We have had several changes of Government over that period, both in Scotland and at UK level. The key component of the success of this bill when it becomes an act is that it should ride out those kinds of political shifts. I feel that this is the appropriate time for us to revisit the target, but there may well be a time to look at it again in the future.

My last point is that we do not have that much more time to achieve such targets, so the luxury of looking at the issue and thinking that we have decades of time will soon evaporate. Setting such a target at this moment is a fundamental step. I do not expect that we will be revisiting it any time soon. One of the straplines that I was using with the team when we were putting the report together is that I do not want to do it again. This is the moment for us to do as fundamental a piece of work as we can, so that Parliaments up and down the land can make the right decisions.

The Convener

What was the methodology? Targets are one thing, but pathways are quite another. What model did you use to come up with the pathways? Was it the TIMES model again, or was it something different?

Chris Stark

I will pass over to my colleague David Joffe in a second to say something about the modelling approach. We did not use TIMES. I can speak from the experience of using it in the Scottish Government, of course, but we have a different approach, although we have used TIMES in the past.

David Joffe (Committee on Climate Change)

We did not use only one model to come up with our analysis; we used detailed sectoral analysis and constructed an economy-wide scenario based on modelling in the power, building, industry and transport sectors and so on, so that we could get the great detail that sectoral approaches provide. We then combined them in a way that made sense across the economy, based on insights from modelling with not the TIMES model but one that was similar, the energy system modelling environment—ESME—model, which we used last year for our hydrogen and biomass report. We think that we have the underpinnings and insights from that modelling, but we wanted the greatest level of detail possible, which meant doing sectoral analysis rather than using a big TIMES-type model.

Professor Bell

I have come relatively late to the process, but I am very pleased to be part of it. The priority is to identify that there are credible and affordable pathways—multiple possible pathways. That means that there are uncertainties about some of the further ambition options for getting right down to net zero. However, there are options and that was the most important thing to establish from the detailed modelling, rather than doing what the TIMES model tries to do, which is to find a single optimal pathway from the data that are fed into it.

Mark Ruskell (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

You mentioned interdependency between Scotland and the UK in terms of policy and the potential for one target to leverage another. What about the European Union? We see a drive there now, with the European Commission wanting to set an EU target of net zero by 2050. How important is that interrelationship in terms of research and innovation, for example in relation to an EU-wide electricity grid? Is there uncertainty about that?

Chris Stark

The short answer is that the EU is not as important as the UK, but it is very important. Some of the strategies to achieve deep emissions reduction in some sectors rely on there being a compatible EU approach. The best example that I can think of is heavy goods vehicles. It is very difficult to conceive of a situation in which the UK alone, and certainly Scotland alone, could have a strategy to get HGVs to zero carbon without there being an EU-wide approach to that. We emphasise the importance of hydrogen in the report. To achieve the outcomes that we are hoping for, we would need an EU-wide system of freight management that used hydrogen infrastructure. We look at alternative options in the report, too, but it is fundamentally an international question.

The other aspect is that, at the moment, as members of the EU, we can sit behind some of the big frameworks, for example the EU renewable energy and energy efficiency frameworks. We need to see what happens after we leave the EU, and see how those frameworks are replaced. In the main, we are well ahead of some of the targets in those frameworks, so we have not had the opportunity to understand what happens when they start to bite on domestic policy. It is more of a theoretical exercise to consider what might happen in future. Europe is, of course, very important.

There is an interesting and important relationship between setting a domestic target for emissions reduction here in Scotland, and the impact that that might have on the UK setting a similar target, and the knock-on impact on other countries around Europe. In the report, we make a lot of the fact that there is a huge and underappreciated leverage role for the UK and Scotland in setting a target such as this, which far outweighs the impact in raw emissions terms. A rich industrialised economy such as Scotland and the rest of the UK setting a target as ambitious as this gives a much stronger platform for the EU to set the target that has been proposed by the Commission. In general, if we approach it that way, we can feel much more confident about the world getting on a better pathway. The counterargument is that, if we do not do it, it will be very easy for other parties, especially the EU, not to do it as well. This is a critical moment to set such a target.

Professor Bell

The other thing to mention is innovation. Chris Stark has talked about the importance of the hydrogen sector. Electricity is not the whole story, but it remains very important. A fair amount of electrification of heat and transport is built into what we see as being the credible pathways. There is an interdependency with the rest of Europe, and that interconnection is a way of balancing out the surpluses and deficits of renewable energy as they vary through time.

For imports of electrical energy to be genuinely low carbon, rather than a case of us offshoring the carbon problem, depends on the electricity sector in the rest of Europe decarbonising, particularly in Germany and Poland. Again, political leverage is important in helping to move that. The innovation aspect is extremely important—it is clear that there are innovation needs in all sorts of sectors. We have been careful not to make bold or excessive assumptions about what those sectors will deliver. We can never quite predict where the main outcomes will arrive, but I feel quite strongly about the importance of the capacity to do innovation. We pointed in the report to the need for investment in skills, not just in deployment but in innovation.

We could look to the offshore wind sector deal as being an example of that, but it should not be seen on its own. There has to be a wider framework for this. Whether the system works, as an engineering system across the multiple vectors—there are still challenges in the electricity system and how it is operated—depends on the involvement of people with deep knowledge in industry, academia and in consultancies and so on.

There is a set of centres for doctoral training that are really important UK-wide in delivering people with that level of skills, who know how to do research. In February, 75 CDTs were announced by the Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council. It is disappointing that none of those CDTs is concerned with the energy system, the electricity system or energy storage. A serious trick has been missed there.

The Convener

We will meet a few representatives of various sectors that have been challenged in this area. When you took evidence, were there any particular sectors that were not behind the net zero ambition? Could you outline their reasons for that?

Chris Stark

David Joffe might have better knowledge of that. I am afraid that I have only a summary knowledge of the responses. Most people who responded were advocates for the more ambitious target. From memory, I think that a few were not, but I have to say that I cannot think of a single sectoral representative who argued against it.

However, there was lots of caution about setting a target that could not be met. That is the really important thing for me, and it is one of the messages of our report. This is about much more than a target. It is not credible to have a net zero target unless there is policy to match, and at the moment, we do not have that policy.

Professor Forster

Perhaps I could speak from my experience of the aviation and agricultural sectors. As Chris Stark said, they are cautious because they are the two industries that cannot decarbonise completely. However, they understand that they have to do more than they are doing. They are not completely against the target, but I am almost 100 per cent certain that they will come back to the Government and demand financial support of some kind so that they can get there.

David Joffe

The input that we got from stakeholders came in via the call for evidence and that sort of thing before we had done the analysis. We did not have the opportunity to show the analysis to stakeholders as we might have done if we had had more time. Inevitably, stakeholders will have seen the analysis for the first time on publication and we would expect them to react to it because it is important to their sector. We will see what their reactions are in the coming weeks and months.

Claudia Beamish (South Scotland) (Lab)

I would like to look at the committee’s evidence on the appropriate contribution from Scotland in relation to capability, equity and, of course, support for the global effort.

I will start by asking Chris Stark and any other witnesses who wish to answer whether, if they are adopted, the Scottish and UK targets will represent the most ambitious targets globally.

Chris Stark

We are clear in the report that our targets are the appropriate contribution to the Paris agreement, one of the stipulations of which is that the countries of the world must offer their highest possible ambition, and we go on to define that.

Since we published the report, the IPCC has often been cited and I regularly hear that, because it has recommended that the world should reach net zero by 2050, we have therefore made an unambitious set of recommendations. It is important to make the point that that IPCC recommendation was for carbon dioxide only. We have offered a recommendation for all greenhouse gases, which is well in advance of the global average that would be necessary for the Paris agreement temperature goals.

We will be straining every sinew in every sector if we approach our targets in the way that we have recommended in the report. We have looked at an earlier date for the UK, and it therefore follows that we have looked at an earlier date for Scotland. It is a judgment, and that is why we have the committee—to offer such a judgment.

Any date prior to 2050 for the UK and prior to 2045 for Scotland carries a huge risk of failure. We can go into more depth on some of the sectoral strategies that would be necessary to get to the 2045 target in Scotland, but there are physical and other real barriers to achieving it. Those things will not be easily fixed, even over 25 years.

We have looked at a really ambitious overall strategy. We have departed in two ways from the cautious approach that the committee has typically taken during its 10 years of existence. One is that we are now suggesting to the UK and Scottish Governments that our GHG emissions reduction target should go beyond the global average per capita. We have never done that before. Secondly—this is true UK-wide, at least—we cannot get you to net zero; we can get you almost all the way. We are confident enough that a pot of speculative options will then be available to get to net zero, but again, that is a step in advance of where we have typically been as a cautious committee.

I am very happy to defend that and it is a measure of how hard it was for us to put together a set of strategies and scenarios for deep emissions reductions in every sector. The 2045 date is as early as we can confidently predict, given all the other factors that we are required to consider as a committee under the climate change legislation in Scotland.

10:00  

Professor Forster

Some other countries are considering quite similar targets, but I think that we can say with confidence that the scale of the 2045 target that we have set for Scotland will be the most ambitious in the whole world if it is adopted, because it is for all greenhouse gases, as Chris Stark said, not just CO2. International aviation and shipping are also considered as part of the target. The other thing is that we want to achieve it as much as possible without international offset of some kind. With those considerations, we think that it is probably the most ambitious target that we can set up.

Claudia Beamish

How were considerations of global equity factored into the net zero calculations? Was directly tackling consumption emissions considered as part of the equation? Consumption emissions were estimated to be around 70 per cent higher than territorial emissions in 2016. Of course, you will know that, but I wanted to put it on the record.

Chris Stark

We made a transparent and honest appraisal of the equity issues. It is worth saying that on some measures, which we set out clearly in the report, we would see the UK adopting a considerably harder target. I should say that those are UK-wide measures.

In summary, you are right to raise the issue of consumption emissions; it is something that we worry about a lot. The basis of the statutory framework in the UK is territorial emissions, but that did not stop us looking at the issue.

The problem with consumption emissions is that we cannot entirely control their reduction. The first thing to say is that the majority of consumption emissions are what is produced here. Secondly, we know—this is pure science; in fact, it is pure chemistry, never mind science—that if we are going to tackle global warming, we must, as a globe, get to net zero and therefore the consumption emissions line will eventually fall. Thirdly, in achieving a domestic net zero goal, whether that is in Scotland or UK-wide, we will reduce our demand for some of the things that push those consumption emissions as high as they are at the moment.

In summary, the fact that we consume more than other parts of the world is one of the strongest arguments for us to go beyond the global average on territorial emissions and set a net zero target overall.

We have given as thorough a description as possible of what can be done about the consumption emissions problem, including the potential to set new policies that actively tackle it; we explore the option of carbon border taxes in the report, for example. However, it is still appropriate to use territorial emissions as a basis for target setting, given that that is what policy can control directly.

David Joffe

I would add that calculating consumption emissions is complicated; there is a big time lag between the emissions occurring and having the data and there are different ways that you can do it, which will come out with different answers. It is a less transparent framework for measuring emissions. As well as the considerations that Chris Stark has set out, it becomes much more difficult and much less transparent if you do it that way.

Professor Bell

On the international process, as Chris Stark said, it is a global challenge. These things have to be accounted for somewhere, so if the globe is committed to whatever the Paris agreement said, the emissions have to be counted in the global ledger.

Professor Forster

Our report is the first to include accurately calculated consumption emissions. They were calculated by Dr Anne Owen from my department, who did a fantastic job.

In the policy that we advocate for the UK, about 60 per cent of the levers that we want to pull focus on demand or have at least some element of demand reduction, so we can be quite confident that consumption emissions will decline in time.

Claudia Beamish

Thank you. Will you clarify whether the target of net zero emissions by 2045 includes an overshoot scenario?

Chris Stark

I will ask David Joffe whether he wants to say more about this, but the answer is that it does not include that—or, at least, it includes minimal overshoot. We looked at a number of ways of achieving the target and concluded that, again, we should be cautious and prudent about that.

Is there anything that you want to add, David?

David Joffe

No.

Professor Forster

I would just note that, if we move to net zero greenhouse gas targets, we will be in a situation where the country’s contribution to temperature change will decline over time, so we will begin to reduce our contribution to that.

Claudia Beamish

Thank you. Lastly, I ask whichever of you feels it is appropriate to respond to say for the record why the rebalancing

“of effort towards existing climate leaders and richer nations”

appeared to you to be

“more plausible”

than increasing the effort of middle income and developing countries.

Chris Stark

That is one of the most important aspects of the report. We were let loose to look at a set of global issues that we would not typically be able to look at, and there is a great deal of new work in the report that you will not find in any other reports.

One of the really good contributions that we are now making to the global discussion is that we are trying to model a different scenario that is much more in line with the goals of the Paris agreement, whereby the richer developed countries go first and take a lead because they can do that and they can afford it. There is great service in them doing so. In Scotland and the UK, we have been doing that very well for the past 10 years.

One of the best expressions of why it is important for us to do that regardless of the fact that we have a relatively small proportion of global emissions is that, with policy, we have been successfully bringing down the costs of some of the key technologies. That is a service that other countries will then benefit from. It is most obvious in Scotland when we look at the offshore wind story, but there are other technologies, too. By supporting and deploying those technologies and bringing the costs down, we will feel more and more confident about their costs coming beneath those of fossil fuels globally, so that those countries that are still developing may never need to use fossil fuels and build the infrastructure. That is essential for us to achieve the goals of the Paris agreement.

It is an important aspect of our report that we look at those global concerns and model something that is more credible overall. I hope that other countries around the world and, indeed, the United Nations will pay attention to that.

The Convener

Is there also economic opportunity in that, given that the pioneers of the technology will be able to export their expertise and that technology?

Chris Stark

Absolutely. Again, this is something that we can be confident will be addressed in other countries. My stock answer to some of the questions that have been asked so far has been that everyone must reach net zero. In the knowledge that that is the case, it is a sensible economic development strategy to develop some of the technologies to do it here in Scotland.

The record of the past decade and more shows that, having had the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009 and legislation at the UK level, we have not ruined the economy. Indeed, it is quite the opposite. We have become a strong example of what happens when policy is framed in the right way. The economy has grown while we have successfully cut emissions, and that is exactly what needs to happen in every developed country as a demonstration of how we can achieve reductions overall. I am confident that it can be done if other countries follow this kind of framework.

The Convener

Mark Ruskell has some follow-up questions on that theme.

Mark Ruskell

The big take-home message from the IPCC report was that we need to take action in the next 10 years and that early action is absolutely critical. What research and analysis have you done in relation to the 2030 target? There is much more about what we should do and put in place now.

Chris Stark

I will open up the discussion, but I will first make some introductory comments.

We have necessarily had to look at a UK-wide strategy for net zero emissions, and we have drawn conclusions about how that effort can be achieved in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but we have not been able to build a detailed pathway in Scotland yet. We acknowledged that in the report, and we intend to do something about it over the next 12 to 18 months or so. That has meant that we have been prudent again and cautious about how to assess the sensible and important need for interim targets under the new Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill. We have used the best evidence that we have of what the pathway might look like in order to get to the 2045 date, and that has been a straight-line assessment.

I think that we will revisit the matter. I do not know whether that means that we will revisit the 2030 interim target, but I know that we will have better evidence on which to base our assessment when we do that. The key component of our ability to assess the interim targets, especially in 2030, will be the assessment that we make of the UK’s sixth carbon budget overall and the pathways to—I hope—achieving a tougher target if Westminster follows Holyrood’s example.

Mark Ruskell was absolutely right to refer to the importance of short-term action. The issue is global. In particular, long-lived gases, as they are emitted, add to the global stock of CO2, which is, after all, what global warming is all about. The more we can cut that in the short term, the better the impact on global warming overall will be.

Members can be assured that the Committee on Climate Change’s interest is in seeing as much action as possible as soon as possible to deliver those goals. We will want to look at that in more detail when we have the evidence to do so.

Professor Forster

As Chris Stark said, we have not gone into detail about what to do in the next 10-year timeframe, but some definite key issues come out of the report. We want to bring forward the date for switching to EVs, and we want the Government to ban the sale of new petrol and diesel cars from 2030. We want carbon capture and storage clusters to be developed—they have to be developed in the next five-year timeframe—and we have to change our afforestation target immediately. We must get planting trees, because they take time to grow and suck carbon from the atmosphere. We recommended that Scotland’s current forest cover of around 20 per cent ought to be rapidly increased to 30 per cent.

David Joffe

I will add to what needs to be done. With only around 25 years to get to net zero emissions, some of the infrastructure that we will need will require early action. It is not only about CCS, although that is crucial. If we are going to use hydrogen, the infrastructure for hydrogen production and supply will be important for electricity grids. On the softer side, public engagement and skills will be important in ensuring that we are able to deliver those things over the next two decades.

Professor Bell

The infrastructure question is really challenging for policy making. A lot of transport and energy infrastructure was developed quite a while ago, under market or financing arrangements that were completely different from what we have now. What is the right framework within which to develop a hydrogen and carbon capture and storage infrastructure?

The approach in the electricity and gas sector will be sort of incremental, albeit that the increments will have to be big to accommodate repurposing of the gas grid and electrification of at least some part of heat and transport. However, in starting from scratch when we need something that is pretty big, we must decide quickly what the policy levers should be to enable that and how that will be financed and delivered.

10:15  

Mark Ruskell

I appreciate that there are big questions and what your report describes as speculative ways of reducing emissions, but it seems odd that you have, in effect, drawn a straight line for the next 10 years. If we adopted your proposed target, that would require an increase in effort by 2030 of 4 percentage points—from 66 to 70 per cent. What would fill the gap? In areas that fall under your previous and current advice, could we ramp up the ambition and go a bit further than 70 per cent, so that there is not necessarily a straight line?

Chris Stark

Absolutely. We acknowledge in the report that it is perfectly possible to go faster on some things, which would make it easier to achieve the net zero target.

I will list the things that need to happen. We are talking about an utterly incredible increase—I will rephrase that; I mean an amazing increase—in electricity production from low-carbon means.

Mark Ruskell

Is that over the next 10 years?

Chris Stark

Yes. That needs to be ramped up. The policies are there to deliver it, but the appropriate ambition is also needed. The report reflects on the UK Government’s strategy for producing 30GW of offshore wind energy by 2030. If that target were increased, and if we went faster on electrification from some key technologies, we might get ourselves on to a different trajectory, and we would reduce the risks of not achieving net zero emissions.

Mark Ruskell

So, progress would be steeper than the straight line.

Chris Stark

Yes. We do not yet have the data on which to base a more detailed pathway for Scotland; I am sorry about that, but it is best to acknowledge it. We must understand first what the UK-wide position looks like and then what share Scotland can take.

The electrification strategy is one thing that we could go faster on. We mentioned the EV switchover date. It is indefensible to have a UK-wide switchover date of 2040, which is incompatible with the 80 per cent target, never mind a net zero target. A car that is bought in 2040 that uses fossil fuels will still be on the roads 15 years later. In one of the best bits of analysis in the report, we show that switching to EVs will be a boon to the economy and that bringing forward the switchover to the earliest possible date—preferably 2030—would also be a boon to the economy.

Mark Ruskell

What about agriculture and land use?

Chris Stark

It is obvious that we must start planting trees, which means changing our approach to agriculture. We have been cautious about what needs to be done, but we must free up agricultural land for natural stores of carbon, which takes time.

We have discussed carbon capture and storage and the related issue of using hydrogen. If that is to play a meaningful role, as we think it should, in the next 25 years, the sooner we start on that, the better. We need a genuinely integrated approach to hydrogen from the Scottish and UK Governments the like of which we have not had in the past 10 years.

If those things are put in place and if they happen sooner, we can be more confident about achieving the net zero target, and we might be able to look at the date again. However, the best assessment now of how quickly the target can be achieved is in the report. Once we understand the UK pathway better, we will look at the 2030 interim date.

Mark Ruskell

Perhaps you can understand our difficulty. The bill that is before us will have gone through stage 3 and will have passed into law by the end of this year. Will we have to wait another two years for you to have more certainty before we set a 2030 target? The IPCC said that we had 10 years at tops. We will now have eight years, so time is running out. We need to decide now what a realistic 2030 target would be.

Chris Stark

We have offered you the best assessment of what is achievable in Scotland. We could not offer the detailed pathway that might inform a different 2030 target, but that does not mean that we will not come back to the question. I am not asking the Parliament to wait; I am asking it to take the advice that we offer in the report, which is very ambitious.

We have referred to UK-wide frameworks, but we should not let the Scottish Government off the hook, because a set of things can be done in Scotland—most notably in relation to agriculture and to housing as part of the built environment. If those things are stacked up in the next 12 months, we can be more ambitious about the interim targets.

Going back to my earlier point, I think that what happens over the next 10 years matters immensely. It is, of course, something that the committee cares deeply about, so you can expect us to look into the matter.

David Joffe

I think that it is really important to distinguish between the actions that we can take over the next 10 years and what those will mean for emissions in 2030. We now have a clear idea of the set of actions that need to happen over the next 10 years, and we have set some of them out; however, what we do not have is an idea of what exactly those actions will mean for emissions in 2030, because we have not been able to do that analysis.

The priority now should be to put in place policies to reduce emissions instead of working out and targeting the exact numbers. We know that we need to get to net zero emissions by 2045 and that there is a set of things that we will need to do in order to get there, but precisely what the emissions reduction needs to be as we move towards 2030 is, we think, less important than putting in place the policies to ensure that we get all the way to net zero. That is why we have focused on the end point and the actions that are required to get there rather than on the percentage reduction. Nonetheless, in the future, we will try to produce something more accurate than that sort of straight-line analysis.

The Convener

We have a lot of ground to cover. I therefore apologise to colleagues who want to ask supplementary questions. I suggest that you wait and ask them when I call you to ask your main questions.

We move on to questions from Maurice Golden.

Maurice Golden (West Scotland) (Con)

I wonder whether the panel will reflect on changes to the emissions inventory—specifically the global warming potential methodologies and the inclusion of peat.

Chris Stark

In a second, I will turn to David Joffe to tell you how we approached the issue. Our general approach was, again, to be cautious about such changes. We knew that they were coming and that some of the emissions inventory changes will have a greater impact on Scotland, proportionally, than on the whole of the UK. Some of the changes, such as the peatland revisions, are very big.

The advice that we have offered is based on what would have the maximum impact on the emissions inventory. In other words, we are being conservative in the right way in our assessment of the matter. The global warming potentials and the peatland revisions might turn out to be lower, which would make the targets easier to meet, and we have accommodated that in our assessment.

David Joffe

I echo Chris Stark’s point, that we have tried to be conservative. We had the option of making recommendations on the basis of the existing inventory. However, if we had recommended a net zero target that was more ambitious than what we have ended up recommending and, in three years’ time, when the inventory changed, we had to say, “Sorry, you can’t meet the target any more,” that would have been quite damaging to confidence in the legislation. We have therefore been very careful to be conservative, and we are confident that the target can be met with any known forthcoming changes to the inventory. Things might come down the line, in the 2020s or 2030s, that we have not anticipated, but, as far as the known changes are concerned, we are confident that the target can be met.

Professor Forster

Perhaps I can give the committee some idea of the significance of the changes. If you were to make them today, they could increase emissions by an order of magnitude of 15 per cent or so, which comes back to the point that was made about it being quite hard, depending on how the changes go, to set a precise 2030 target.

My advice in that respect is that you really have to be sure about the baseline with which you are comparing your target. For example, as far as peatland is concerned, you would need to be sure about the emissions that you would be comparing and what GWPs you could achieve for your particular target. You need some continuity there.

The changes will have a big effect today, but, after you begin to do lots of peatland restoration and reduce your agricultural emissions, you ought to find that they are not so significant by 2045. Changing the inventories today will have a big effect, but their effect will not be so big as you go further forward in time.

Stewart Stevenson

I was going to ask about peat later, but it has come up now. I presume that the baseline for peatland emissions is 1990 and that the change in methodology has incorporated what has happened between 1990 and the present, which we acknowledge is not very helpful.

My experience is that peatland restoration for environmental reasons—for diversity and so forth—seems to happen extremely rapidly. What does the graph look like, as we move forward, for peatland’s impact through reducing methane emissions and absorbing greenhouse gases? It is all very well to talk about peatland restoration, but that is currently being done for environmental reasons as much as to address climate change.

Professor Forster

A simple thing that can be done is blocking up drainage so that there is no draining of peatland. Just that one simple action almost instantly reduces methane emissions from peat. However, the sequestration of carbon dioxide would take more time, because peatland takes thousands of years to regenerate.

Stewart Stevenson

So, let us be clear: peatland restoration reduces emissions. I have seen examples of how quickly blocking drainage works. However, given that it will take a lot longer for the peatland to start to absorb CO2, is that land intervention the most effective way to ensure that CO2 is absorbed, or is forestry much more effective and quicker? We could talk about other land interventions that might be more effective, but I do not want to open the discussion up too much at the moment. We have to prioritise what works best and fastest.

Professor Forster

Peat is still very effective for emissions reduction and sequestration, and, because we are not talking about very big areas of land in the UK and Scotland, policies can be concentrated on relatively tiny areas. In targeting afforestation, you would have to engage with many more landowners throughout the country—in towns, cities, parks and all the communities—which would be a much more difficult logistical challenge. That is why, if you delve into the detail of the land use report that we published in December, you will see that we think that peatland restoration is a really effective approach.

David Joffe

Although I completely understand where you are coming from in asking what the priority is—whether it is here or here—the magnitude of our challenge of getting to net zero emissions by 2045 means that we need to do both the afforestation and the peatland restoration—and, and, and.

Stewart Stevenson

Oh yes.

David Joffe

Nevertheless, I understand where you are coming from in asking about priorities.

Angus MacDonald (Falkirk East) (SNP)

Staying with the previous discussion, I think it worth pointing out that I hail from the Isle of Lewis, where trees that were planted on peatland 40 years ago are no higher than the desk in front of me. There are challenges for the numbers there, too.

I want to look further at the challenges that we face in realising net zero emissions. The issue has been touched on in response to some of Mark Ruskell’s questions, but with regard to our further ambitions on electricity generation, what challenges do we face in increasing renewable generation to four times today’s levels?

Chris Stark

That is definitely a question for Keith Bell.

10:30  

Professor Bell

One of the major challenges is getting the supply chain and the finance going. At the moment, contracts for difference, which help to manage the risk of the variability of the wholesale price, are being offered only for offshore generation, whether it be generation that is in the middle of the sea or which is island based. We will see what happens with the less developed technologies, but that is the case for the more mature technologies. As Mr MacDonald comes from the Isle of Lewis, island-based generation will be a big topic of interest for him.

The financing for onshore wind remains very important. In my view, there is a lot of uncertainty about whether merchant development of onshore wind will happen in the short or medium term. Some seem to be reasonably confident about that and are developing the power purchase agreements to underpin those investments, while others to whom I have talked say, “No—that’s just not going to happen.” In the report, we say that some sort of financing mechanism is necessary for onshore wind, and that we need further development of solar photovoltaic energy.

There is also a network investment question, which relates not just to the need to accommodate new developments in generation where they are but to the electrification of demand, which we have talked about. The electrification of heat and transport will grow the electricity demand, which is something that has not happened in this country for years. That, too, must be facilitated by network investment at the right time. In the report, we talk about the need for timely investment.

There is a regulatory role to be played here. At the transmission level, the network companies are putting together their investment plans for 2021 to 2026, and the amount of money that they are allowed by the regulator will be extremely important in how they get delivered. We would expect some of the growth in demand to come through in that period. The distribution plans, which are also for five years, will come the year after that. Up to now, the regulator has been very worried about stranded assets, overinvestment and the risk of things being put in that turn out not to be needed. This is a personal opinion, but given what we have said about the pathways to the electrification of heat and transport, I think that being overly concerned about stranded assets will not be helpful in managing the total cost of facilitating the electrification of heat and transport.

Angus MacDonald

Moving on, we know the Scottish Government’s position on nuclear energy, but what role does new nuclear generation play in the CCC’s scenarios? Were the current difficulties with the deployment of new nuclear facilities factored into planning?

Chris Stark

David Joffe might want to come in here, but the point is that we need an electricity system that works, and such a system must involve a mixture of things. Renewable electricity production has proved a very useful addition to the energy system overall here in Scotland and in the UK. However, as we explore in the report, there are limits to how far we can go with that unless it is paired up with other technologies. In fact, alongside the report, we have published a separate document on the question of intermittency, which is often a key challenge that is identified.

This is another area where we have been cautious. We have assumed that we will get 60 per cent penetration of renewables in the future, although it will be perfectly possible to go further than that. A mixture of things will need to go alongside that to provide the flexibility needed to manage renewables at that level of penetration. Those things will include either firm nuclear power or firm carbon capture and storage, but we have made no assessment of the choice between those two options because, ultimately, the market will deliver that outcome. Nuclear energy might well have a role to play, but it needs to do so at a price that the market can deliver.

The best way to summarise our position on such matters is that the CCC is agnostic about the technology, but not about the price at which it is developed. That will be the key challenge. If nuclear is to play a meaningful part in the mix by 2050, it will have to do so in competition with other technologies, and a good and cautious assessment has been made of how that could play out in the future.

David Joffe

It is important to recognise that, in our approach, we prioritised looking at how low emissions could go rather than the precise mix of technologies that will be required. Clearly, a mix of technologies different to what we have assumed could achieve a similar level of emissions could be achieved, and it might be more or slightly less expensive.

However, our primary focus was not on that issue but on how low emissions could go and on what timescale that would happen. More or less nuclear power could be used than we have assumed, and that might get you to the same level of emissions, as long as you use the right mix of technologies to achieve the emissions reduction.

Professor Bell

We need to get the right policies to enable us to have the right kind of capabilities. At the moment—and I am talking here about schedulable generation, or the stuff that can be planned days or weeks in advance—the market will, if left to its own devices, deliver unabated combined cycle gas turbines. That sort of thing will not be acceptable very soon, given the lifetime of such plants, so what are the instruments for ensuring that we have the right kind of capability? Although we are agnostic about the technology that is used, we are aware that its service to the system needs to be enabled.

For example, although the capacity market contributes to meeting the costs of developing new generation and keeping existing generation open, it is pretty crude in what it commissions; it is just about finding the total for the system somewhere. Currently, the market does not think about its ability to flex and help manage intermittency through the use of mid-merit plants. What is more, because it does not think about exactly where it is on the system, issues such as the security of supply in Scotland become really important.

The Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy is reviewing how the capacity market works. It is in abeyance at the moment, but we assume that it will come back at some point, and it is important that we think about the features of the market that will enable the right technical characteristics.

Angus MacDonald

On low-carbon heating—[Interruption.] I am sorry, Mr Stevenson—did you want to come in?

Stewart Stevenson

I did, convener, if that would be possible.

The Convener

Please be very brief, because I am conscious of time.

Stewart Stevenson

The network pricing strategy of the Office of Gas and Electricity Markets discriminates against generators that are too distant from consumption. Given that plants that generate renewables are rarely on the doorsteps of our major cities, is it not time to have a network pricing strategy that relates to the climate change efficiency of the generation process rather than one based on the distance between generation and consumption point?

Professor Bell

The CCC has not gone into that level of detail for its net zero report, but perhaps I can respond to the question, given that I happened to work on the issue a few years ago.

The interests of society are served by two things: first, affordable access to electrical energy; and secondly, the decarbonising of the electricity system, which contributes to the overall picture set out by the CCC. Because affordability relates strongly to the minimum total cost of the energy, the issue as far as cost is concerned is that the right technologies need to be developed in the right places.

Clearly, there will be trade-offs. Before building a wind farm, you will want to consider where you can get the most wind and therefore the most energy per unit of investment. However, there is also the cost to the network of accommodating the wind farm. It is important that investors are given signals to allow them to make rational choices, given all the variables. It is really hard to try to intervene by playing games with the detail of various industry mechanisms, other than by setting out, at the highest level, the needs of the system and the decarbonisation needed by society.

We need to develop both offshore and onshore wind. That will come at a cost, but, as Chris Stark has mentioned, such costs have gone down as a result of the support that we have given the industry over the past 10 years. The market will need to ensure that the investment is covered and that investors come forward with business plans that work, including the costs to the network of accommodating the plans. The network’s pricing signals need to incentivise the minimum total cost. Those signals are important not just for the development of generation but in how we accommodate demand and the choices that energy users make. That will be really hard. Do we build an electricity network to accommodate his-and-hers Teslas that are fast charging simultaneously, or do we say, “Well, actually, you do not have to fast charge simultaneously. You can do it when you need to—when it’s windy or sunny. You don’t have to do it just any time”?

Stewart Stevenson

At the moment, we are, because of Ofgem policy, paying Drax to feed Manchester and penalising renewable energy in more distant areas.

Professor Bell

It is about signalling the cost to the network of developments in different places. Many people would argue about the accuracy of those signals. I still believe that, in terms of the overall affordability of energy, it is important to give signals about what the costs are to ensure that investors can make informed, rational choices.

Angus MacDonald

I am conscious of time, but I will try to cram in a couple of questions. Going back to the question of low-carbon heating, what are the challenges in increasing low-carbon heating from the 4.5 per cent level of today to 90 per cent by 2050? For example, are there opportunities to accelerate action to decarbonise the gas grid and to consider the balance of taxes across different heating fuels, to enable affordable low-carbon heating in homes and businesses across Scotland?

Chris Stark

If there is a test of whether we are serious, it is on heating. We have an extraordinarily useful energy system delivering heat to every home in Scotland and the UK at the moment and it works extremely well. Sadly, it is based on fossil fuels in the main. It is not going to be easy to change that, but it is necessary that we do so. The targets that we already have require that, and a net zero target makes it even more obvious that it needs to be done.

We do not have a strategy across the UK that will deliver a decarbonised heat system. There are big choices to be made about how to do it. The key message from the CCC to Governments in Scotland and the UK is that you have no excuse but to make that plan now. It is essential that that happens. That does not mean that we need to see the exact detail of what the system looks like in 2050, but it does mean that there has to be a clear commitment now, especially from the UK Government, which holds most of the policy levers, to a fully decarbonised heat system by 2050 at the latest, and preferably before.

The key choice is what we do with the gas grid—we are a country that still uses gas, and it is a useful thing. We have a choice of using hydrogen as an alternative, although it is not a case of flicking a switch to achieve that outcome. In the report, we lean heavily on electricity as the basis for heat, using things like heat pumps. It is perfectly possible to have a mixture of outcomes, for example, hydrogen and heat pumps in combination, and there are other alternatives that could get us there. That is one of the key issues that I expect the CCC to consider in more detail over the coming years.

I want to see a UK-wide strategy for domestic heat. We said in the report that the strategy needs to be formed by 2020. The committee may know that there is already a plan for the UK departments—the Treasury and the Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy—to put together a plan to consider what happens after we close the renewable heat incentive. That is not enough—the approach has to be comprehensive. One of its key components should be to address one of the things that Mr MacDonald raised in his question—the in-built penalty around the use of electricity in the system and the in-built incentive to use gas. That has been a sensible policy for a long time on the basis of fuel poverty. It is not a sensible policy for climate change.

I want the strategic question of how we address the imbalance to be one of the key components of the review that we have recommended that the Treasury undertakes. The policies are there to deliver a different outcome, but it must also consider the regressive impacts on vulnerable consumers. There is no easy answer—it is one of the major costs in achieving net zero—but it needs to be addressed.

Professor Forster

Scotland can set a good example to the rest of the UK. Compared to the rest of the UK, a lot of homes in Scotland are not on the gas grid. With those homes not on the gas grid, there is even more of a cost incentive to go over to electricity as fast as possible. They ought to be the first adopters of the new technology.

10:45  

On Mr Ruskell’s point about the next 10-year timeframe, I think that there will be an opportunity to really go after the parts of the country that are off the gas grid in those first 10 years.

Professor Bell

Another important area in which we have fallen behind is the gathering of evidence to inform the heat strategy, which will need to show flexibility. What exactly the right option will be depends on what the starting point is, as far as location and resources are concerned—for example, whether someone is on the gas grid, and the density of demand. Evidence on that is lacking. Only now are we starting trials to test out how people would respond—for example, how they would interact with hydrogen-based appliances or understand and use air-source or ground-source heat pumps, which would mean that their homes would be heated in a different way.

It is important to note that it is very often state money—for example, through UK research and investment or the Scottish Government—that ensures that the evidence that comes out of the trials is clear. There have been too many such trials. Not long ago, the UK Energy Research Centre published a report that looked into energy system demonstrators and trials that had been going on since 2008. The reporting of such projects has been poor, and some have not produced reports at all. The whole idea of them was that we would get evidence to inform policy by showing us what works and which challenges still need to be met. An element of innovation policy that has been very much lacking is ensuring that we capture the learning and disseminate it properly. As I have said, we are already behind on that, given the urgency, which Chris Stark described, of getting a heat strategy in place.

Angus MacDonald

Okay, thank you. We will all follow that and look for quick progress in the near future.

If we look at the example of off-grid energy—but perhaps do not confine ourselves to that—would you say that members of the public are ready for a net zero target? How can a positive public discourse be built, particularly with hard-to-reach individuals and communities?

Chris Stark

All the evidence suggests that at least the majority of the public want to see a net zero target. In the report, we explain that, in order to get to net zero, we need to do what we have not done for at least the past 10 to 15 years, which is to engage properly with our country’s citizens on how we achieve that.

There is nothing to be afraid of in such a target, but it would mean shifts in behaviour and the societal choices that would help to underpin those. One of those is the question of heat, as we could all start heating our homes from sources such as heat pumps. Those work extremely well, but they require consumers to interact with their home energy systems in a different way. I would like us to begin to tackle that issue properly. We cannot keep doing what we have been doing over the past 10 years—decarbonising electricity production very successfully—and expect that to get us all the way. It happens to be the case that, last year, more than half of the electricity supply to UK homes was low carbon, but most people have not noticed that. It has been a remarkable policy success.

The stuff that will come next will involve different types of behaviour. Those will have to be explored properly, with real people, otherwise we will not succeed and, frankly, the whole thing will go off track if we do not manage it in the right way.

My final point is that I do not think that that means that we need to engage everyone in the task of climate change action, although I am sure that we will want to do so as we go along. If we are to use smarter home energy systems and charging systems for cars, for example, those do not necessarily have to be seen as climate change measures. In order to keep the overall mission on track, the approach should be about engaging people in what you have described as a positive discourse about new technologies and new uses of technologies that will come along. We need to get on and do that as soon as possible.

Professor Bell

People worry about whether they will be able to adapt their behaviour, and they tend to say, “Oh, we are going to have do things differently.” Actually, I tend to be a bit more optimistic about that. We might look at the example of how people are now using electric vehicles. There might not be many of them around yet, but the feedback about them is often very positive. People have got used to doing things in a different way, and they really like many of the features that have come through. Therefore, there is a lot to be hopeful about as far as public engagement is concerned, provided that we can keep that momentum going.

The Convener

We will move on to what we might call the other elephant in the room, which is land use. Before I bring in Finlay Carson, I ask committee members to look at the questions that they intend to ask and to check that they have not already been covered, as we are running out of time.

Finlay Carson (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)

My question is on the thorny subject of agriculture, and I declare an interest as a member of the NFU Scotland and a former dairy and beef farmer. It is suggested that more ambitious uptake of existing measures is needed alongside improvements to livestock breeding and diets. How should the Government ensure that that more ambitious uptake is adopted?

Chris Stark

It starts with having an honest discussion about it, and I am afraid that we have not got to that yet. There seems to be more of an open discussion in Westminster about some of the issues than there is in Scotland at the moment. Perhaps that is not the case, but it certainly seems that way to me. In particular, there is Michael Gove’s interest in public money for public goods—the idea is that there is a set of services that the land delivers. Among those is food production, but there are also others including biodiversity and carbon sequestration.

The agricultural community understands climate change better than any other; it can see the change in growing seasons that is coming. I would love to see us engage properly with that community and not regard it as the enemy, which is how the discussions are sometimes pitched. There are real emissions from agriculture, some of which are perfectly manageable, and if that community is engaged properly it can be a real part of the solution to getting us to the deep emissions reductions that are necessary for net zero.

The agricultural community should expect to be recompensed for that, but we will need to broaden the set of incentives that are provided for agriculture beyond food production to achieve that. In the report, drawing on the work that we did last year on land use, we advocate a set of measures that free up agricultural land to help in the process of storing carbon more actively, which includes forestry, peatland restoration and, possibly, bioenergy crops.

Finlay Carson

On that point, do you believe in a move to a multifunctional land-use scenario, whether that is voluntary or otherwise? Should we look at specific areas’ soil types, soil designations and land use and move to that sort of scenario?

Chris Stark

Yes.

Finlay Carson

That was a nice simple question. The next one might not be so straightforward. There is a suggestion that we should reduce meat consumption by 50 per cent. I suggest that, currently, that would decimate the agriculture industry, particularly in Scotland. Has any thought been given to the rate of culture or behaviour change that we could expect and the potential for displacement of meat production—the fact that more of the meat that is eaten in Scotland might be produced elsewhere in the world and have a bigger impact on the climate?

Chris Stark

To clarify the point, in our scenarios we model a societal shift in which we are consuming 20 per cent less red meat and dairy. In among a set of speculative options to get us all the way to net zero, UK-wide, we consider that one of the things that could be looked at is a bigger shift in diet. It is not something that we are advocating; we are saying that it is there as a potential option.

I believe that a 20 per cent cut in consumption of red meat and dairy is a relatively conservative assessment. If we look at the changes in diet between the younger and older generations, it is broadly in line with that. We looked at some of the public health guidance, which is nothing to do with climate change, and Public Health England has produced a really good assessment of how people’s diet needs to shift if they wish to be healthier. The implication of that would be an 86 per cent cut in red meat and dairy, which was a bit racy for us, so we have gone with a 20 per cent cut. Rather than needing a policy for that, it looks very much as though it is broadly in line with social trends and, therefore, would not see us importing lots of meat.

I will make the key point again, which is that the cut would free up land to do a broader set of things and provide a different set of services. The agricultural community—the owners of that land—are in a profession like any other. As long as they are recompensed for doing those different things, I see no reason why we could not achieve something like that.

Professor Forster

I do not think that we will get to net zero without taking the agricultural community with us. It is important that we work together, and that whatever solution we provide works for them and for the country. We are talking about transferring about 20 per cent of pastures into things such as afforestation or bioenergy. We are talking about not bringing about a complete change to the way that agriculture is done, but re-incentivising it to take alternative approaches.

Finlay Carson

That takes me on to my next question, which is about agro-forestry, or forestry. What proportion of new woodland should be coniferous and what proportion should be broad leaf?

Chris Stark

I do not have the numbers in front of me, but we have not just assumed that we will grow conifers. Frankly, the cheapest overall strategy would be to build—no, not build; I am a city boy—to plant lots of conifers. We have been cautious and sensible about that because other things need to be considered alongside it, not least of which is biodiversity. I do not know whether any of the others have any statistics.

Professor Forster

Yes. You have raised an interesting point, because this is where we need the help of the research community. We know more about agro-forestry in tropical countries than we know about it in this country. A lot of the research in this country comes from the Forestry Commission, which has relatively big plantations. We do not have enough research about rewilding and what it does for the soil carbon and things like that. It depends on what you plant in particular locations. You talk about putting trees on the island of Lewis but a tree that you plant there might be different from one that you would plant somewhere else. It becomes a challenging problem for the research community, and we do not have all the answers.

Finlay Carson

Sticking with wood, why is there a presumption of only a 10 per cent increase in the use of wood in construction? What are the barriers to increasing that percentage?

Chris Stark

That seems to be low. We might have said that it should be more for Scotland but perhaps we can come back to that.

Last year, we did some deep research on biomass, and we looked at the question of wood in construction in deep engagement with the construction sector. The scenarios that we have in our report are cautious—a word that I am using a lot today—but many in the construction sector still find it difficult to conceive of them. We have not seen that there are major barriers to using wood in construction, even in high-rise buildings. It is a sensible use of a biomass resource.

I would love to see the kind of assessments that we are making outperformed. It seems to me to be a sensible use of Scottish biomass resource and we have a lot of capacity to grow it here.

Professor Bell

The further ambition assumes that 40 per cent of houses and flats will be built with a timber frame, which will be up from under 30 per cent today.

The Convener

We will move on to talk about obstacles and costs. We have picked up quite a lot of the other issues that we wanted to discuss along the way. Mark Ruskell will start us off.

Mark Ruskell

We live in a fossil fuel economy. The UK is a big oil and gas producer and fossil fuels are cheap. Can we continue to extract oil and gas at the current rate? Can we adopt a policy of maximum resource extraction and still meet a net zero target by 2045?

Chris Stark

This is one of the most difficult areas for us. The short answer is probably that we can, but we will need a set of things that are not yet in place to deliver it. The kind of extractive industries that we have at the moment are not compatible with an overall net zero future for ever more.

As David Joffe said earlier, in the report, we have focused on the question of whether we can get to net zero, and we have clearly nailed it that the answer is yes. In the report, and again using cautious assessments, we use a lot of fossil CCS, but there are alternatives. At the moment, they look like more expensive alternatives, especially the greater and more extensive use of electricity.

My personal view is that I would love to see that improve. When we come to do the more detailed assessments in the next 12 months or so, we will look at some of the alternatives to that fossil CCS question. However, in the hydrogen-fuelled economy that we have talked about a few times during this discussion, it is likely that some of those alternatives will come from natural gas, for example. There are alternatives to that, but they are more expensive alternatives, although that does not mean that we should not pursue them.

So, there is a world where we continue to extract oil and gas, but it cannot be a world where we burn that oil and gas unabated. That is the key thing. It is another one of those areas where we have to be extremely clear. I would love to see a much clearer strategy from Government on what it intends to do about that overall.

Some of the things that are in the report do not sit well with some of the campaigns by non-governmental organisations. In future, I hope that we can look at more of the options around those.

11:00  

Mark Ruskell

What is your view of countries such as New Zealand, which have said that they will draw a line and will not do any more licensing or issue more exploration licences? Even Norway recently said that it would not allow exploration in the Lofoten islands. Countries are considering the demand side, but they are also considering generation by and the extraction of fossil fuels and saying that we need to start transition now.

Professor Forster

I was an author of last year’s IPCC report. At the time, we looked at a whole lot of pathways that could get us to 1.5°. As Chris Stark said, there is a clear option in those pathways: either you have the extraction industry continuing, accompanied by huge amounts of carbon capture and storage, or you rapidly phase out the extraction industry. We have a range of pathways that go between those extremes of either phasing out the extraction industry as fast as possible and replacing it with something else, or having to increase your CCS. There is not one perfect way.

Mark Ruskell

Where does your advice sit at the moment on that issue? Do you assume that we will continue with current levels of extraction, or do you assume a certain level of transition because, otherwise, we will be taking a big risk on CCS?

Chris Stark

That is not clear in the report, one way or the other. We have looked at a feasible strategy that could get us to net zero. As I mentioned, we have a lot of fossil CCS in there, which probably amounts to there being a similar size of industry, but a different approach could be taken. You mentioned New Zealand. A political choice has been made there, and it is one that gets us to the net zero target like any other. The Committee on Climate Change’s job is to try to avoid the political choice and instead give you the assessment of the implications of such choices when they are taken. I think that the report is as good as any in that regard.

To give my personal view again, I would love us to go harder on some of the options that involve a much reduced use of fossil fuels. At the moment, those look like more expensive options. The Committee on Climate Change is required by the climate change legislation in Scotland and at the UK level to assess the cost-effective path as best we can.

The Convener

I have a question on the oil and gas industry. At current levels, if we moved to a model in which hydrogen was the main fuel for, say, heating and transport and we used the natural gas that is produced in the North Sea and west of Shetland as the feedstock for that, while the oil was used as a feedstock for manufacturing, would that in effect mean that we would be able to manufacture more here, thus reducing the need to import as many goods, which could have a knock-on effect for us in reaching net zero? With all those options, we would still have an oil and gas industry. If we were to shut down that industry tomorrow, that could mean that we would not have a feedstock for hydrogen and that we would have to import a lot of feedstock for the manufacturing and chemicals industry. Do you see where I am going?

Chris Stark

Yes, that is broadly right.

David Joffe

It is important to recognise that, if we do not produce the oil and gas here but still consume it, it will need to be produced somewhere else. The best thing that we can do for the climate is to reduce the amount of fossil fuel that we consume in areas where we can do so, although we will still need it in some areas. The question of the fossil fuel consumption that we end up with, whether it is produced in Scotland or elsewhere, is not a matter for the climate; it is a matter of how the economics play out.

The Convener

We are rapidly running out of time, but I have a question about the modelling that was carried out. Did you consider the projected co-benefits of carbon reduction, such as the long-term benefits in terms of air quality and the impact on health of active travel and healthier diets?

Chris Stark

We did. What we have not done in this report is wash all that together with the overall costs. We wanted to be completely transparent about the reality that there is a cost involved in achieving net zero. We assess that cost on a UK basis as being between 1 and 2 per cent of GDP. That is our best assessment of something that is extremely difficult to assess.

We also considered the co-benefits, not least those of improved health and air quality. If you take the Treasury’s green book, which provides a basis on which investments can be appraised, and roll forward some of those benefits—it is worth saying that they are more difficult to assess and monetise—you get to the figure that we set out in the report of about 1.3 per cent of GDP coming from co-benefits around health and air quality. That is a clue that doing all of what we are talking about is much more than just an exercise in addressing climate change. There are real benefits in reducing emissions, particularly in relation to the air quality question, and there are wider benefits in relation to biodiversity overall.

Of course, the biggest benefit of all involves avoiding the huge impact of climate change in the future. That is why we have not tried to give a false prospectus. There are real costs that need to be managed, but I expect the benefits to be enormous, as well.

The Convener

So, basically, early action now is going to prevent the huge cost of climate change in the future.

Chris Stark

Yes.

Professor Forster

I should say that you have to get those early actions correct. That is why it is good that you have a just transition commission. You get the benefits only if you do things in the right way.

Claudia Beamish

I am pleased that you highlight the just transition commission in the context of the fossil fuel industry.

With regard to the extraction industries, what place is there for the circular economy and the remanufacturing of plastics as a consideration alongside carbon capture and storage?

Chris Stark

There is a place for them, but I do not have statistics that I can use to set it out. In the summary of our report, we reflect on the importance of using and reusing the goods that we purchase, and of buying high-quality goods in the first place.

The circular economy involves a wider set of things than just climate change. In our report, we consider the question of waste and the emissions from waste. That is one of the key areas in which the circular economy might result in emissions reductions.

It is hard for us to assess the impact of the circular economy in terms of the overall emissions reduction that we have proposed. However, my point is that we need to throw everything at the net zero challenge, and that includes having a much more circular economy. David Joffe might be able to say more about how we have approached that challenge.

David Joffe

I would add only that, for the first time, our analysis has involved consideration of the potential for resource efficiency and what that can do in terms of reductions in emissions from industry. We have taken our analysis forward in that regard. We have a new evidence base and we have been relatively ambitious, although I am sure that there is more that we can do. However, we have considered the area. In particular, we want to think about the bits of the economy that will be hard to fully decarbonise even by 2045 or 2050, and what we can do on the demand side in that regard. That is an important area for further work.

Mark Ruskell

I want to ask about infrastructure projects. In recent Scottish budgets, we have seen the Government grading its infrastructure investment in terms of investment in high, medium and low-carbon infrastructure. Should we be aiming for a particular target? Obviously, there is a danger that, if we build high-carbon infrastructure, we are locking in emissions by design not only for 10 years but for 20, 30, 40 or 50 years.

Chris Stark

I do not have a strong view on how we approach the infrastructure questions, other than that I believe that we should approach them properly. It is perfectly possible to get to net zero with the kind of costs that we have assessed—indeed, I would say that those costs are relatively small and very manageable—but the costs will be much higher if we do not think about the turnover of capital stock that is necessary to deliver net zero. That involves transport and energy in particular, but also housing stock.

If, at the end of this period, we scrap capital assets, with the costs that we would incur to do that in a market like the one that we have, that is going to be much more expensive than it needs to be. I would like to see decisions about infrastructure provision, here in Scotland and across the UK, made in light of the net zero target. It is interesting that the UK-wide National Infrastructure Commission said something similar yesterday, I think—it was certainly this week—which was that the Government needs to think in those kind of timescales to deliver the right outcome.

We have a whole section in the report on the infrastructure requirements of net zero. Active thought and planning are needed, or we will not get there at anywhere near the right cost.

Mark Ruskell

What does that mean in practice? Does it mean fewer road-building projects, for example?

Chris Stark

Road building is one of those areas where it is not possible for us to be completely definitive, because if we are all driving electric vehicles, roads will become a much lower-carbon infrastructure asset. I am thinking less about road building and more about the energy questions. We forecast a doubling of electricity demand, which has a big infrastructure requirement.

The biggest infrastructure requirement of all—the hardest one—is housing stock. In Scotland, there is a much better plan for that than there is UK-wide, with the idea of achieving something over 10 or 20 years. It is far more sensible when there is a clear goal in mind and a clear set of policies to deliver it. I would love to see the rest of the UK adopt that approach.

Professor Bell

The timing issue that Chris Stark mentioned is really important. As the capital stock gets replaced—if we know what its lifetime is and whether it is going to be there for 25 years or whatever—it is important to ensure that low-carbon considerations are built in at the beginning. Early asset write-off will not be helpful.

Finlay Carson

I have a very quick question about obstacles and costs. How reliant are your ambitions for 2045 on behavioural change and taking the public with us? What risks are involved in that? On a scale of one to 10, how important is behavioural change?

Chris Stark

I can do better than that. If you bear with me, I will tell you exactly what role behaviour change plays in our assessment, because I have a handy pie chart that I will now bring up on my iPad. We are relying on a mixture of technological change and behaviour change to achieve net zero. I suppose that the key message is that we will not achieve that unless we engage people properly in that challenge. Thirty-eight per cent will be achieved through low-carbon technologies, 9 per cent is largely societal and behaviour change, and the rest is a combination of those two things. It is clearly an art rather than a science, but that gives you a sense of the proportions.

The Convener

I come back to the cost benefit of doing all that work over the next couple of decades. Should the Treasury review be looking at that now?

Chris Stark

Absolutely. We very carefully recommended to the Treasury that it should review it. I do not know whether it will accept that recommendation, but I hope that it does.

I do not think that we will make much further progress if the answer to decarbonising the whole economy is simply to lump more costs on to the electricity bill. There is a real need to look at the issue properly. The key outcome at the end of this is that we need something that delivers net zero in a way that is not regressive—that is, that it does not have a damaging impact on, in particular, vulnerable citizens. It should also not impact regressively on competitiveness—I do not think that that has had nearly enough attention in policy terms.

There are real reasons for the Treasury to look at the issue. The environmental taxes that have delivered very high revenues for a while—fuel duty for example—will not be there in future, as we switch to electric vehicles, so the Treasury will have to think about that, if only in relation to the revenue issues. I would love to see the Treasury approach that work strategically, as it once did with the Nick Stern review. The Treasury commissioned the Stern review, which still provides the basis and economics for a lot of the work that we do, 12 years ago. At that point, the Treasury viewed the review as a big strategic and economics challenge, and I think that now is the moment for the Treasury to re-engage with the issue on that basis. I am optimistic that, if Treasury does so, the whole thing can be managed in a way that is not regressive and does not impact on competitiveness. However, that requires proper thought.

The Convener

It will take political will to look beyond the election cycle.

Chris Stark

Absolutely. In the past, the Treasury has been good at doing that. It generally takes the long view on the UK economy. If we do not take a long view, the transition will not be successful. Piers Forster made a point about the importance of the just transition. The second part of our recommendation to the Treasury was that we should think about not only the fiscal issues and the big, strategic issues but, alongside them, the regional impacts and the impacts on vulnerable communities.

11:15  

Mark Ruskell

At this point, we are not fully into stage 2, so it is early days, but do you have any reflections on the early response from the Scottish Government to your report?

Chris Stark

I am delighted that our recommendation was accepted so early. I think that it was at two minutes past midnight; I will allow them 60 seconds. That was wonderful. Given the stage that the bill is at, in many senses the Government had to respond quickly. However, it matters immensely that it chose to accept the recommendation as quickly as it did, because that gives the rest of the UK a much better lead to follow. It is now much clearer that we need to stop talking about targets and start talking about delivery. To my mind, that is fantastic for Scotland.

Professor Bell

That sends a fantastic signal. It highlights some of the things that we have already talked about this morning—the action that is needed and the interdependency with other actions. We must consider the fact that meeting the proposed and recommended target for Scotland depends on UK-wide action. It also goes the other way—meeting UK-wide targets depends on action in Scotland. We have to get on with it.

How do we prioritise action in the short term? Mark Ruskell has asked fair questions about that and, as we have said, the report will aim to answer them. However, some of the actions will be the political choices that we have talked about.

Mark Ruskell

Ahead of stage 2, what can you do to inform that critical 2030 target? Is there more work that you can supply to the committee?

Chris Stark

No, I do not think that there is.

Mark Ruskell

So, at the end of the day, is it a political choice?

Chris Stark

There is always a political choice to be made about the level at which to set the target, but we do not yet have a basis on which to offer a more comprehensive assessment of that target. I am sorry, but that relies on a set of things for which we do not yet have evidence.

Professor Forster

We pushed everything as far as it could go, so it is not worth going back to do revised modelling. We did that throughout the six months. Time and again, we went back over the figures, but things changed by only 1 or 2 per cent, because we were asking the calculations to do everything. The results do not change hugely.

Mark Ruskell

What chance would meeting the 2045 target that the Government has adopted give us of keeping the world below warming of 1.5°?

Professor Forster

It gives us a really good chance of doing that, because things are now poised internationally. Scotland, as a well-developed economy, is the first such country to set such a strong target. Things are carefully poised in EU countries, so the EU adopting a net zero 2050 target now becomes more credible. When the EU adopts a target, other countries will fall into line. If the UK wants to hold the next conference of the parties—COP—meeting in 2020, what better place to do it than Edinburgh or Glasgow? The opportunity exists; it would be good to set a target for the rest of the world to follow.

Mark Ruskell

I read somewhere that the target gives us a 50 per cent chance of meeting 1.5°. Is that right?

Chris Stark

If the target is replicated across the world and coupled with ambitious near-term reductions, it will deliver a greater than 50 per cent chance of limiting temperature increases to 1.5°.

Mark Ruskell

That is still a big gamble.

Chris Stark

We do not have pathways that would deliver much more than that: we have drawn on the best evidence. We are not conceding and throwing in the towel. At the moment, that target is as good as we can give and is as ambitious as we feel we can be.

Mark Ruskell

There are big risks, however.

Chris Stark

Of course there are risks, and we expect that the committee will be all over that.

Professor Forster

The IPCC has said that we should prevent every bit of warming possible. In June, warming will begin to go up—indeed, it is going to do so from today—which is why it is important that we set the most ambitious targets.

The Convener

Before I bring in Claudia Beamish and Stewart Stevenson, I want to make an early bid for Aberdeen to host the COP.

Stewart Stevenson

I was just going to make an almost frivolous comment. At the COP in Copenhagen, which, if I recall, was COP 15, there were 45,000 people. Is it not time for the COP to start using videoconferencing instead of people being transported all around the world?

Chris Stark

The event is enormous—it is a sort of mini Olympics. It would be much bigger if we were to host it in 2020. As a good Glaswegian, I make a bid for Glasgow to host it.

Claudia Beamish

I was not sure that I would have the time to ask this question, but I want to go back to the 2030 targets. I was very pleased that the CCC acknowledged the UK’s historical climate debt. Has equity been, or will it be, factored in to the 2030 interim targets, as well as the 2045 net zero targets and, if so, how?

Chris Stark

When we come to make a more detailed assessment in the light of better information at UK level, we will boil up a number of things, including, I am sure, equity considerations.

The Convener

We have talked about various opportunities in development of technology in various sectors, and the just transition to a carbon-neutral economy. What can Governments do to ensure that all the opportunities for work and industry stay in the countries that take on the challenges early, as Scotland is doing, and as the UK might do?

Chris Stark

It is hard to give a quick answer to that question, except to say that it is important that such strategies be put in place. I suppose that we could just lurch at the targets with policies that get us some of the way there in the short term and which we hope will still be there in the long term, but that is not an effective strategy. It would damage the overall task of reducing emissions. Instead, we need for the whole economy a set of strategies, including for growth and jobs, that are compatible with reaching net zero emissions.

This is just a personal reflection on the story of renewables in Scotland, but if 10 or 15 years ago we had been as ambitious as we are now being about growth of the offshore and onshore renewables sectors, we would have developed a bigger homespun industry for them. Of course, there would have been some parts of the industry that we still would not have developed. The UK and Scotland have been pretty good at catching the high-value bits of those sectors—a topic that is not oft discussed—but we could have had more. The most successful strategies are those that bring everyone along, so I would love it if we were to think about net zero not just as an emissions reduction challenge, and not even just as a whole-economy question, but in terms of how to build in the right jobs and get the right skills to achieve it.

The Convener

I realise that we have asked a lot of questions this morning, but is there anything that we have not covered that you would like to mention in final points? We can give you a good seven minutes.

Chris Stark

With regard to some of the coverage that we have received, I just want to make it clear that we have not been fighting with Nigel Lawson and that we have been having a good discussion with the extinction rebellion movement. That, to me, represents remarkable progress, because it demonstrates that we are discussing climate change in a way that we were not doing 20 years ago. There is now broad consensus that the issue needs to be focused on and fixed.

That said, a parallel point to make is that, although the discussion since our report was published has been good, there is still a feeling that we can do something even more quickly. I would love to see that happening, but I would also love to see us focus on a credible strategy to do that, because we are, in many respects, talking about a set of physical barriers that prevent us from reaching the target sooner. We should not just lurch into considering that we can put a policy in place—we have to think carefully through its implications.

The report is as ambitious as the CCC has ever been, and gives us a platform from which to say credibly that we are among the most ambitious countries in the world when it comes to emissions reduction. We might, in the future, be able to bring forward the target date, but the evidence at the moment does not support that.

I have occasionally seen the strategy being described as “unambitious”. That is very far off the mark, which I want to put on the record here. Were we to deliver the strategy globally, that would be a huge statement. The Scottish Government has done the right thing by setting the 2045 target in the bill. When the UK does the same, we will be in a remarkable position.

However, the task of delivering that is enormous; we have never successfully achieved the kind of transition that is required. The policies to deliver it are not in place at the moment, so we need a different sort of integrated discussion between the UK and Scottish Governments if we are to achieve the target.

Professor Bell

I am an engineer, so I am interested in the system and its elements working. We have to get a much better understanding of the interactions between them and the detailed engineering challenges. As a nation, we are tackling that piecemeal at the moment, so we need to get much more serious about that. A system-level perspective includes understanding how the different investments might happen and how they are influenced by policy levers such as market mechanisms and regulations.

We are very slow in making progress in understanding things at system level, which we really have to do. Any changes in Ofgem are generally about thinking in silos about electricity or gas and are very rarely about the interaction between them, and change seems to take forever. Unfortunately, I do not have a magic wand to wave to speed it all up. We have to take those things much more seriously.

The Convener

Does the same go for Government departments?

Professor Bell

Yes.

Chris Stark

There is a huge integration task. The Scottish Government has a more integrated approach generally, because it does not have the Whitehall system. However, I can say from bitter experience that there are still silos in the Scottish Government. There is, however, a more integrated discussion in Scotland about what needs to be done. For example, in my former role as director of energy and climate change in the Scottish Government, I was able to make housing policy, which was amazing. We would not find that happening in Whitehall.

I do not underestimate the overall governance challenges. We did not try to draw out that point in the report, but it is definitely an inference that can be drawn. Achievement of net zero emissions requires a level of integration, at every level of the Government and between Government departments, that does not exist at the moment. We say in the report that net zero needs to be among the top priorities in all departments that have key levers, but that is not the case at the moment. Net zero will not be achieved if it is only a second-order priority in BEIS, for example. Good as the stuff that has been coming out of BEIS is, net zero must be given a much more prominent role overall in the Government’s mission.

Professor Bell

Can I ask Chris Stark a question?

Professor Forster

I will just make a point. The issue is not just Government integration: we have to get better at taking integration out to the community—the agricultural community, the towns and cities of the UK and even palaces and villages. We have to get better at integrating and communicating opportunities across all levels of the community. It is not a role that is just for central Government. There are also opportunities internationally, which we have talked about. Adoption of a clear target is one thing, but we must also set up the ambition to realise the early opportunities.

The Convener

I am interested to hear Keith Bell’s question.

Chris Stark

I am, too.

Professor Bell

Do the Government departments have support behind them in terms of analytical capability and expertise?

Chris Stark

It is so easy for me to sit here and say that they do not. One of the great services that the Committee on Climate Change offers is the integrated view, but it is not acceptable that we are the only people offering that at the moment.

I would love the Government to invest in the analytical underpinning that will deliver net zero emissions. That would mean that we would have to be much more conscious of one Whitehall department’s decisions’ knock-on impacts on other departments. There needs to be a force in the middle that co-ordinates that properly. It does not need to be the Treasury or number 10, but it needs to be someone who has an interest in each bit and each layer of Government and how they co-operate.

None of that will be achievable unless there are in Scotland and Whitehall fully fledged strategies that work together. Again, I say that I am optimistic about the ability to do that and to bring it all together, but it will require everyone—civic society and Governments—to focus on the overall goal.

The Convener

I thank you for your time this morning.

11:30 Meeting suspended.  

11:40 On resuming—  

14 May 2019

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Second meeting transcript

The Convener (Gillian Martin)

Welcome to the 17th meeting in 2019 of the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee. I remind everyone to put their phones on silent or switch them off, as they may affect the broadcasting system.

Under agenda item 1, the committee will take further evidence on the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill at stage 2. I am delighted to welcome the Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform, Roseanna Cunningham. She is accompanied by Dr Tom Russon, legislation team leader, and Sara Grainger, team leader, delivery unit, both from the decarbonisation division of the Scottish Government; and by Norman Munro, solicitor, from the Scottish Government legal directorate. Good morning to you all.

There have been some key developments since we last spoke to you, cabinet secretary. The First Minister has declared a climate emergency and, of course, we have the United Kingdom Committee on Climate Change’s report and recommendations. As we expected, transformational change will be needed. Is the Scottish Government currently structured to deliver the transformational change that the climate emergency that we face requires?

The Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform (Roseanna Cunningham)

Obviously, we are committed to doing what is needed to limit global temperature rises, and that will have to be done responsibly in collaboration with people and Parliament.

In the statement that I made in Parliament on 14 May, I said that climate change is intended to be at the heart of the next programme for government and the next spending review. However, decisions on whole-Government action are ultimately taken by the Cabinet. That will continue, with both the Cabinet and the Cabinet sub-committee on climate change having key roles in deciding our approach.

On the overall structures of Government, such matters are for the First Minister to decide. Members will be aware that, when new Cabinets are appointed, sometimes portfolio responsibilities are changed around and issues are put into different portfolios. That is entirely a matter for the First Minister, and I will not venture into that area, because it is not for me to make those decisions.

The Convener

What immediate actions is the Government taking to address the climate emergency that has been announced?

Roseanna Cunningham

At the risk of rehearsing the statement that I made to Parliament on 14 May—I remind the committee that we are therefore in the very early weeks—I can say that the first step was to lodge the amendments to the targets in the bill, which we did on the day that we received the advice. Those amendments are in keeping with the Committee on Climate Change’s recommendations and we have accepted the CCC’s recommendations to update the climate change plan within six months of the bill receiving royal assent. We have already announced actions on agriculture, renewables and a deposit return scheme, and we have said that there will be a change to the policy on air departure tax.

We are now looking across the whole of Government to ensure that the policies that are already in place are working, to increase action where necessary and where possible and to identify whether there are areas in which we can take much quicker action. Over the summer, there will be a programme of engagement with the public. A central part of the work is about ensuring that the public are on board when we begin to talk about specific policies that might be required.

The Convener

After receiving the CCC’s advice, one of the first things that you did was to contact Claire Perry, from the United Kingdom Government. Have you received a response to the letter asking for a meeting with her?

Roseanna Cunningham

There has been a response from the Minister of State for Energy and Clean Growth, but it did not answer any of our questions in any meaningful way. This morning, we have sent back a letter, requesting that the points that were made in the original letter be addressed. We are seeking an urgent meeting to discuss ways in which Westminster and Holyrood can work together. We will also need to work with Cardiff, given that all the targets within the UK are linked. We were given a proposed target of net zero emissions by 2045, but the Committee on Climate Change’s advice was explicit that meeting that target would necessitate changes taking place at Westminster level. Our ability to achieve the target is dependent on Westminster doing what is necessary, which is why I need to speak to the UK Government urgently.

Stewart Stevenson (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

In essence, the bill is about changing the numbers in the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009, which includes quite a lot of policy initiatives and requirements. Given that you have said that tackling climate change will be at the heart of the next spending review and programme for government, will part of the work for which you will have responsibility be to look at how well we are doing against other parts of the 2009 act, besides simply the numbers?

Roseanna Cunningham

We are already doing some of that work. For example, we are reviewing public bodies’ reporting duties, as set out under the 2009 act. However, I do not believe that changes to the act’s provisions on climate change adaptation, for example, would be particularly helpful at the moment. We are looking at the aspects of the 2009 act that are appropriate to consider, but we are not looking at it overall. We are relegislating on the targets, and some other aspects of the act are under review, but we are not looking at the whole 2009 act; some parts of it remain relevant. If necessary, we will go back and do that, but we do not have that planned at the moment.

Stewart Stevenson

The whole thrust of what the Government is trying to do is mainstreaming. Other questions will cover how ministers will respond to that, so I am not asking about that. However, there are policies in the 2009 act—two that I take at random, which I guess lie with Derek Mackay, as finance secretary, are local rates and business rates, but there are other examples—that lie in other areas of responsibility. Are you aware of resources being devoted to looking at parts of the 2009 act that are relevant to other ministers?

Roseanna Cunningham

I recently delivered a statement in Parliament about a huge initiative, which is deposit return. That was flagged up in the 2009 act and so we have been able to use the act’s provisions to introduce deposit return by secondary rather than primary legislation. Therefore, things are already being taken forward across a whole range of responsibilities, by looking at what is working and increasing action where that is necessary. Looking at resourcing across the piece is part and parcel of the exercise that we have to conduct now, given the recently changed circumstances. I understand that good work is happening with regard to housing, but I am less across the detail of other people’s portfolios.

Mark Ruskell (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

The Cabinet sub-committee on climate change seems one of the Government’s main ways to build that collective responsibility. How many times has it met in the past year?

Roseanna Cunningham

The sub-committee meets as and when necessary. Off the top of my head, I cannot remember how many times it has met in the past year. It met in the past few weeks because of the advent of stage 2 and the amendment process. It is a business committee, not a sitting-around-chewing-the-fat committee. I do not want people to misunderstand its reality. It does not have a regular scheduled programme of meetings as if it was the Cabinet; it meets as and when is necessary in order to take decisions that the Cabinet has delegated to it.

Mark Ruskell

With regard to the bill, have budgets or policies in other Cabinet ministers’ portfolios been discussed at sub-committee meetings or changed as a result of such discussions?

Roseanna Cunningham

The most recent meeting was about what could reasonably be expected at stage 2 of the bill, and portfolios were represented. Previous meetings have discussed a range of things, particularly in the early stages of developing the climate change plan and throughout the process for that, with discussions about what was considered to be more or less achievable from portfolio perspectives. That is an important part of the discussion because I am not able to make decisions on behalf of other cabinet secretaries; they need to come to advise on whether a potential target in their specific area is or is not achievable. That is the kind of discussion that happens; it can be wide ranging or narrow, depending on the point at which the meeting is held and its purpose. As I have said, the meetings are not regular discussion meetings; they are called to deal with specific issues.

Mark Ruskell

Is the sub-committee now working on the First Minister’s policy review that she announced a couple of weeks ago? How can Parliament scrutinise—

Roseanna Cunningham

No; cabinet secretaries and senior officials in portfolios are working on that, but it is not the kind of thing that the Cabinet sub-committee works on. At this stage, the policy review is a matter for relevant cabinet secretaries, ministers and their senior officials to take forward. At the point at which all of that starts to come in, there will be a decision about whether another Cabinet sub-committee is required, or whether the issue is one that should be dealt with by the full Cabinet. Those are not my decisions, however.

09:45  

Mark Ruskell

How does Parliament deal with the outcome of the discussions? With due respect, when I ask you a question about a budget in the chamber, you are not able to answer it. That presents a challenge to Parliament in terms of our ability to scrutinise the joined-up discussions around policy that are taking place.

Roseanna Cunningham

As far as I am concerned, you can ask to speak to any cabinet secretary and, if you have specific questions, they will answer them. You have had Derek Mackay and Michael Russell here, and I think that you have had Fergus Ewing here, too. You have the capacity to ask extremely detailed policy questions of cabinet secretaries. If you ask such questions of me without giving me advance notice, I will be able to give you some information, but I will not be able to give you the level of information about some subjects that my colleagues could give you, because I am not the cabinet secretary for everything.

Claudia Beamish (South Scotland) (Lab)

You referred to the deposit return scheme as an example of what was in the 2009 act. That act enabled the introduction of secondary legislation for the proposal, which is one that my colleagues and I support. Do you agree that there is a case for putting down policy markers in a similar way in the bill that we are scrutinising at the moment?

Roseanna Cunningham

That is a matter for the parties to think about. We will be thinking about other things that we want to include at stage 2; I am aware that other people will have other ideas. I was not directly involved in the negotiations on what was included in the 2009 act, so I cannot speak to that. It will be for members to decide whether a matter is an appropriate one to introduce at stage 2.

On the deposit return scheme, the 2009 legislation did not mandate that there would be one. Rather, it included an opening for one to be established if that was considered, at some point, to be appropriate. A lot of work has been done on the deposit return scheme, and it has been discussed over a long time. The proposal will, probably, have benefited from having been given space in which to develop.

The Government’s perspective is that we set out our belief that the bill should, in response to the Paris agreement, be about focusing on the targets. I do not believe that we need to start all over again with regard to the 2009 act. The bill does not repeal that legislation; it changes the targets, which is a different—

Claudia Beamish

I am sorry if that was the implication of what I said; that was not what I was trying to say.

Roseanna Cunningham

Our hope was that people would get on with the bill, in terms of the targets, because it is important that we do that right now. My view is that the climate change plan is probably the best place to deal with individual delivery mechanisms. As we have already indicated, we are prepared to update the climate change plan within six months of royal assent. That will be the appropriate point at which to discuss all that.

Stewart Stevenson

As we reflected in our report, during our discussions on the bill, committee members were somewhat exercised by the integrated MARKAL-EFOM system—TIMES—model, which the Government has been using. In its response to our report, the Government said that it is working to improve the consistency with which sectors are dealt with by that model. I make the observation that quite a lot of the issues that we had with use of the model concerned the fact that it does not properly address agriculture. John Scott and I will return to agriculture later, so I will not specifically target it at the moment.

The Committee on Climate Change has developed its own scenario and sectoral analyses—essentially, its own multiple models. What is the Government’s position on its future use of models? Will you seek to access the CCC’s models—if it is correct to describe them as “models”, I hasten to add—or will you persist in using the TIMES model, even though the committee has expressed concerns about gaps in its coverage?

Roseanna Cunningham

People need to remember that the TIMES model is not specific to Scotland: it is a well-understood process that is used in a number of places. The CCC does not use the TIMES model: it uses something slightly different that basically provides a similar representation of the whole system and achieves similar results. TIMES is still a key element of the analysis and modelling that underpins our approach to climate change. As I said, it is used not only in Scotland but throughout the world. By using it, we have the benefit of international consistency. If we start randomly to invent our own system, we will not have that.

TIMES is not the whole story; it is accompanied by other analyses, which I suspect might not be so well understood. We have used the Scottish electricity dispatch model, the Scotland heat map, the national housing model, the transport model for Scotland and the Scottish Government heat model, alongside TIMES. With TIMES, we look at the interactions between all of those, and we make sure that we have an overall plan that makes sense.

I recall that there were, a couple of years ago, heated discussions about different models. If we tried to move to a model that, say, would reduce dependence on gas heating, and we set a target for 2025 to do something along those lines, what would be the knock-on effect? What would be the impact on other sectors of doing that in one sector? TIMES is important because it allows us to assess that impact across sectors. There are implications for what we choose to do. For example, we might go too fast on reducing use of gas central heating: would we have enough gas plumbers to do the work as quickly as we want? There are real questions underlying some of the ideas that emerge, and the process must be thought about and worked through. That goes back to the conversation about what is achievable and what is not, and what timescales might be appropriate.

Sara Grainger (Scottish Government)

Mr Stevenson is right that the approaches that have been taken by the Scottish Government and the CCC differ, but they are similar in an important way, which is that they are both based on sector-level analysis and on evidence that is brought together to look at interactions. Within the Scottish Government, they are brought together in TIMES, as the cabinet secretary explained. The CCC uses a different mechanism, with which I am, clearly, less familiar. It is, however, the same basic system of sector-level evidence and looking at interactions.

The point that Mr Stevenson made about agriculture and transport is right. To date, they have not been well integrated into TIMES so that the interactions can be looked at. We are working on that actively and hope that the interactions will be properly established within the TIMES model—if not in time for the update to the climate change plan, then definitely in time for the next full plan.

Roseanna Cunningham

Analyses from the various CCC feeds go into TIMES. There is an interaction between the systems—they do not run completely separately. TIMES is not a static model that is dated to the particular time when it was developed; it is improved and worked on.

Stewart Stevenson

Right; that is fine. I got a description, I think, of what economists would describe as second-level and third-level effects, such as whether there are enough plumbers to redo the gas system if we were to change the gas that we use. Clearly, such things will be important as you develop policy that responds to the agenda.

One difference that the Committee on Climate Change put to us is that while the TIMES model provides a single answer, the CCC’s approach provides multiple options. I am unclear—perhaps you can help me—about whether that is the difference between the shorter-term 10-year, say, horizon of developing policy, and the 25-year horizon that takes us to the end targets. Are there different approaches for those two parts of what needs to be done to set targets for 2045, for example?

Sara Grainger

I do not think so, but I cannot confidently answer the question. We would need to have an economist who is much more familiar with the modelling to answer that. Perhaps that is something on which we could get back to you.

Roseanna Cunningham

I mentioned the TIMES modelling and how it shows what one way of doing it would look like. That led to one proposal being rejected and another being run through. TIMES does not come out with one answer—it is not as simple as that. It shows the implications of a decision. If it can be seen that the on-costs—I do not mean just money costs—of a decision would become extremely difficult to manage, a different way of approaching the matter would be chosen. The TIMES model does not just set out a solution and that is that. That is not how it works.

I am not an expert on TIMES, but you do not just feed a bunch of information in at one end and wait five hours for the computer to spit an answer out of the other end. It is not as simple as that. TIMES enables assessment of scenarios. The benefit of the whole-economy approach is that the impacts in other areas are being tested all the time. If you do not do that, how would you know what is required of other areas?

The example that I used was a subject of discussion, and TIMES was used to look at it. However, the idea was rejected because it would probably be physically almost impossible to deliver.

Stewart Stevenson

You have just used the word “scenarios” in the context of TIMES—that is, putting scenarios into TIMES to see what it tells you. The Committee on Climate Change has told us that it has developed its own scenarios. Are you sighted on them? If you are not currently sighted on the detail—

Roseanna Cunningham

I am not across the detail of the Committee on Climate Change’s analyses. We use the information that it develops—it is helpful for us to feed it in—but I cannot answer questions about the CCC’s analyses.

Stewart Stevenson

No—I was not seeking to have you do that. I share what you have just said as an expectation; I was merely seeking to ask whether you will take further steps—I suspect that they would be at official, rather than ministerial, level—to have sight of the Committee on Climate Change’s scenarios, in order to inform the decisions that we will make here.

Sara Grainger

I can put that question to the Committee on Climate Change, but my understanding is that the scenarios are set out in the reports that it has just published.

Stewart Stevenson

Okay. I will need to read that more carefully. I apologise.

Sara Grainger

With respect, you may not realise that, crucially, there are two reports: there is the main headline report and an additional 300-page report, with the technical detail.

Stewart Stevenson

I have them both.

John Scott (Ayr) (Con)

I have a supplementary question about the TIMES modelling. I was interested to hear Sara Grainger say that the modelling will—or you hope that it will—take in agriculture and transport in development of the climate change plan. Will that take into account peatland and its restoration? That seems to be a huge—or yet another—variable, or wild card, in all this.

Sara Grainger

Yes. I think that I am correct in saying that restoration of peatland is already part of the TIMES model. If you are referring to the forthcoming revisions to the peatland data, it will be important to incorporate those into the analysis, when we update the plan.

10:00  

John Scott

Is the modelling capable of that?

Sara Grainger

Yes.

Mark Ruskell

That leads us on nicely to some of last week’s evidence from the UK Committee on Climate Change, in particular around interim targets for 2030. There seems to be continuing uncertainty, specifically in relation to peatland emissions. Given that it is clear that some of that cannot be bottomed out until the UK Government looks at the issue in relation to its next carbon budget, would not it be sensible to set interim and longer-term targets now, based on the current inventory, on the basis that those could be revised down if estimations of what peatland contributes are revised in the years ahead?

Roseanna Cunningham

What are you suggesting? We have already accepted the CCC advice on the interim targets for 2030 and 2040. Are you suggesting that we depart from that advice?

Mark Ruskell

Useful clarification came to the committee yesterday in a letter from the CCC that suggests that the targets would be different, were they to be based on the inventory as it stands today—for example, a 76 per cent by 2030 target. Obviously, if we were to change the inventory, the targets would be lower. Have you seen that analysis and thought about it? There are clearly two options.

Roseanna Cunningham

I have not seen that letter. Tom Russon has.

Dr Tom Russon (Scottish Government)

I have, indeed. As the cabinet secretary said, the CCC recommendations on targets were set out in its advice report. As I understand it, the letter from the CCC secretariat explores how expectations around future inventory revisions will be factored into its advice, but the letter does not in any way change that advice, upon which the Scottish Government has acted. On the substantive question whether we follow the CCC’s advice, I defer entirely to the cabinet secretary.

On what I understand is being suggested as a potential alternative, I further observe that the Scottish Government is certainly of the view that it is important that targets offer clear and stable signals and are not changed more than is necessary. When we were preparing the bill, we heard a lot from stakeholders, especially businesses, about the importance of the signalling function of targets. To our mind, it is important that we use the best available evidence now in setting the targets. The CCC has been clear in its advice that it considers the best evidence to be the inventory as it now stands, plus the factors that we know will come into play in the next couple of years.

For example, we know as a matter of certainty—in so far as anything around the inventory can be certain—that the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change wetlands supplement, which is the peatland provisions, will be implemented within the next three years, because the UK Government has made international commitments. It has published a substantial scientific report on the implications, in numerical terms, for the inventory, of that implementation.

The CCC has reflected those expectations in its advice on the targets. As Chris Stark said to the committee on 14 May, in terms of all the targets, the CCC has offered us the best assessment of the evidence as it now stands. The Scottish Government’s view is to follow that best assessment. Does that help?

Mark Ruskell

It helps a little. Does that represent a shift in the CCC’s thinking? Back in 2017, it recommended that the targets be set on the basis of current inventories and that the inventories be frozen for five years in order to allow assessment against the targets. There is still uncertainty.

Roseanna Cunningham

You are asking me about the CCC’s thinking. We have the report that it delivered to us, and we have accepted the advice in it. If you are asking me to somehow go behind that report into what the CCC might, internally, be thinking about things, I cannot go there. I cannot answer questions on anything other than what is written down, so you are asking me a question that I do not believe that I or any of us can answer.

Mark Ruskell

Okay.

John Scott

Notwithstanding what you just said, cabinet secretary, and the fact that you have apparently not seen yesterday’s letter from Chris Stark, he said that the 70 per cent interim target means, in essence, 76 per cent and that the 90 per cent interim target equals 96 per cent.

Roseanna Cunningham

There is some dispute here.

John Scott

It is certainly open to interpretation. Were you aware of the likely contents of that letter when you lodged the amendments that proposed the new targets?

Roseanna Cunningham

I clean forgot my crystal ball. So, no, I was not aware of a letter that would be delivered on 20 May when I lodged my amendments on 2 May. There is not much more that I can say about that. It is unfortunate that the letter appeared after the committee had the CCC in front of it to answer your questions. It also arrived quite late for us to be able to go back to the CCC and clarify that what we were reading was what we believed we were reading, which might now be the issue. Those are not questions that I can answer at the moment. I have not read the letter, but, as far as I understand it, the CCC basically says that it has already taken into account the future revisions in assessing the 70 per cent target that it advised for us for 2030, because it is already aware of the conversation.

We are also aware of that conversation, of course, because the bill that we are talking about, which will be passed, has a section that deals with the fact that the revisions will have a pretty significant impact on our results. There is a handling mechanism in the bill that is designed to do precisely that. The CCC is saying that, if it sets us the 70 per cent target and we accept it, it is the equivalent of a reduction of 76 per cent if we were sticking to the current way of land use accounting. We know that we will not stick to the current way of accounting and that big changes are coming, and my guess is that the Committee on Climate Change has already taken that into its thinking, which is how it came up with the 70 per cent target, which would look like 76 per cent if none of the revisions were going to happen. No doubt, if it had had no idea about those revisions, it would have set us the target of 76 per cent for 2030. However, we all know that the revisions are taking place, and sections of our bill deal with that very issue. Prior to introducing the bill, we thought that those sections would be controversial, but they have turned out to be not controversial at all, perhaps to the point that everybody has forgotten about them. Nonetheless, they are there in the bill.

We are working on that basis, as is the Committee on Climate Change.

John Scott

I am still a little unclear on that. Perhaps, if you have further reflections on the letter, you might write to the committee, explaining your views more clearly. It is just too complicated for me.

Sara Grainger

We can happily provide a letter. The key issue is that the CCC considered all the relevant evidence in advising on the targets. The letter that it provided in response to a specific question said what it would have advised had it excluded some evidence. It is right that it considers all the evidence, that we set targets that are based on its advice—based on all the evidence—and that we do not decide to remove some sections of the bill to get a different result, knowing that we will have to amend the targets with secondary legislation within three years, if not sooner.

Angus MacDonald (Falkirk East) (SNP)

I will turn to the less complicated issue of cross-departmental approaches. Last week, Chris Stark told this committee that it is not acceptable that the CCC is the only organisation addressing decarbonisation in detail at a UK level. What discussions have taken place with the Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy and other UK Government departments about mainstreaming climate change policy?

Roseanna Cunningham

Since most of this policy is devolved, our interactions with the UK Government tend to be about specific issues, and there is detailed interaction around the UK emissions trading scheme rather than a bigger conversation about mainstreaming climate change policy. As the committee is aware, I wrote to the BEIS on the back of the CCC advice to Westminster and the devolved Administrations, because we now urgently need to begin to have the kind of conversations that might be subsumed under the idea of mainstreaming climate change policy. If we do not have everybody in the UK working to the same ambition, we will not achieve what we hope to achieve. I remain optimistic that the Government at Westminster—whatever it looks like over the next few weeks and months—will regard this as a continuing and major issue that needs to be discussed.

From our perspective, the difficulty is that the UK Government can choose simply to go on doing whatever it is doing without much reference to us. It is clear from the UK Committee on Climate Change’s advice that, if we want to achieve our ambition, we need to work in concert with the UK Government and that it needs to take actions that I am not sure it is ready to take. My guess is that, at a UK Government level, minds are not on this right now. We have a bill in place and all this process is under way, but the UK Government is not currently there. I cannot force it into a position that it is not, at present, ready to take.

Angus MacDonald

Is there any way that the Scottish Government can influence the integration of climate change policy?

Roseanna Cunningham

When we talk about the integration of climate change policy, we should remember that most of it is devolved. I do not want to set up a situation in which Scotland loses accountability, control and responsibility for decision making. We must be careful what we wish for in using the word “integration”. Nevertheless, we have to work alongside Cardiff and Westminster to ensure that we are all heading in the same—and in the right—direction.

On the question whether I can bounce Westminster, I do not think that I can. The CCC and Lord Deben frequently make it clear that we are being more ambitious, that we are in the lead on this and that we are a model that Westminster and Cardiff should be looking at. However, I cannot mandate other Governments; I can only do what I have done, which is invite these early conversations so that we can take the matter forward much more urgently than has been the case up until now.

The Convener

Does John Scott have a question on that theme?

10:15  

John Scott

I have a question on that theme. I will then move on to the question that I had intended to ask, with the convener’s permission.

I appreciate what the cabinet secretary says about the awkward situation. Notwithstanding the devolved responsibilities, how dependent is the Scottish Government on the UK Government coming to a view?

Roseanna Cunningham

In my parliamentary statement, I laid out the decisions that are being made—or not being made—at the UK Government level that will hinder us. The Committee on Climate Change highlighted that carbon capture and storage will continue to be a huge issue if it is not taken forward, because it is clear from the CCC’s advice that developing it now is absolutely necessary.

On the day of the statement, I flagged up that I had picked up that VAT on solar panels is to be increased from 5 to 20 per cent. I knew at that time only about solar panels, but further investigation has shown that the jump in VAT from 5 to 20 per cent, which will be brought in on 1 October, will apply not just to solar panels but to a host of renewable technologies including other solar equipment, wind power, biomass and heat pumps. We want people to take up such technologies in domestic and other settings, but a jump in VAT from 5 to 20 per cent will have the opposite effect. That is another example of something that we have no control over but that will have a distinct impact on decision making by ordinary people who hope to do the right thing.

There are a load of other specific points—I do not know whether the committee wants me to go through them all. Vehicle taxation is reserved, so that is another area in which we cannot effect change. We are limited in what we can do and how we can do it. Decarbonising the gas grid is entirely a matter for the UK Government. I go back to the discussion about how to manage, in practical terms, the heating issue in domestic and business properties. The other side of that is decarbonising the gas grid. If that does not happen, there will be a big blockage.

The CCC is talking about such issues, which inhibit us from reaching our 2045 target. If we got the UK Government to deal with them, we could achieve our target. There are more issues, but I am sure that the committee does not want me to list them all.

John Scott

That is enough to be going on with, although you could send us an exhaustive list if you want.

Roseanna Cunningham

We could try, but I do not know how exhaustive the list would be.

Stewart Stevenson

I note press comment that British Steel has applied to the UK Government for £100 million to cover payments from 29 March to 31 October because it cannot participate fully in the emissions trading scheme. That is nothing particularly to do with Scotland, but I gather that the scheme represents at least a quarter of what goes on with the numbers, and the uncertainty about the scheme’s operation is an example of a policy and a practical lacuna. There might be other reasons, such as business performance, why British Steel has asked for £100 million, but it is hanging its request on that hook. Are Scottish Government officials looking at that issue in general?

Roseanna Cunningham

The European Union ETS is under active discussion and is subject to consultation, which the committee might wish to look at. The matter is devolved, but Scotland is not big enough to be an emissions trading market in practical terms. That is why we think that staying in the European Union ETS is the best approach and that, if that is not going to happen, we need a UK ETS that is linked to the EU system.

At the moment, there is an active and live consultation that we are, in effect, a part of. It is clear that the uncertainty around ETS is causing more people than British Steel some concerns; the fact that the future is so uncertain is a real concern for a lot of businesses. If there is a no-deal Brexit, we will, overnight, switch to a carbon tax, and the whole devolved system of accountability and scrutiny will be removed from us, because that will be an entirely Treasury-led exercise. On the face of it, that is intended to be only a temporary fix, but I fear that, once the Treasury gets hold of it, it might end up being a very long temporary fix.

John Scott

I realise that I should have declared an interest as a farmer and landowner. I do so now.

My question is about agriculture. How can a truly multifunctional land use strategy be put in place? In other words, how can we get from the Committee on Climate Change’s advice to detailed policy delivery in agriculture?

Roseanna Cunningham

With a lot of very hard work and a great deal of talking to a variety of interests to ensure that they come along with us. Obviously, some of the agriculture proposals will require to be revisited when we revise the climate change plan, as we have agreed to do. I have already had conversations with NFU Scotland, because I wanted to ensure that it had seen the Vivid Economics research that WWF Scotland commissioned, which I thought was very helpful and constructive and which perhaps gave rather more comfort to the agriculture sector than it might have been feeling up to now. The sector is very much aware of its role in this, but we need it to understand the enormous contribution that it has to make. The Committee on Climate Change foresaw a continuing healthy livestock sector in Scotland, which I know has been a matter of concern for several areas of our agriculture sector.

John Scott

Absolutely, and I again declare an interest in that regard.

What can be done to ensure that trees are planted and peatlands restored at the necessary rate and to the required levels, and how can that be done without affecting too much traditional land use?

Roseanna Cunningham

That is always the question. The analogy that I often use in different quarters is that, if you have an acre of land, you will be expected to grow trees and produce food on it, provide flood protection on it, put a house on it and so on. We put an enormous burden on land, and there are a massive number of competing priorities.

The issue, therefore, is in establishing the best use for particular land. The majority of Scotland’s land is not necessarily poor—I do not want to use that word—but we are not going to be able to use it for a great many other things. Hill farmers, for example, cannot suddenly switch to arable farming—that is just not within their gift. We must make the right decision for each area.

These are tricky matters, because there are other aspects at play, and I am conscious of the concern in the agriculture sector about land going out of agricultural use and being planted with trees instead. There are all sorts of issues in and around that. There is also the question of how far a Government can prohibit or mandate certain uses of land. There are other restrictions in that respect, because that is the point at which lawyers become concerned about how far we can or cannot intervene in specific decisions about a specific piece of land.

John Scott

Quite.

I do not wish to blindside you, but a suggestion that came out of discussions that I have been involved in is that you might consider developing a new class of land. At the moment, we have land class 1 for arable land, land class 2, land class 3 and so on. Maybe, as an innovative way of approaching the problem, you should consider developing a climate change mitigation land class. At the top of that class would be peat bog restoration, and subsequent to that would be forestry. Such a land class might have value for those who wish to use it to meet their organisation’s responsibility for carbon mitigation. I just offer you that thought—I am happy to discuss it further.

Roseanna Cunningham

It would not be a conversation just for me; it would be one for Fergus Ewing, too, and we would look at all ideas. I will go back to some of the issues that such an idea might run into, whether people like it or not. There are European convention on human rights issues around ownership. You are presuming that a landowner—a farmer or whoever—might consider that a field would attract more value if it was designated in that way, but that farmer might be thinking, “I’d rather sell that field for housing, so—sorry—your offer isn’t going to cut it.” There are lots of conversations to be had around that kind of reclassification, and you would need to work carefully through its unintended consequences. That conversation would be worth having, but whether it would result in what you are suggesting is another matter entirely. After all, we already give money to things such as peatland restoration and what have you—it is not as if we are not already doing some of that.

John Scott

No. I agree. I think that we could develop a hierarchy of sub-classes within that climate change mitigation land class. Nevertheless, I appreciate what you say about the ECHR—I am well aware of the pitfalls of that, which Parliament has fallen into. We would not necessarily want to go down that road.

The Convener

We are getting on fine with our questions. Cabinet secretary, would you welcome a five-minute break after Mark Ruskell’s question?

Roseanna Cunningham

If you are happy that we have the time, convener, that is fine.

Mark Ruskell

John Scott makes a very interesting suggestion, but there may be a broader point here about making sure that climate change mitigation is at the heart of farm subsidy and financial support going forward. Have you discussed that in the Cabinet sub-committee, in Cabinet or in bilaterals with Mr Ewing?

Roseanna Cunningham

As you would expect, I have a lot of discussions with Fergus Ewing about all aspects of both portfolios, and we are well aware of some of the issues that might emerge. There has not been a meeting of the Cabinet sub-committee since the one to prepare for stage 2, and that is not necessarily where the discussion would be located. As we speak, our senior officials are probably thinking along some of the lines that are being discussed here, at least in so far as those ideas need to be considered before they can be discarded—if they have to be discarded. We are now trying to consider absolutely everything, but such decisions will ultimately be made by the Cabinet.

10:29 Meeting suspended.  

10:37 On resuming—  

The Convener

Welcome back. We move to questions from Claudia Beamish.

Claudia Beamish

Let us turn our minds to the co-benefits and multibenefits that are possible from the lowering of greenhouse gas emissions. As you know, the committee said in its stage 1 report that we would

“welcome a model that highlights the significant additional and secondary benefits to, among other things, health, industry, and employment.”

We made a few requests in that regard, and I was heartened that the Scottish Government said in its response:

“The Scottish Government would be happy to engage in further discussions with the Committee and the CCC about the potential to further develop the analytical approach to assessing the impacts of mitigating and adapting to climate change, and the additional and secondary benefits to, among other things, health, industry, and employment.”

Will you update us on developments in that area, including the on-going University of Strathclyde research project and, more broadly, the Scottish Government’s engagement with the CCC?

Roseanna Cunningham

As I indicated in the letter that I sent to the committee last week, we will lodge stage 2 amendments that will require future climate change plans to include cost benefit estimates for each policy that is set out. I need to make clear that I am talking about future climate change plans, because the methodologies will not be available to do that in the six-month rehash of the existing climate change plan. The timescale for that would be too short, because a fair amount of work and thinking will have to be done.

It will be vital for all Governments to do such analysis, because most of the actions that have got us to where we are on climate change mitigation have not impacted directly on ordinary people, but we are now moving into a scenario in which that will happen. All Governments will have to be able to outline clearly the co-benefits and tie those to the action that people take. A number of conversations have taken place with enterprise agencies and the investment bank to consider the state of low-carbon investment, to identify future funding interventions and to look at innovations. In some areas, quite deep conversations are taking place, and the investment bank is one of those areas.

Some of that work is already taking place, but it will take us a little time to develop common approaches and methodologies. Some of the co-benefits, such as the health benefits, are more obvious than others. People are already drawing the lines between air pollution and health. Sometimes, the co-benefits can easily be explained. That does not always mean that everybody agrees on what the solutions will be, but it is important that people can make such links. At the moment, we are running a campaign on food waste, which makes a direct link between food waste and climate change emissions. A lot of work is being done on that. We are already doing work explicitly on the co-benefits in a number of areas, but it will take us a little while to assess the impact of that and to understand how to cost it.

Sara Grainger

You asked specifically about the University of Strathclyde project. It is under way and making progress, but it will be at least 18 months to two years before we get the results from it. It is a massive undertaking to explore fundamentally new and quite profound methodologies to look at how the actions that are necessary to tackle climate change will impact on gross domestic product and economic growth, as opposed to the economic costs of the actions, if you see what I mean. The work is progressing, but it will be 18 months to two years before we have any results.

Claudia Beamish

Could you provide a little more detail on what discussions there have been in relation to the Scottish national investment bank, how the discussions are developing and which stakeholders have been involved in them? It would be helpful to find out more about that, even if you cannot give us the information today.

Roseanna Cunningham

Officials in the programme team and in my portfolio are already in frequent discussions to ensure that the Government’s climate priorities are well reflected in the work of the bank. The bank team has been engaging directly with the just transition commission. A workstream is already emerging in that area, and I believe that a workshop is to be held quite soon with environmental groups via the just transition commission and the bank.

As I understand it, the bank team has commissioned a report to look at investment in low-carbon and climate change initiatives in an effort to assess which markets are the most well developed, but I do not have a timescale for that. That report is still in development, and I cannot say when it will be available, but it will try to identify the existing availability of finance.

Quite a lot of work is therefore going on with the bank team. The bank is still a new part of the scenery, but it is becoming integrated into all the conversations that we need to have. That work is already under way.

10:45  

Claudia Beamish

I will deal with the just transition commission in a bit more detail shortly, but I wonder whether you have any further details on what the CCC highlighted in oral evidence to the committee when it said:

“The issue is not just Government integration:”—

you have, of course, already highlighted that—

“we have to get better at taking integration out to the community”.—[Official Report, Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee, 14 May 2019; c 39.]

You have already highlighted one example of that. In what other ways is the Scottish Government—through your department and other departments—able to communicate and ensure public buy-in in achieving net zero emissions?

Roseanna Cunningham

I have already flagged up that, over the summer and into the autumn, we will embark on a programme of engagement that is explicitly designed to get out there and look at the 60-odd per cent of the population who think that climate change is a problem but do not necessarily yet have a sense of what that realistically means for them, and to try to reach the third of the population who do not regard climate change as a problem. We have to think about them, as well. That work will start, and its outcome will give us a better sense of where people are in reality when they are confronted with decisions that might have to be made.

Claudia Beamish

Can you give us any more details about how that will be shaped?

Roseanna Cunningham

No.

Claudia Beamish

I know that it is early days—

Roseanna Cunningham

It is early days, so the answer is no.

Claudia Beamish

Would you be able to write to the committee to let us know how that is developing?

Roseanna Cunningham

We are looking at focus groups and a variety of different methods to get out there and do that work, but I cannot give you the details at this point.

Claudia Beamish

Could you write to the committee to keep us informed about that? Obviously, engagement is very important. We have engaged considerably, and it is important to be able to liaise with you in this context.

Roseanna Cunningham

We will let the committee know when there is a formal programme, and it can decide how it will go about interacting with that.

Claudia Beamish

Right. That is helpful.

The Convener

Mark Ruskell has a short supplementary question on that issue.

Mark Ruskell

The Committee on Climate Change highlighted dietary change and dietary trends towards eating less meat that already exist in society. Those trends may increase over time. Is that a bit of a taboo subject in Government, or are you considering what actions you can take to encourage that dietary choice on public health and climate grounds?

Roseanna Cunningham

I hardly think that that is a taboo subject. As far as I can see, the Minister for Public Health, Sport and Wellbeing regularly discusses it and looks across the board at food-related public health initiatives and the issue of obesity.

That is an example of moving from the general, which everybody would agree with, to the particular and people becoming very exercised. The level of connection that people might or might not be making to bigger issues is an issue. If we start to tell people what they will and will not be allowed to eat, we will run into considerable resistance. One has to have some care about that conversation. In theory, all of us here would probably want to encourage people to eat a lot more fruit and vegetables, because Scotland has a very poor record of doing that, which results in all sorts of issues, including health issues, but we cannot force people to eat a lot more fruit and vegetables. That is why we must have a conversation to try to fill that space.

Claudia Beamish

Before we move to questions about the just transition commission, do you have any comments on where the issue of intergenerational justice fits in the bill?

Roseanna Cunningham

Scotland is one of the countries that have accepted and declared the global climate emergency; it is clear that part and parcel of that message is about safeguarding the planet for future generations. We are doing that through the bill because it legislates for world-leading targets, which are in line with what the CCC calls “highest possible ambition”, as called for by the Paris agreement. That is how, in a very practical sense, we are trying to ensure intergenerational justice. Scotland has focused very much on practical actions rather than just rhetoric, which is what we should be doing. Intergenerational justice will be met by countries that act in a similar way to Scotland, because the issue is global.

Claudia Beamish

Would it not be appropriate to recognise intergenerational justice in the principles in the bill?

Roseanna Cunningham

Legislation is about making law, and drafting such a principle into law is different from including it in a policy statement. I am not clear about that and would not want to venture an opinion, because legislation is about the practical side of things rather than rhetoric. We do not usually legislate rhetoric in this country—in fact, most countries do not.

Claudia Beamish

Surely the principles would contextualise the purpose of the bill.

Roseanna Cunningham

I have not seen a list of principles, so it would be helpful if you could outline what it might look like, to make it easier for the legal directorate to give an initial sense of whether it could be legislated.

Claudia Beamish

You know as well as I do—and probably better—that bills often include near the start principles that contextualise them. The word “include” is very important, because otherwise such a list could be exclusive rather than inclusive. Would intergenerational justice not be an important principle?

Roseanna Cunningham

The bill as introduced is about target setting.

Claudia Beamish

I understand that.

Roseanna Cunningham

In effect, what you have suggested would pretty much change the long title of the bill. If that were to be done, it would change the bill completely. There are issues with doing the bill in that way.

Sara Grainger

The principles for target setting are not so much there to contextualise the bill; there is a specific requirement on ministers and the CCC to consider them when deciding what the targets should be. They have played an important role in recent discussions. In response to stakeholder requests, we have looked at a couple of minor amendments to the principles to better reflect the fair and safe emissions budget and the Paris agreement. If I recall correctly—Tom Russon will correct me if I am wrong—we were not asked or encouraged to add the issue of intergenerational justice. As the cabinet secretary has said, the whole purpose of the bill is intergenerational justice—to end our contribution to climate change for the benefit of future generations. It is unclear how an additional principle of intergenerational justice would have any different practical effect.

Claudia Beamish

As the cabinet secretary will know, the committee recommended that the Government

“keep an open mind”

in relation to

“establishing a Just Transition Commission with statutory underpinning”

or consider

“an independent parliamentary commission.”

The Government has stated that it is “giving this further consideration”. In her recent letter, the cabinet secretary states:

“Having carefully considered it, we remain unclear why a statutory basis is needed. We remain open to further discussion with the Committee on these matters, but would wish to be convinced of the positive case before bringing forward additional amendments.”

In that context, what work has the Government and your department done on the options and merits of pursuing a statutory route for the just transition commission? Has there been consultation with relevant stakeholders on the issue?

Roseanna Cunningham

Our position is as stated: we do not see the necessity for creating a statutory body. In previous sessions, I have outlined the implications, including those relating to cost, of giving such a body a statutory basis. We propose to lodge amendments to the bill that would mean that the principles of a just transition would need to be considered when preparing climate change plans. Those principles are fairly well rehearsed.

Stakeholders are involved in our conversations about the options and the pros and cons of giving such a body a statutory basis, but I am still not convinced that that is necessary. The just transition commission that we have set up is already working well, and I fail to understand what putting it in statute would achieve. The Government is talking to stakeholders to try to understand why the matter is thought to be so important, but the way in which the just transition commission is working ought to give people some comfort that what is in place will do the job.

Claudia Beamish

The stakeholders that have spoken to me—I am sure that they have spoken to you and others—have found it puzzling that the just transition commission has been set up to last for two years, given that the net zero target is for 2045 and that the just transition principles should underpin the whole process. I find it difficult to understand why a commission that lasts for two years is seen to be appropriate. Governments can change.

Roseanna Cunningham

Governments can change, but a new Government could change the law, so I am not certain that creating a statutory body would protect it from a future Government that might be hostile.

I have indicated that we will lodge amendments at stage 2 to ensure that the principles of a just transition are integral to the development of climate change plans, so that such plans will need to take those principles into account.

The just transition commission was set up to last for two years, initially, but I have said on a number of occasions that when the commission reports to us after the two years, we will consider the best way to take forward the just transition issue. We are not saying that the only way to do that is by creating a statutory body. It is important that there are strong arguments and a clear rationale for the Government setting up a statutory body, and that those aims cannot be met in any other way. That is not clear yet.

Some stakeholders might take the view that you have expressed, but not all do. There is a wide range of stakeholders, and the position is by no means unanimous.

11:00  

Claudia Beamish

I hope that I did not imply that it was.

Roseanna Cunningham

No, but there is a variety of voices out there. I would just ask members to give the just transition commission some time to do its work and then consider the best way of taking this matter forward.

Claudia Beamish

Perhaps I could take a different position on one of the points that you have made. You have said that future Governments might disagree with this approach, but surely one of the reasons for enshrining a provision in statute is that it is harder to repeal than something that is not set out in a bill.

Roseanna Cunningham

That is why we are putting the principles into the bill.

Claudia Beamish

Finally, can you set out for the record the Government’s view on establishing an independent parliamentary commission?

Roseanna Cunningham

I am not very sure what that would be designed to achieve. Parliament’s role is to scrutinise progress, and I am not entirely certain what a parliamentary commission would achieve or what value it would add.

Claudia Beamish

I am sure that some stakeholders will inform you of their views in that respect.

Roseanna Cunningham

They might very well do, but with the greatest of respect, I do not necessarily think that littering the entire landscape with various bodies and commissions is going to do the job for us. We need to take a step back and be certain that we are not cluttering things up. With a global climate emergency, one of the jobs of Government is to consider whether we can declutter, not how we add clutter. I am just a little bit uncertain what a parliamentary commission would bring to this issue, what role it would have and what it would mean for what we were doing. After all, whoever forms the Government will be the Government.

John Scott

I have just one question on the just transition commission. I should say first of all that I share the cabinet secretary’s view that it does not need to have a statutory basis, but it has been suggested to me that agriculture and land use interests are underrepresented on it as it stands. Do you share that view? If so, is there anything that you can do about it?

Roseanna Cunningham

I specifically made sure that land interests were directly represented on the commission. When people were first talking about just transition, they probably were not thinking about such interests, and that conversation has been embedded in the process. I cannot off the top of my head tell you the names of the people who are representing those interests on the commission, but they are there.

Sara Grainger

Land use and agriculture are very much on the minds of those on the just transition commission, and they form an important element of its work programme. It will be exploring the issue; in fact, it will be holding a specific meeting on the matter to which people from the sector and community interests will be invited. The issue is definitely being covered.

John Scott

I am very grateful for that reassurance.

My next series of questions brings the discussion back to agriculture. Is introducing a SMART—that is, specific, measurable, attainable, relevant and timely—target for our nitrogen use efficiency feasible? How do you see that matter evolving?

Roseanna Cunningham

Our view is that it would be difficult to set any kind of target, because we would need to be absolutely aware of all the benefits, impacts and future implications. However, we are doing work directly on this matter and we are directly funding research on it, because we see it as something that we have to get right.

An analysis of the current accounting tools is being done at Scotland’s Rural College, in collaboration with the centre for ecology and hydrology. That is the kind of thing that we need to be clear about. Our knowledge and understanding of the accounting for and management of nitrogen emissions are not yet in a place where it would be sensible to set a specific target. It is something that needs to be worked on and actively considered, and we are doing that.

John Scott

That is a work in progress. With regard to researching and publishing more detailed information on emissions in the wider agricultural sector, what are the key risks and threats? What are the benefits of providing that information?

Roseanna Cunningham

We are exploring alternative methods to provide further estimates of emissions from the wider agriculture sector. I know that there is a considerable degree of unhappiness in the agriculture sector that it is not credited with a lot of the good work that it does. Unfortunately, the method of accounting is by global agreement, and we are not allowed to change things for our own greenhouse gas inventory. However, there is some benefit in trying to come up with a better means of assessment. Even if the information will not sit in the GHG statistics, it can nevertheless be a tool to help identify with farmers the good work that is being done and get that out to the wider community, including the research community. It is a difficult issue, and I understand why that is so.

We will report to you on potential approaches to reporting and the likely accuracy of estimates as soon as we have progressed the work so that it is sufficiently substantial for the committee. The work is on-going, and we are looking at the wider agriculture sector and thinking about how its work can be better reflected. What we cannot do is make that part of GHG statistics, because those are pinned to an international standard that is set for us, rather than one that we invent for ourselves.

That is some of the work that is being done. There is a lot of work out there, and I would always want to credit land managers for that work, even if they are not seeing it reflected directly in the official statistics. However much they may wish that to happen, it is not in my gift.

John Scott

I welcome what you have said and the response to the points in the committee’s stage 1 report. It is real progress. Will there be a point where the data on that parallel system might be robust enough to be included in annual statutory reports, in a parallel universe?

Roseanna Cunningham

We hope that we can get the data into a place where we could do a parallel report. Information is available on the climate exchange website that relates directly to emissions intensity figures for agricultural products, so we are already doing some public-facing work. Obviously, there are other areas that the Government supports, such as the carbon positive project, which is led by industry.

We are continuing to try to refine the data to ensure that it can accurately reflect what is going on in farms. However, at this point, it is not yet mature and it is not capable of being brought together in the kind of way that I believe that you and other farmers might want. A lot of work needs to be done before we get to that stage. However, it is our intention to get to that stage.

John Scott

I appreciate what you say about the direction of travel and understand why you cannot say more at the moment.

The concept of what is essentially on-farm offsetting is interesting. At the moment, if an airline wants to offset its carbon emissions, it can plant 1,000 acres of trees but, apparently, a farmer cannot offset the methane that is produced by his cows by planting 50 acres of trees on his own farm. It just seems—

Roseanna Cunningham

I understand the argument. Obviously, a farmer can plant the trees, but they do not get credited to the farmer.

John Scott

That is exactly the point. Perhaps on-farm offsetting, as it were, is another concept to explore. I just leave that thought with you.

Roseanna Cunningham

That would involve taking a whole-farm attitude to emissions.

John Scott

A holistic approach. Thank you for articulating it for me better than I could.

Stewart Stevenson

I have a question that might be more for Fergus Ewing than for you, cabinet secretary. However, given that the agricultural emission that causes most concern is methane, I draw your attention to an Australian peer-reviewed paper from 2015 that concerns the anti-methanogenic effects of Asparagopsis taxiformis in vitro. In essence, there is something in seaweed that, in a Petri dish, prevents methane emission. There was a 2018 study in the United States—an extremely small study, and I cannot see a peer-reviewed paper on it—that involved feeding seaweed to 12 Holstein cows and found that that reduced the methane produced by 99 per cent. That reduction sounds implausibly large.

Are Government scientists and others tracking such research so that we can get to a point at which farmers get support from public resources that have an understanding of those issues? I note that Scotland is quite a good place for seaweed, even if—apologies to Mark Ruskell—it means harvesting kelp.

Roseanna Cunningham

That was a very long question, to which the answer is that we are already doing such research here. I invite the committee to go to the facility that is run by Scotland’s Rural College on the outskirts of Edinburgh, where there is an active programme of testing. It is not only seaweed that has the impact that you describe; if I recall correctly, coriander does that, too. I am looking at my officials, but they are not the ones who were with me on that visit. There are a variety of natural substances that, if added to the feed, appear to have a direct impact on emissions.

Work is being done around the world on this issue because, obviously, it is something that needs to be addressed. Not only is Scotland looking at what other people are doing, but we are doing work that, I dare say, other people are looking at. That is about as far as my technical understanding of the issue goes. As far as I am aware, Fergus Ewing is actively pursuing the issue from his policy perspective, too.

Mark Ruskell

We heard some immediate policy announcements the day after the Committee on Climate Change’s report came out. What other areas is the Government working on? What do you think are the big challenges with regard to meeting the targets? When might we expect to see some conclusions?

I appreciate that, earlier, you said that the UK Government has a role to play in various areas, including the decarbonisation of the gas grid, and we put similar questions to Michael Gove last week. Clearly, there is a policy process that is now in train. However, what can we expect to see coming out of your policy process, and by when?

Roseanna Cunningham

I cannot tell you what you can expect to see coming out of it, because that would be pre-announcing what is coming out of it, and I am not in a position to do that. As I indicated, work has begun in the portfolio areas—at cabinet secretary, minister and senior official level—to consider and identify continuing ways in which we can make the achievements that we want to make.

11:15  

I have already flagged up that it will be a central part of the programme for government. Please do not ask me what that will look like. That is a matter entirely for the First Minister—what does and does not appear in the programme for government will be her decision. Historically, it is an enormous concession to be told this far in advance that climate change will be an integral part of the programme for government.

The work is happening right now; we are already doing it. For example, I am identifying anything in my portfolio area that can be done differently, more quickly or brought forward without—here is the thing—having to go through the usual panoply of consultation, impact assessments and such like. I remind everyone that the processes of governance do not go away; I do not have a magic wand that can make all of that go away.

The issue is what we can identify that does not require to go through all of that; I do not know what we will be able to come up with—which would be much shorter term—or what changes and policy proposals there might be into the more medium and long term, which will nevertheless require to go through the sausage machine.

Mark Ruskell

I hear that the programme for government will be key. What key broad subject areas—I will not ask you to identify policies—is the Government considering in relation to the CCC?

Roseanna Cunningham

All portfolios have been asked to look in their areas, even those that have not hitherto regarded themselves as being on the front line. There is a handful of portfolio areas—such as the rural economy, transport, housing and energy—that people see as being part of that wider front-line team. However, I have flagged up that all portfolio areas need to consider what they can do; even if they have not necessarily viewed themselves in that way before, they must do so now. That will be happening across the whole of Government. We are not picking out areas—we are saying that it has to be an all-Government approach.

Mark Ruskell

One area that is in your portfolio—and on which there is currently a consultation—is the climate challenge fund and the question of its future. The cabinet secretary will obviously recognise the important work that has taken place and the thousand projects that have blossomed across Scotland. What do you see as the vision for its future? Should its budget continue to expand, or is there a different way of engaging with communities, hard-to-reach individuals and the public?

Roseanna Cunningham

The review that has been on-going is not yet out there; I have not yet made any decisions in respect of it. However, as I said, everything—and that means everything—in my portfolio has to be up for scrutiny. All funding for community action on climate change has to be considered to ensure that we are doing the right thing, and that consideration is on-going.

There has been a lot of discussion about numbers and the reality is that, in relation to community projects, the fund has been incredibly successful in supporting communities across Scotland to take action. It is also the only fund of its kind in the UK. However, it is the right time to consider whether the approach that we have been taking over the past 10 years is the right one to deliver the step change that we all agree is needed. That is what we are thinking about, and that is happening across my portfolio in the same way that it is happening across everybody’s portfolios.

John Scott

Cabinet secretary, given that climate change plans largely collate and present information and commitments that are set out in other strategies, will the revised climate change plan present a truly integrated approach? I certainly hope so. What is the timetable and process for the new climate change plan?

Roseanna Cunningham

May I be really clear about what we are discussing here? We have committed to a review of the existing climate change plan within the six months after the passing of the bill. If you are talking about a brand new climate change plan, you are talking about a different animal entirely. It would be advisable for the committee to think about the difference in that regard: six months is not a long time, so we are not talking about starting from scratch and completely renewing the whole plan.

John Scott

I am talking about the current plan.

Roseanna Cunningham

We have agreed to review the current plan within the six months after the bill is passed, which is what the committee asked for. Our doing that in a much shorter timescale than we would have done if we were producing a whole new plan means that what is produced will not be as detailed as a new plan would be—it cannot be; it is impossible to manage that in a timescale of six months.

We will do that renewal and revisal—I can see that Sara Grainger is worrying about my using a phrase—

Sara Grainger

Do not do it.

Roseanna Cunningham

Because we have a set timescale for the work, it cannot be as if we were doing a whole new plan. That is an important thing for people to understand.

John Scott

I appreciate that, of course. Notwithstanding that, will the work involve stakeholders and industry? Will it be open to the general public to contribute? I understand very well the constraints of time, which you laid out in your response to our report, but will you comment on how widely you will consult?

Roseanna Cunningham

Some of the engagement over the summer will feed into the work. Although the six months will not be triggered until the bill gets royal assent, which now will not happen until autumn, the public engagement that we do over the summer will feed into the revisal of the plan. We will have as much engagement as we can have, and I have indicated that I will let the committee know as soon as we have a formal timetable for that engagement, so that you can see which areas you might want to engage with.

That work will involve all stakeholders, and because it is pinned directly to the target of net zero emissions, it will then feed into the six-month revision of the climate change plan.

Angus MacDonald

What discussion is there with the Committee on Climate Change prior to the finalising of climate change plans?

Roseanna Cunningham

The CCC has a statutory role. It is our independent adviser, and that is what informs our engagement with it. It has set out its views on the most recent plan. That engagement takes place while a plan is in draft, and we then give consideration to the CCC’s advice when we prepare the final version. I remind members that the final version of the current plan was published only in February last year.

Seeking the CCC’s views on draft climate change plans will not change, but I am not certain about its ability to operate within the timescale that the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee has recommended for the revision of the current plan. We will ensure that the CCC is aware of what we are doing, and, if it wishes to comment, it can. As committee members know, the CCC does not provide immediate advice, so how actively it can be involved in the revision is unclear. That is a challenge, which takes us back to the phrase that I am not allowed to use—I will tell you privately afterwards, when the microphone is switched off. The six-month timescale is tight for everybody, including the CCC.

Mark Ruskell

On the proposed scrutiny of the climate change plan, will the 120-day period take into account recess or dissolution?

Roseanna Cunningham

I do not think that a final decision has been taken on whether the scrutiny period should be 90 days or 120 days. I think that we had said that there should be a 90-day parliamentary scrutiny, but my official tells me that we are prepared to accept 120 days. My view is that, if we start to build in recesses, how long will all this take? We have a climate emergency, so why would we want to make things even longer and more difficult?

Angus MacDonald

Will the Government lodge amendments at stage 2 to require the use of carbon credits to be subject to an enhanced affirmative procedure? What more could the Government do to ensure the adequate scrutiny of the use of carbon credits?

Roseanna Cunningham

We are still exploring the possibility of lodging amendments in that regard. However, I am not clear what is meant by the term “enhanced affirmative procedure”. If that is a reference to the superaffirmative procedure, things are more straightforward. Perhaps the committee has some other new procedural form in mind, but I am not clear what that might be. To clarify, do you mean the superaffirmative procedure?

Angus MacDonald

Yes.

Roseanna Cunningham

Okay. Obviously, carbon credits have never been used, we have set out clear policy commitments not to use them and the legal limit for their future use is zero, unless Parliament agrees to change that. I am not 100 per cent clear what amendments to that would make a difference, or what you would want that is not already there.

Angus MacDonald

Okay; that is fair enough.

John Scott

I was in Ireland last week, where there was much talk about climate change. Ireland is going down the route of using carbon credits as a mitigation tool. Would it not be a pity to close the door on the ability to use carbon credits, should a need arise? It is without dispute that the carbon emissions are entirely linked to the growth of the economy—the Irish have proved that to their own satisfaction on three occasions.

Roseanna Cunningham

There are two big issues to do with carbon credits. First, if you use them all that you are doing is exporting your emissions. Secondly, they are incredibly expensive and will probably get even more expensive. Ireland may theoretically be talking in those terms, as Sweden does, but whether they will use them when it comes to it is a different matter entirely.

From our perspective, we are talking about domestic effort to tackle the issues and not just exporting them. Carbon credits just let somebody else do the emitting for you, which does not seem to me to be a particularly moral way to approach the issue.

John Scott

Finally, given the Government’s lodged and planned amendments, does it intend to lodge a new financial resolution? We were told at the outset that the bill would cost £13 billion. Do you see there being any change to that figure, which, from the committee’s perspective, seems to lack reliability? I would be interested to hear any comments that you have on that.

Roseanna Cunningham

There is no financial resolution at present, because the direct costs of the bill are well below the £400,000 a year threshold. The only current thing that might change that is the discussion about the just transition commission. As I said, there would be a cost to that. The figures that you are talking about are those for 2045, which cannot really be reflected in a financial resolution for a bill going through Parliament in 2019.

The Convener

I thank the cabinet secretary and her officials for their time today. At its next meeting, on 28 May, the committee will take further evidence from stakeholders on the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill at stage 2.

11:31 Meeting continued in private until 11:56.  

21 May 2019

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Third meeting transcript

The Convener (Gillian Martin)

Welcome to the 18th meeting in 2019 of the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee. I remind everyone to switch off their mobile phones, as they may affect the broadcasting system. Broadcasting will organise the microphones, so there is no need to press any buttons. You should simply speak, and broadcasting will deal with it.

Under agenda item 1, the committee will take further evidence on the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill at stage 2. Since the committee reported on the bill at stage 1, we have received responses from the Scottish Government, the Committee on Climate Change has published its updated advice, and the Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform has made a statement in Parliament in which the Scottish Government’s response to the global climate emergency was outlined.

Ahead of considering amendments at stage 2, we have heard from the Committee on Climate Change and the cabinet secretary. This morning, we will hear from stakeholders on the updated advice to the Scottish Government.

I am delighted to welcome everyone to our first round-table session this morning. We will focus on broad issues and impacts, and on what the new advice and the Scottish Government’s acceptance of it mean for Scotland and the action that we will take.

We have an hour and a half with the witnesses. Before we explore their views, I invite everyone around the table to introduce themselves. I am the convener of the committee.

Professor Tahseen Jafry (Centre for Climate Justice)

I direct the centre for climate justice at Glasgow Caledonian University.

Angus MacDonald (Falkirk East) (SNP)

I am the MSP for Falkirk East.

Ben Wilson (Scottish Catholic International Aid Fund)

I am a policy officer at the Scottish Catholic International Aid Fund.

Stewart Stevenson (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

I am Stewart Stevenson MSP. We are amending the act that resulted from the bill that I introduced in 2009.

Professor David Reay (University of Edinburgh)

I am professor of carbon management at the University of Edinburgh.

Dr Mark Winskel (ClimateXChange)

I am a senior lecturer at the University of Edinburgh and policy director of ClimateXChange.

The Convener

The clerking team is to my left.

John Scott (Ayr) (Con)

I am the MSP for Ayr.

Professor Jim Skea (Just Transition Commission)

I am chair of the just transition commission.

Dr Rachel Howell (University of Edinburgh)

I am a lecturer in sustainable development at the University of Edinburgh.

Claudia Beamish (South Scotland) (Lab)

I am a South Scotland MSP and the shadow cabinet secretary for environment, climate change and land reform.

Jim Densham (Scottish Environment LINK)

I work for RSPB Scotland and I am representing Scottish Environment LINK.

Clive Mitchell (Scottish Natural Heritage)

I am an outcome manager for people and nature at Scottish Natural Heritage.

Mark Ruskell (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

I am an MSP for Mid Scotland and Fife.

The Convener

To start us off, I will ask a broad question—it is the million dollar question. We know where we need to go, and we have been told the targets that there are pathways to get to. How do we get there?

Professor Skea

I have had the chance to go through the whole of the CCC report, which is quite challenging. It is very good at providing a snapshot of what a net zero world would look like, but it says very little about the pathway to get there. Obviously, from the point of view of the just transition commission, we need to explore that in more depth, because the pathway from here to net zero will be the big challenge.

Scotland was invited to think about the level of ambition for the intermediate years of 2030 and 2040. The CCC came up with some numbers to expand the ambition and reduce emissions by 70 per cent, rather than by 66 per cent, by 2030, but the report does not contain a lot of detailed, bottom-up analysis to take us from 66 to 70 per cent reductions. It is very much a case of drawing a straight line from where we are now to the net zero point.

A lot of work has to be done in Scotland on the revised climate change plan, and dialogue will be needed with the just transition commission to sort that out. How we get there is the million dollar question, and we really need to start to work on it. However, the CCC has given us the start of the thought on that.

Professor Jafry

We know the road map ahead, and ambitious targets have been set before us. We have a really good understanding of the technology and the knowledge that we need to put in place to get there. We really need to focus on societal and behavioural change, and we need to engage with the public. Public engagement is critical to achieving a low-carbon economy. No matter what the ethnic minority, inequality or social justice aspects are, it is absolutely critical that we engage with the public across all sectors of society, and considering education is an absolute must. It is vital that we look at the broad set of educational and public engagement messages that need to get through.

Dr Winskel

The CCC has made a point of demonstrating that the feasibility and affordability of meeting the net zero target by 2050 is very much the end point. A lot of bottom-up analysis has worked its way into the CCC’s report. The analysis was done on a bottom-up, rather than a top-down, basis, and there is some discussion about that in the report.

I agree with Jim Skea that there needs to be a lot more analysis, in Scotland as well as in the United Kingdom, on the detail of the interim targets. The CCC has been fairly open about that. It has done what it was asked to do, which was to demonstrate the feasibility and affordability of meeting the net zero target by 2045 in Scotland and by 2050 in the UK. I do not think that the CCC sees its report as the finished job.

ClimateXChange will also be very keen to work with and across Government on filling out the evidence base, which we have already been doing in the time that we have had.

Jim Densham

In its report, the Committee on Climate Change said very clearly that Scotland can make much quicker progress than the UK can because of our wealth of land to store and sequester more carbon. That is really encouraging and shows the importance of nature-based solutions in helping us to achieve the targets, so we need to put in place such solutions very soon. That is important not only for tackling climate change but for protecting nature and solving the multiple problems that we have in relation to biodiversity loss.

The CCC’s report talks about afforestation, which we have known about for a long time. It also mentions the importance of peatland restoration, and we have a great opportunity to do that work in Scotland. The report touches on other things, but we can do much more. The CCC has said that meeting the targets is feasible with today’s technologies, but we will know a lot more quite soon if we put in more effort.

For example, we are looking at the value of blue carbon. Scottish Natural Heritage has put lots of work into calculating the huge stores of carbon in our marine environment. We must protect that block of storage, but we can also recreate coastal habitats to store a lot more carbon. A Royal Society for the Protection of Birds report from a couple of years ago called “Glorious Mud: homes for nature, protection for people” looked at the potential for coastal realignment. We could realign up to 4,000 hectares of coast right now, which would mean that we could store huge amounts of carbon in coastal areas. Such things are not included in the report, but they could have been. There are many more technologies that we will know more about if we put more money and effort into research.

Professor Reay

I completely agree with Professor Jafry’s point about needing to bring everyone with us in order to meet the targets, which will be difficult, because the 2045 target that the Committee on Climate Change has laid out is really stretching. At the moment, there is real public support for what the Scottish Government has done in accepting the advice and going for the 2045 target. There is great will, but there is a real risk of losing it, and Jim Skea’s just transition commission is key to avoiding that.

The Committee on Climate Change’s report highlighted that we do not yet have the skills base across all sectors in our society to meet the target, so we need to build that capacity. There is a real role for further and higher education at all levels in providing the skills base to allow us to make the transition. That applies to jobs and will mean that we can deliver across all areas, from the expertise that is needed for peatland restoration, as Jim Densham described, to developing zero-carbon housing. As ever, investing in people is how we will meet the target.

Dr Howell

I stress that we will get to where we want to go only if we start work immediately. We have a really interesting task because, in one sense, it is a long-term project—a marathon—but we need to go out of the blocks as though it is a 100m or 200m sprint. Whatever date is set for reaching net zero, we need to understand that we haven’t got 30 years to start, we must start now.

Like Professor Jafry and David Reay, I think that public engagement, which is my area of expertise, is very important. In addition to education, there are other ways that we can work collaboratively with civil society organisations to overcome the barriers to public engagement and behavioural change, such as through actions that increase a sense of agency and self-efficacy. I am happy to explore that further and make some suggestions.

The Convener

I am happy for you to do that right now. It seems to me that public engagement might attract the people who are already completely aware of the actions that they might take, but how do we reach the harder-to-reach people whose lives are going to be affected?

09:15  

Dr Howell

We are at a really exciting place on engagement, because the polls show a higher level of concern about climate change than there has been for many years. The proportion of people who are aware and engaged is much higher than it has been, and that will be helping to change social norms. The hardest-to-reach people will come along, in part, once things become more normal. One of the most important aspects is that we make doing things in a sustainable way the most normal, cheapest or easiest thing to do.

Media attention on climate change is the highest that it has been since the Paris agreement in 2015. For example, one aspect that I have written about in my response relates to the dietary changes that we need—from a health perspective as well as a climate change one. There are lots of barriers to people adopting more sustainable behaviour, some of which are financial or practical—for example if someone does not have a bus service, they cannot commute by bus—and some of which are more psychological. Those include the barriers to dietary change. A lot of people say, “I am willing to make changes to my diet or cut down flying, if I can see that others are doing that too. There is no point in me doing it on my own.”

We could work with groups in society that are pushing for greater changes, such as extinction rebellion and Friends of the Earth, to set up commitment platforms. Through those platforms, their members and supporters could create agreements that say, “I will commit to doing this”—there could be different levels of commitment—“if this many people also commit to it”. That is how we could overcome some of the agency and psychological issues and give the civil society organisations that are pushing us to do more a role to play in engaging their members. That could be a relatively low-cost approach.

Obviously, there are other barriers that will need policy and infrastructural change. It is extremely important that you, the policy makers, are not asking individuals to commit to behavioural changes where the barriers are such that they cannot remove them. Engaging organisations could be a useful contribution. For example, whatever target is chosen for going net zero, extinction rebellion will say that it is not enough. However, I would want to go back to them and say, “Okay, get your members to commit. If you can do more than the net zero report expects society to do, we can do more.”

The Convener

That would be a focus on asking people to contribute practical actions rather than just campaigning.

Dr Howell

That is what people want now. They want to know what they can actually do themselves.

Clive Mitchell

We have a triple challenge in how we get there. As Jim Skea has already indicated, the net zero report makes it quite clear that we cannot get there without taking into account land use change and forestry emissions. Over the timescale for achieving the 2040 target, there will be at least another 0.5°C of warming from the inertia resulting from previous emissions. Therefore, the trends and changes that we have seen in terms of droughts, floods, pests and disease will intensify and get a bit worse over the same period, and we will have to adapt at the same time as we take action to reduce emissions going into the atmosphere.

Since we cannot put a spade in the ground without affecting adaptation, mitigation and the state of nature, we need to address issues to do with the loss of biodiversity at the same time as we move to a net zero economy through—as others have said—a just transition.

On collaboration, it is worth reflecting on what we have been able to do on the basis of an organisation-by-organisation, sector-by-sector approach over the past ten years. That has achieved reductions in emissions of 3 or 4 per cent a year, which is impressive and has been great to see. However, we need to more than double that reduction from 2020 onwards to get on to a net zero pathway. As others have said, the key to that lies in collaborative place-based approaches to create communities of interest and peer groups that people can identify and move with to address mitigation, adaptation, the state of nature and the associated United Nations sustainable development goals all at the same time.

The Convener

A couple of members want to ask questions. Stewart Stevenson had his hand in the air first.

Stewart Stevenson

I have listened with interest so far. It seems to me that the contributions have fallen into two groups. The larger one is about controlling emissions, which Rachel Howell and Tahseen Jafry focused on. Jim Skea and Clive Mitchell have talked more about sequestration and mitigation. Of course, we are not looking for zero emissions; we are looking for net zero. The Committee on Climate Change report focused much more on emissions and rather less on sequestration, and I wonder whether there is more to do on that. Sequestration is one of those apparently free lunches. If we could do it all by sequestration and not have to change behaviours, that would be lovely, except that there are other reasons for changing behaviours besides those that we are dealing with.

I wonder how those two issues play off against each other. We have specialists in emissions management and changing behaviours and specialists in sequestration. How can policy makers in Government help to focus the people with the specialisms to deliver the maximum in their area without necessarily being distracted by what other specialists do in other areas? It is about trying to break the generality of the problem into the specific contributions that each of us can make in our scientific and professional lives. How do we do that as policy makers?

The Convener

I saw Mark Winskel nodding at that.

Dr Winskel

That is a great question. I work for a body called ClimateXChange, which is one of a number of centres of expertise that are funded by the Scottish Government. ClimateXChange deals with adaptation and mitigation, so we think about that quite a lot. It is a business of bringing together different specialists in a collaborative environment. Stewart Stevenson talked about the policy challenge, but that is mirrored by a research challenge in bringing together the different disciplines and expertise to think about the issue as a whole-economy problem. It is absolutely clear that it has to become a whole-economy challenge, throughout all the layers of Government.

There is an equivalent challenge for us as researchers because a number of experts are involved, and it is difficult for researchers and specialists to bring their work together. Real attention needs to be given to how Government funds research and how we go forward together. We need to think about how we do the analytical job. A lot of attention has been given to the Scottish TIMES model, which we will talk about, but that is just one way of thinking about the whole-economy challenge.

I want to come back to one point. There is a bit of a danger that the net zero report implies that achieving targets is more about behaviour and less about technology, because it talks about “known technologies”. It is slightly dangerous for research and policy when the Committee on Climate Change talks about “known technologies”. That refers to technologies that in many cases and in some of the more difficult-to-treat sectors are far too expensive to be adopted at scale. Innovation is about demonstrating things. At the moment, the options for decarbonising heat look much more expensive than our current ways of supplying heat to lots of buildings in Scotland and elsewhere. Even building efficiency needs a lot of technological innovation. The Committee on Climate Change looked at the issue, and it suggested—I would not rely on these figures—that technological solutions are about 40 per cent, behaviour change is about 10 per cent and the rest is a combination of both. That is a very broad-brush picture, but it shows that we cannot take our eye off the technological challenge. I know that that is difficult, because some of the technical challenges, such as carbon capture and storage, require a lot of international work. However, the Scottish Government must be careful not to take its eye off that and must think about infrastructure spend appropriately, so that there is good alignment between the available infrastructure spend in Scotland and the climate change plan.

The Convener

There is also a massive role for the UK Government, for example in the decarbonisation of the gas network. That brings me back to the point about our not having had a response from the UK Government. That response will be key, will it not?

Dr Winskel

Absolutely. We are expecting heat strategies next year from both the UK and Scottish Governments, and the strategies will have to be aligned.

My point was that quite a lot of infrastructure spend is happening in Scotland; we have the Infrastructure Commission for Scotland and infrastructure programmes, and significant amounts of money can be leveraged, with UK money. However, activity must be directed appropriately, so that we can find out more about how we secure the costs of low-carbon heat, hydrogen and CCS. Scotland has an opportunity to attract UK funding by leveraging its own spend in those key areas.

Professor Skea

I will follow Mark Winskel’s point by taking a systems view. We should recall how the thinking in the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s report, “Global Warming of 1.5°C”, in which I was involved, has moved into the Committee on Climate Change’s report. The message is very much that, because of the level of ambition that we are looking at, nothing can be left off the table. We cannot say, “It’s either behaviour or carbon dioxide removal”; the ambition is such that we need everything.

To support Scotland’s current target of 90 per cent greenhouse gas reduction by 2050, there was a scenario entitled, “Ambition”. The net zero report has a scenario entitled, “Further Ambition”, which gets us to 96 per cent, and a scenario entitled, “Speculative”, which is about what is needed to get to 100 per cent. The CCC is signalling that nothing can be left off the table.

My view on all that is that “or” is probably the most overused word in this debate. It is about “and”, “and” and “and”, when we are talking about different measures.

I want to pick up on the points about behaviour, which I entirely agree with, and Clive Mitchell’s point about nature-based solutions and I will flag up another point. In its report, the CCC talks about bioenergy with carbon capture and storage, which is a very difficult issue; it also talks about direct air capture of carbon, which it suggests could be located with bioenergy with carbon capture and storage, to take advantage of economies of scale. As I understand it, one of the reasons why the CCC argued that Scotland could be more ambitious than other parts of the UK was to do with our greater access to those technologies and approaches in Scotland.

I am not commenting on the feasibility of such approaches. The just transition commission is specifically asked not to talk about the ambition—that is not our job; our job is to think about how we get there and fairness. However, it is worth recalling that what differentiates Scotland from other parts of the UK is the potential for greater access to carbon dioxide removal. We need to keep that in mind.

Professor Jafry

I will return to the question. I completely get the need for different mindsets to come together and brainstorm where we are at. Policy makers should not assume that they have all the solutions. A classic example is that we have researchers working on green infrastructure in some of the poorest parts of Glasgow, but the communities in those areas do not want green infrastructure and do not want trees planted on their doorsteps. Policy makers are sitting round the table wondering why not, given that planting trees is the most obvious solution, but when we look further into the matter, we find that people are saying that it is to do with security, particularly for women and children. People say, “Parklands are not lit”, “It is unsafe to go out”, “It encourages alcohol and drug abuse”, and so on. Such issues are beginning to come to the fore, and the people who are sitting round the table had no idea that they would come up. We must not assume that we have the solutions. The need to co-design and co-develop solutions with communities is therefore critical.

On the point about technology, we must not underestimate the value of small-scale and low-cost solutions. They can have a significant impact in encouraging behavioural change and on how we deal with bringing down emissions for our climate. There is a lot of merit in that approach, rather than always going for high-end, high-cost technology development. There is a place for that, but we must not underestimate the value of the small-scale solutions.

09:30  

Clive Mitchell

To answer Stewart Stevenson’s question directly, we do not have enough planet to do all of it by carbon sequestration. We would probably need about three planets to do it that way, so the bulk of the effort has to be on reducing the emissions that go into the atmosphere in the first place. It is also clear that we need to use land carefully to close down the carbon cycles that we have exploded, particularly over the past few decades.

Other nutrient and geochemical cycles around nitrogen are also key. Peatland restoration is really good for keeping carbon in the ground and sequestering it from the atmosphere. It also helps to regulate water flows, reduce flood risk and so on. Blue carbon would be another example. Things such as kelp beds are good for sequestering carbon and they also dampen wave energy and reduce coastal flood risk during storms. I re-emphasise the point that it is about both adaptation and mitigation—the state of nature all together.

My final point is about technologies, recognising that they are important and reinforcing all the points that have been made around the table. Technologies inevitably drive behaviour change and it is important to recognise that, particularly when we are talking about large-scale technological interventions. We need to think carefully about what kind of behaviours will be stimulated as a result of those technological interventions and how they are compatible with net zero and addressing UN sustainable development goals.

Professor Reay

I will go back to Stewart Stevenson’s question about expertise. I made a point earlier about needing more skills and capacity, which we do, but we also have a wealth of expertise in Scotland. The Committee on Climate Change said that we are ahead in terms of both our emissions reductions and our capacity to deliver more. Part of that is the expertise that we have in academia and in our practitioners, from our farmers through to the oil and gas sector.

We are a good way along the line in terms of expertise, but there is a danger of silo mentality. My specialism is agriculture and land use, but if I look at only that and do not talk to Jim Skea, for instance, there is a danger of unintended consequences. We need to do everything—as Jim Skea laid out, it is “and,” “and” and “and”—but that must include looking at the system and at unintended consequences. Some of the mistakes that we have made in the past, particularly in terms of the afforestation of peatland for other objectives, were made in a context that did not take account of the whole system. There are dangers if we rely on siloed experts.

Dr Howell

We can couple sequestration and mitigation. It would be useful to do so in certain sectors where behavioural change has so far been hard to achieve and there are fewer technological solutions, at least in the near term. The obvious example is flying. We can directly link extra charges on those kinds of behaviours and say that the charges are necessary because, in order to achieve net zero emissions, we must sequester the carbon—although in a public forum it would be more useful to frame it as “the pollution”. We would say that we were asking people to pay extra as a fair measure to help to reduce the pollution through planting trees or whatever.

We should link the two issues rather than play them off against each other, although the committee will have noticed from my submission that I think it is important not to frame it as an offset. Once people believe that their behaviour can be entirely offset, they might be encouraged to feel that they can fly more. The framing will need to be something like, “reduce the effects of your pollution”, rather than saying that it will offset it or using terms such as carbon sequestration and so on that do not resonate so much with the public. We need to make it about pollution.

The Convener

That would also require ring fencing whatever revenue came from that activity.

Dr Howell

Yes, that is what I suggest would probably be necessary for certain sectors, and it could be useful in encouraging more positive views of that. That said, research from Germany shows that people lack trust in whether the money is actually being ring fenced, so there would have to be real transparency in that respect.

The Convener

Okay. I think that John Scott has a question.

John Scott

It is just a very brief one on Rachel Howell’s point about taking people with us. You have said that the polls are very much in favour of tackling climate change, but I point out that one of the hard-to-reach groups is the elderly. The fact is that people are living longer and longer, and behavioural change is much harder to deliver for elderly people. Speaking as someone who might be the oldest person in the room—

Stewart Stevenson

No, John—it is me.

John Scott

Perhaps not completely the oldest, then.

In any case, I know from my experience of dealing with my parents and others that people just do not want to change as they get older. I am therefore disappointed by Mark Winskel’s comment that only 10 per cent of the solution to this problem will be behavioural change, while 40 per cent of it will be, as it were, technology. I had rather hoped that behavioural change would make up more of the solution, and that takes us to the issue of modal shift. How are we going to deliver that? After all, public transport seems to have been overlooked in much of our discussion.

Dr Winskel

I should point out that what you have cited is not my analysis, but the analysis of the Committee on Climate Change. What one might derive from that figure, which I agree is disappointing, is that either we are hugely underestimating the potential of behavioural change or that such change is a lot more difficult to put into practice for all kinds of social and political reasons.

The other 50 per cent of the solution will come from what is termed behavioural and technological change working in combination. I do not disagree with anyone on this—indeed, I very much agree with Jim Skea that this is a matter of “and” rather than “or”—but there are challenges to deal with. One of my other jobs is with the UK Energy Research Centre, and we have done some survey work with UK-based energy experts and stakeholders on where they think decarbonisation will come from in different sectors. As far as transport was concerned, the vast majority of people thought that the electrification of vehicle stock was going to be the huge route to decarbonising individual consumer transport stock—in other words, private vehicles.

There were very mixed views from the experts on the contribution of modal shift, with lots of them, including transport experts, saying that it is going to be hugely important and others very sceptical about its role. Often the reasons for such a view is that it is, in political and policy terms, quite difficult to force behavioural change in all sections of the population, not just those at the leading edge. I understand your point about the elderly. I am not an expert in this area, but I think that one will have to look at the evidence.

The CCC also carried out some really good analysis of the policies to date that have proved effective with regard to transition, and it is a really nice mix of carrots and sticks. For example, it has discussed the role of subsidies in providing learning with regard to expensive technologies; indeed, one of the reasons why offshore wind is now a lot cheaper is that subsidies have provided lots of learning. Moreover, they have also led to competition among producers, and the auction system that we use in the UK has proved to be really successful. The committee suggests that an expansion of 70GW in offshore wind—which is massive—is necessary, and it would double the electricity system.

Other contributors include taxes such as landfill tax as well as getting emissions out of waste, which is something that has been hugely important in Scotland. Another aspect is regulating things out when a next-stage technology can be brought in—such as bringing in condensing boilers and not allowing conventional boilers to be built or installed any more. Just those three measures have made huge strides and prevented massive amounts of CO2 from being emitted.

Mark Ruskell

I have a technical question about the decisions that we need to make on interim targets in the bill because of the need for action in the next 10 years. The Committee on Climate Change’s report provided analysis on how we view peatlands in the inventory—whether they are relatively carbon neutral or a habitat that could make a significant contribution to reducing carbon emissions that was more than we had expected. How that is viewed can change the assumptions about the target that we should put in place. The CCC’s advice is that targets should be based on a revised inventory rather than the inventory to which the bill relates, or that, if they are based on the current inventory, they should be higher than those that the CCC initially recommended. What are the witnesses’ views on that?

Separately, a number of submissions have mentioned blue carbon, which relates to wetlands, kelp forests—the convener knows that I am a big fan of them—and a range of other habitats. We do not know much about whether such habitats are sucking up or releasing carbon. What do people think about how blue carbon will be treated? Will we have to revise all the inventories again if we suddenly find out that our oceans are emitting far more or sequestering far more than we thought?

I apologise for raising two technical questions, but they are important, because they relate to the decisions that we need to make about the 2030 target and other targets and about the amendments that the bill needs, if any.

Professor Reay

Both questions are great—I love technical questions. We need to go with the advice about including peatland emissions, which will mean a substantial uplift in the Scottish account, because only a quarter of our peatlands are undamaged or have been restored. We should take the hit now to set a baseline that allows us to show action.

In Scotland, peatlands are a net source of CO2. Under the Committee on Climate Change’s 2045 target, peatlands will remain a source of emissions, but the emissions will be much smaller, because of restoration. Such an approach is honest about how the atmosphere sees CO2, which is the key. Our accounting is all well and good, but the issue is what the contribution to warming is.

Peatlands need to be in the inventory. Our science has come on in leaps and bounds on how well we can monitor, report on and verify emissions and on how mitigation action can change emissions.

There will be revisions to national greenhouse gas reporting because of changes in global warming potential factors and things such as blue carbon, but that should not stop this committee and the Parliament acting on advice. Blue carbon might well be a larger sink than we think or it might be a source, as Mark Ruskell suggested, but that should not prevent action on the advice as it stands. The research base in Scotland is strong, and a lot of us are focusing our attention on quantifying blue carbon, so that we can get to the stage that we are at with peatlands, when we can ask whether we can include it in the inventory and how we can manage it better.

09:45  

Clive Mitchell

I echo what Dave Reay said. Measuring emissions from land-based sources will always be more difficult than measuring those from a pipe, because one is the land and the other is a pipe. Emissions in land-based settings will depend on the context in which they sit in different parts of the country. It will be difficult to draw a hard and fast rule that applies everywhere in the country. As Dave Reay said, the need to restore peatland is clear. If we do not do so, it contributes more and more carbon to the atmosphere, and the atmosphere does not worry about how we account for these things. Restoring peatland is essential.

We are still working through the inventory to find out how much blue carbon there is and where it is. Sediment sources will probably be the largest, particularly in the fjords and lochs of the west coast. We need to understand better the consequences for how we manage inshore waters and the associated stocks of blue carbon, and the way that inshore waters not only store carbon but—as I said about kelp forests—reduce wave impact during storms. Measuring that will probably be cruder than for pipe-based emissions.

We need to see the land and sea as insurance. There is stuff that we need to do to keep greenhouse gases where they should be in the ground or in the sea, but we need to focus our efforts on reducing the emissions from the fossil fuel sources that we are burning.

Dr Howell

I want to speak to the interim targets part of Mark Ruskell’s question. The inclusion of peatlands is important, but the new inventory means—presumably unintentionally—that the interim target of 70 per cent is lower, and we cannot go backwards on commitments. The CCC states that the interim target using the current inventory method equates to a reduction of 76 per cent by 2030. The equivalent targets for the minimum necessary should therefore be 76 per cent by 2030, and 96 per cent by 2040. The advice that Professor Kevin Anderson produced a few months ago about what Scotland can do equated roughly to 86 per cent by 2030.

The interim targets need to be more ambitious than those currently proposed. There is no scientific rationale whatsoever for the proposed targets—they are just a straight line. I understand why the CCC had to do that—it did not have time to do more—but that is not evidence-based policy making. I would have thought that the Government would be slightly embarrassed to say that it had set targets on the basis of how a ruler fits on a graph.

As we discussed, more ambitious interim targets are also necessary if we are to get out of the blocks fast. If the target that is enshrined in the bill is net zero by 2045, that needs to be seen as a starting point. I hope to see whoever announces that to the media making a commitment that the target will be revised as we see how it works out, with the intention of bringing forward the net zero date if progress is faster than expected.

Professor Skea

When an inventory methodology is revised, that affects not just the emissions in the current year but the emissions in the base year. Scotland moving towards percentage reductions makes the reductions more robust against inventory changes than would otherwise be the case.

On the prospect of future inventory changes, I had the misfortune to be at the approval session for the latest version of the IPCC’s inventory guidance about three weeks ago—it was painful indeed. To give an example of the kind of changes that might be seen, the new guidance includes how to deal with emissions from flooded land. That would have a direct implication for Scotland if Scotland ever wanted to do hydroelectric development, as any creation of new surface waters would have implications for the inventory. That kind of thing coming through in the future would expand the inventory’s scope.

I hate to say this, but there is an almost theological debate about what is natural and what is anthropogenic. A lot of the ocean stuff is essentially seen as natural, not anthropogenic, and would not fall within the scope of the inventory, at least at the moment.

Jim Densham

I totally agree with Dr Rachel Howell that we need to have the strongest targets possible. Obviously, we need to include peatland restoration and be honest about the emissions that we have had since 1990 and before as soon as possible, so that we can make changes and incentivise land use change.

That is important, because the IPCC report on 1.5°C was clear that we need to keep to 1.5°C, rather than overshooting and then coming back to 1.5°C. That is important for wildlife, which is very vulnerable to temperature change. The CCC’s report includes a headline that says that “every degree matters”. For wildlife, however, every tenth of a degree matters, because it is so vulnerable. Although not every species acts in the same way or is as vulnerable, some species are very vulnerable. We need to go as fast as possible as soon as possible. As Dr Howell said, we need to sprint out of the blocks to make a difference.

Of course, that also goes back to Mr Stevenson’s point about sequestration. We need to do as much as possible not just to mitigate CO2 but to tackle the hard-to-do things that involve biological processes such as the generation of nitrous oxide and methane, which often come from farming. We must do as much as we can with sequestration but also reduce other things as much as we can by going for the untapped potential in farming.

I will quickly expand on that point. We should use the land use strategy to plan those interventions, so that we know which farmers can do more on sequestration and which can do more on efficiency measures, and how much dietary change can make a difference. We should then consider how we use post-common agricultural policy funding to pay farmers for public goods—not just for food production but for sequestration. That is important, because some farmers will need the support of being paid for public goods if they are to keep going with those fair policies and continue to work the land.

Ben Wilson

The interim target is important, particularly for SCIAF, which is concerned about the impacts on the global south. David Reay said that it is how the atmosphere sees emissions that is important, but we could also say that it is how the global south sees the impacts of those emissions that is important. We therefore need the best and most accurate accounting, and the strongest targets—for 2030 in particular—that are based on that best and most accurate accounting.

As a couple of colleagues have said, the point of the CCC report was to respond to the IPCC special report on 1.5°C. The IPCC report was unequivocal that we need 1.5°C if we are to protect developing countries from the greatest possible harm, and that we could reach 1.5°C in 12 years. However, the CCC’s response was not clear about Scotland’s fair share of the contribution towards holding to the 1.5°C temperature goal by 2030. Although it was clear about its view of what a fair share of Scotland’s contribution would be by 2045—net zero—it was not clear about 2030.

We, as civil society, have been calling for the bill to set not just the targets that we need to reach but the principles that we need to follow in order to reach them. When it comes to conversations such as this one, that becomes ever more important, because this piece of legislation will direct the targets that we set up until 2045, and perhaps even further into the future. There will be changes—such as inventory changes—over the next 20 to 30 years. It is therefore crucial that we ensure now, while we have the opportunity, that the principles that we should follow to achieve the targets are explicit in the bill.

Claudia Beamish

I will briefly focus our minds on behaviour change and ask two questions. How important is the framing of arguments on climate justice and intergenerational justice for behaviour change and for taking society with us? I do not want to highlight issues to do with climate strikes.

In relation to specific regulation and the shifts that need to happen, such as modal shift, what financial or advice support do witnesses see as appropriate, particularly for individuals on low incomes and communities in which a lot of people are on low incomes?

The Convener

I have a question that fits neatly with Claudia Beamish’s question. I am conscious of the interesting Dutch statistics; the Dutch invest €35 per person per year in cycling infrastructure, but the health benefits of that investment, and the longer-term impact on health spend, are worth €19 billion a year. How do we communicate the fact that that kind of short-term investment translates into long-term savings, not just economically but in terms of wellbeing? Who would like to give their thoughts on and tackle that?

Professor Jafry

That is a really good question. It is important that we frame the argument not only in terms of climate justice, but in terms of injustice and the impact that climate change will have on the poorest and most vulnerable people. Financial support is important. The International Development Committee of the House of Commons published a report on aid spend across the UK Government’s programmes. The report recommended that use of a climate justice framework would help in examining that spend. We are not looking at international development spend, but at a different pot of money.

We must also ensure that there is financial support to enable the poorest and most vulnerable people to adapt, because they do not have the capacity and ability to adapt as readily as others might be able to: some people can put solar panels on their roofs, but others cannot. We need to look carefully at our expectations for our communities and society, because we cannot expect everyone to adapt—there are limits to people’s ability to do so.

To go back to health benefits, I suggest that it is important that we communicate the broader message. That relates to John Scott’s point about elderly people. All those things are packaged together. Various questions come to mind. What has this got to do with me? Why do we need to change? What is in it for us? It is a problem that is seen as happening elsewhere; many people in Scotland do not really connect with the effects of the changing climate, so we need to think hard about how we communicate the message.

There was, I think it was last week, an interesting thing in the news. At the British Academy of Film and Television Arts awards, there was an announcement that the industry needs to consider embedding climate change messages in documentaries, the storylines of soap operas and other programmes in order to help people to connect with what is happening. We have to find an inroad to that so that we do not end up with bottlenecks. We need to develop that conversation and engage people, and we must not assume that we have the answers. Many such things are happening.

On the health benefits, I think that I mentioned the last time I was here that the World Health Organization had published at the start of the year information on 10 threats to global health. The WHO highlights climate change as the number 1 issue that will affect people’s health. If we address climate change, that will have benefits for our health. Turning negative messaging into positive messaging might be what engages society. People are generally fed up with negative messaging.

The Convener

They are overwhelmed with it, too.

Professor Jafry

They are overwhelmed. The Centre for Climate Justice has a programme of work on mental health and climate change injustice. There are real issues to do with eco-anxiety: people worry about the impact that climate change will have on them, personally. We see that in the extinction rebellion protests, and in children missing school in order to protest. People are very worried about what is happening. We need somehow to turn that on its head and say that the Scottish Parliament will deal with the issue so that our society does not need to worry about the future. It is a huge conversation, and I am not sure that we have time in the committee to take that forward. There is a lot that needs to be unpacked.

10:00  

Professor Reay

I would echo the comments to the effect that there are many positives in addressing climate change, including in relation to human health outcomes and cleaner water and air. I work increasingly with the land use and agriculture community: there are a lot of positives for it in the UK Committee on Climate Change’s report about negative-net-cost emissions reductions, particularly through nitrogen management.

However, most of us who have neighbours who are farmers, or who have farmed ourselves, know that agricultural extension services are not perfect throughout Scotland. The change that we need will require high quality in that provision and huge uptake of it, so what should we do? We talked earlier about how individuals want to know what to do about climate change: that is even more true for a lot of farmers. If the expectation is that they will grow trees, they might not have the appropriate expertise and there might be cultural and historical barriers to their doing it, so giving them a lot of assistance will be key.

In addition, not all the people who live on and manage our land are landowners. Policies that could deliver carbon sequestration could put at risk the livelihood of tenant farmers and push them out of where they live.

There are many positives, but we really need to get information about agricultural extension services out to everyone in all sectors and not just to the land-use sector.

Professor Skea

I will make two points on behaviour. The first is on links between health and climate change mitigation. It is often said that we make behavioural interventions that are climate mitigation measures that have health co-benefits. My question is whether they could be portrayed the other way around—as health measures that have climate mitigation co-benefits. For example, in trying to make changes to people’s diet, or to make their transport modes more active, including by walking and cycling, the basic message would be that it prolongs active life and benefits people and their families, and that in doing it everyone contributes to the collective good. I defer to Professor Jafry and Dr Howell on that, but it seems to me that how you frame the message might affect behaviour a lot.

Secondly, I will wind back to the question about why the CCC report refers to only 10 per cent of change coming from behaviour. I am no longer a member of that committee, but I have a history with it. I recall the committee having a certain culture—it wants its work to be evidence based and quantitative. It is much harder to gather quantitative evidence on behaviour change; such evidence is often qualitative.

When we have behavioural interventions, it is incredibly important to do ex post evaluation properly, in order to understand what made the difference and why one intervention has been better than another. Obviously, climate targets are framed quantitatively, but behavioural evidence is qualitative. Anything that we could do to bridge that gap would help us a lot.

Dr Howell

Jim Skea is absolutely right to say that it would be helpful to frame some measures as being primarily about health, with secondary climate change benefits. For example, one policy that could be brought in that would help with dietary change could be to ensure that public institutions, such as hospitals, prisons and long-stay institutions, offer far more meat-free options, and that at some meal times there is no meat-based option. There is a very clear health reason for doing that, especially in hospitals, and there is a duty of care to prisoners in terms of ensuring that they have a healthy diet. That would more understandable, and possibly more publicly acceptable, than telling people that we will place responsibility for carbon reduction on prisoners who do not have a choice, rather than on people in their homes.

On Claudia Beamish’s question, framing the arguments in terms of climate justice is, indeed, very important, but unfortunately the matter is a little complicated. It requires our speaking to people’s values—but different people have different values. An organisation called Climate Outreach has done a lot of really good work on how to frame arguments for different parts of the political spectrum. It has been found that framing the arguments in terms of climate or environmental justice might work very well for people on the centre-left or the left, but it does not work well for those at the other end of the spectrum or even on the centre-right. The organisation has done a lot of work on framing them for that latter group. The issue is complicated somewhat by the need for different kinds of messages for different audiences.

That does not mean that we tell people different truths; it is about using language that speaks to different people in different ways. I wish that I could remember specific examples off the top of my head; however, I do remember that for people on the political right, the arguments have been framed in terms of, for example, tradition, responsibility and measures to protect our natural heritage. Such arguments resonate more with them. If the committee is interested, or if Claudia Beamish personally would find it useful, I can provide links to those reports after the meeting.

On support that is appropriate for different sectors of society, particularly with regard to finances or advice, I will talk about people who are on low incomes, who were mentioned earlier, and I will come back to the point that was made about elderly people. One important thing that we should recognise is that, in general, there is a strong positive correlation between income and carbon emissions: emissions are lower among poorer people. The good news, therefore, is that a lot of the behaviour change that we need will have to come from people who can afford financially to make it.

However, we will also need to target advice and support at the behaviour changes that will benefit the poorest people. The fact is that there is a lot of variation between income deciles. People in the lower deciles who have high carbon footprints have them primarily because they live in hard-to-heat homes that, in general, they do not own. Policies and support will therefore need to target landlords, social and private, to ensure that their tenants can live in well-heated homes and can lower their carbon emissions.

The carbon footprint of people who are the real elderly, rather than people who are recently retired, is often a bit smaller than that of others, because they are not so mobile and do not tend to take as many flights, particularly international ones. Behaviour change might be more difficult for elderly people in respect of their diet and their living in large homes. Advice and support might be needed to encourage—not, I should say, force—them to consider not just downsizing, but installing and using smart heating systems, and to recognise that, if they want to keep their large home with lots of bedrooms so that their children and grandchildren can visit and stay, there is no need to keep it all heated all year round when the extra bedrooms are empty.

It will therefore be very important to look at particular sectors and behaviours, but the really good news is that we can focus our attention first on people who are more able to make changes, because they are often better off and better educated. It is all about making this sort of thing more normal, cheaper and easier.

Dr Winskel

I agree with what has been said, but I think that it is important that we do not bracket behaviour off from spend on infrastructure and innovation. I might have introduced that approach, so I have not been paying attention to my own advice.

In respect of, say, cycling or heating, what makes low-carbon options attractive is often the infrastructure that people see when they look out their window, and the options that are available to them. We have to understand that, if we are interested in modal shift in transport, infrastructure spend is highly relevant to that. We should therefore look at the low-carbon infrastructure transition programme and other infrastructure spend that is available to see how much of it can be directed towards encouraging modal shift. I do not know what the figures are at the moment: it would be interesting to take stock of how spend is being directed.

The same applies to heat: we have to make affordable options more available over time, but that is difficult at the moment, as is well understood in research. The Committee on Climate Change has therefore introduced the recommendation that no new homes be connected to the gas grid after 2025. That is okay for new homes, but they are a very small proportion of the overall building stock. We have to move to a stage at which we will, over time, be able to regulate out what is by far the most popular way of heating buildings. That cannot be done easily or quickly. If we try to do it easily or quickly, we will cause problems through people—the elderly and the vulnerable, for example—being put in disadvantageous situations. Getting the message right on those things is important.

Regulating things out often works very well when it is made less visible to people. In respect of natural replacement of boilers, for example, boilers have become more efficient over time because the less efficient technologies have been regulated out. Therefore, there is not a less efficient option for the consumer. There is a question about how active to make choices at household level versus smart regulation by Governments and regulators. A lot of good behaviour change happens because of the latter.

Ben Wilson

SCIAF and other organisations have called for climate justice principles to be put in the bill. The conversation that we are having demonstrates the need for that. We need to be clear about how we will apply the provisions of the bill through policies: we have all agreed that that presents great challenges, but it also presents great opportunities. Through the national performance framework, which is underpinned by the United Nations’ sustainable development goals, there are already structures to evaluate changes and ensure that they are achieved correctly. However, they need to be underpinned by climate justice.

I gather that there was some debate in previous evidence sessions about the question of principles being included in the bill. I highlight the need for the principles to be in the bill in order to ensure that we enact it in the proper way. The principles that we are calling for are informed by Mary Robinson’s principles of climate justice, which relate to human rights, gender, intergenerational justice—which Claudia Beamish touched on—and the right to development. Fundamentally, if we do not act on the climate crisis—acting on it is why we are here—we will undermine the right of other people in the world to access their basic human rights and development. That is what the Paris agreement is about, and the Paris agreement is the reason why we are all here.

Clive Mitchell

As witnesses around the table have said throughout the meeting, framing of the arguments is massively important. That goes back to the earlier discussion about collaboration. It is vital that we consider who is in the room talking about the problems and finding solutions to them: I emphasise the importance of involving young people in making decisions, as well as involving people from the other societies who are affected by the decisions that we take.

On quantification of costs and benefits, we have—although it is debatable—quite good methods to assess aggregate costs and benefits of decisions. However, most of the issues to do with the state of the climate and nature lie with distribution of those costs and benefits across people and societies, and they are about who wins and who loses. We probably need to develop much better tools to evaluate distribution of costs and benefits in order to inform a just transition to a net zero economy.

John Scott

I declare an interest as a farmer.

I want to go back to Jim Densham’s point about land use. What are the witnesses’ views on my idea of developing a single new climate change mitigation land class, by essentially lumping into one thing peat bogs, forestry and other potentially valuable assets for climate change mitigation, and presenting that as a positive thing for land users and managers? They might then target external funding to support climate change mitigation. The witnesses should be brief on that question.

10:15  

Jim Densham

It is important that we carry on recognising opportunities and educating people. We must tell farmers, and support them to understand, what their land has to offer in carbon sequestration, be that through agroforestry, which is more about integration—growing food as well as planting trees—restoration of peatland or, if they are on the coast, coastal restoration.

I say that we do not need to classify land separately; it is more about recognition. That goes back to my point about the land use strategy: it is important to take an integrated approach. We want to avoid what we have done in the past, which has been to say that some land is really good for arable farming, some is good for upland beef and other land is good for housing, for example, and then to extend that in order to identify land that is good for sequestration. We need to take a much more integrated approach; we need farmers to realise that if they are not in area A they can still do something. There is lots to do in terms of mitigation that is not necessarily about carbon storage and sequestration.

A land use strategy that is used and works, and which takes a regional approach, could really help organisations and farmers in a region to drill down into what is important and to establish what is the priority in that area. In the flow country, for example, peatland restoration will be massive. In some areas there will be opportunities for tree planting, and others might be really good for agroforestry. We could then direct appropriate support, advice and funding to those areas. We already have a land use strategy, but it should be used much better.

Clive Mitchell

I very much agree with Jim Densham. I would, reflecting on the zonation that has occurred through the planning system since the 1950s, be cautious about introducing zonation in a crude way into how we use the land. Planning has been done around use of the car: planning for housing, retail and industrial use has made it very difficult to get about towns and cities in anything other than a car. If we want people to be more active in their daily lifestyles—walking from A to B, and so on—we need to think carefully about the granularity of different types of land use within a given space. That applies equally to whether we use the land for farming, forestry, nature, food production and so on, in order to derive multiple benefits at a scale that can address adaptation, mitigation, the state of nature and the sustainable development goals.

The Convener

Stewart Stevenson had a question. That was some time ago, so I apologise.

Stewart Stevenson

I now have about six questions, but I will not ask them all.

The Convener

Let us limit it to one.

Stewart Stevenson

It is all right, although I will say that I am six years older than John Scott. I want to come back to Jim Skea, in particular, on the change in the bill from the volume of CO2 and other gases that we are taking out to percentages. Speaking as a former minister who got hurt in political terms by changes in the inventory, which damaged the apparent progress that we were making, I wonder whether both the percentage and the inventory management approach conceal a fundamental truth, which is that the amount of CO2 in the atmosphere has to come down. Although percentages make it easier for ministers and policy makers to explain what is going on and what they are doing, they tend to hide the underlying reality. I wonder whether the change, which I would almost certainly support if I was the minister, is concealing that.

Just before I finish, I will say a few words about another of my six questions, if the convener does not mind.

The Convener

Okay.

Stewart Stevenson

Old people can find good things to do that will help them. Our heating bill is £700 a year less than it was, which means that we are burning 1,300 litres less oil to heat our house, simply because we went from 200mm to 600mm of insulation in the attic. There are lots of positive ways by which we can get old people on to the agenda, by looking at how to persuade people through valuable interventions that would help to get them in the mood to do more.

Professor Skea

That was a direct challenge from Stewart Stevenson, who has absolutely pinned it down. The use of percentage reductions is good for stability in the policy effort that could be needed, but the absolute quantities would probably be better for a longer-term science-based view on the amount of carbon dioxide that we can afford to put into the atmosphere.

I think that your advice from the Committee on Climate Change on how to handle inventory changes was that over the short term—maybe up to five years—you should look at compliance with targets according to the methodology that was in place when they were set, but that over a longer timescale, you should reconsider the targets in terms of science-based needs. I am struggling to remember the details, but if I have recalled correctly, that was an attempt to square the circle of the dilemma that you are right to set out.

For the convenience of policy makers, percentage reductions retain stability; I am sure that, in Stewart Stevenson’s previous roles, he will have understood the potential advantages of that.

Stewart Stevenson

The advantages would be only for policy makers, not for the climate.

Professor Skea

Yes.

The Convener

We have a final question from a member, and then we will use the rest of our time to hear the views of panellists.

Claudia Beamish

I have a question, too.

The Convener

Mark Ruskell will ask his question first, but it is now not the final question.

Mark Ruskell

We have heard reflections about infrastructure and the potential to lock in behavioural pattern system changes. I seek the panellists’ views on whether the bill as currently constructed deals with infrastructure with regard to budgets and assessments. The system seems to be based on the carbon emissions of the concrete that is used to build the infrastructure but not necessarily those from its future use. Could the bill be improved so that we get a more accurate picture of what will happen when we start to use what has been built?

Professor Reay

We have the ability to account for consequential analysis, so that it could include not just the embedded carbon in a new road but its consequences for potential emissions change—exactly as Mark Ruskell has articulated.

Rather than answer your question directly, I will refer to the revisions to the climate change plan and lock-in. We could say that the 4 per cent difference—between 66 and 70 per cent—would be nothing by 2030, so that surely we need to be more ambitious. However, the revised climate change plan must take into account the lock-in issues. The trajectory is from now to net zero at 2045, so the issue is not just about the 4 per cent difference; it is about decisions that will be made that could make zero by 2045 impossible, which need wider consideration than just how to make up the 4 per cent difference.

Jim Densham

We need to embed some of the knowledge and stats across the board, not just in this bill or other bills. The bill can give a steer on how to do that, and the legislation should include something to help to make that happen, particularly so that the budget would look ahead at how things can be paid for and accounted for. As Professor Reay has said, we do not want to make wrong decisions to pay for something that will increase our carbon budget in the future. An example is how we can be sure that decisions in a future agriculture bill that would include land use and how we would pay our farmers would be more climate beneficial, rather than the opposite.

Claudia Beamish

With your agreement, convener, I will ask a question and those who wish to comment can do so in their final remarks.

The Convener

That is fine.

Claudia Beamish

It is a specific question. I appreciate that the bill sets high-level targets, especially in relation to 1.5°, which we have been exploring, but it focuses our mind sharply on policies, as we have heard. Does anyone on the panel want to highlight, in a sentence or two, specific policies that they think are really significant? I will give one example on which I would appreciate a comment. Should we alter in any way our procurement policies? It is for the panel members to mention specific policies that we need to look at. Your comments might feed into the climate change plan, which will follow on from the bill.

The Convener

That is a great final question. I will go round the table and ask our guests for their direct top-line asks on policy change. Are you up for the challenge, Tahseen Jafry? What policy changes would you like in the climate change plan?

Professor Jafry

Gosh!

The Convener

I can come back to you.

Professor Jafry

My thinking about that relates to the earlier question on framing and climate justice frameworks. It may all just come together. On a practical level, I suggest the development of a climate justice framework with certain parameters, such as procedural justice, distributive justice and intergenerational justice. We need to encourage the development of such a framework and of indicators of impact and measurable change that we want. If we package all that up, it is about how that feeds into the direct policy change that we are after. I am not sure whether we are looking for policy change within the communities arm of Government, but I would like to see something that we could measure against to show that we have delivered change through a certain policy.

Ben Wilson

SCIAF is a member of the Stop Climate Chaos Scotland coalition, which collectively is calling for a nitrogen balance sheet to help us to understand and to eventually deal with agricultural emissions, as well as action on housing, with a target of all houses achieving at least energy performance certificate level C by 2030.

I will comment quickly on a couple of amendments, rather than policies. I have mentioned the climate justice principles, but the bill also requires a tightening up of some of the definitions, such as those of the terms “fair” and “safe”. At the moment, it is clear what we mean by “safe” but not very clear what the bill means by “fair”. We are calling for more equity in the bill.

Professor Reay

Agriculture is a key area in which the current climate change plan is not ambitious enough. Based on the Committee on Climate Change advice, the plan needs to be more ambitious in that area.

One thing that we have not mentioned is the rest of the world, although we have mentioned south of the border a little. As a nation, if Scotland delivers even a proportion of the reductions in the next few years, we will learn a lot of lessons and we will be a fount of information for other nations that are looking to see how they can do that as well. Next year, we have the 26th conference of the parties, which will bring the Paris agreement into force with a new ambition from all the nations. Through the sort of discussion that we are having today and discussions more widely, we have a real role to play in how other nations can decarbonise rapidly, so that we can achieve that 1.5° ambition, because we certainly cannot do so by ourselves.

Dr Winskel

My comments are probably more about the plan than the bill, I am afraid. What is exercising my mind is the period of six months that we have from royal assent to the publication of the new climate change plan. That poses a policy challenge and a challenge to us in the research community. I would like a much more joined-up approach to that so that it is a research and policy business. It will be incredibly difficult to do it in six months, although I know that work is starting now—

The Convener

It is a revised climate change plan, not a new one.

Dr Winskel

Okay. This is perhaps a more general point, then, but there are challenges in bringing together all the evidence. Today, we have heard a lot of different perspectives on the problem across the aspects of mitigation and adaptation. Bringing together the evidence is a formidable challenge for any analytical body, in Government or outside it, so we need a lot of transparency about the evidence.

10:30  

A point that came up in this committee’s session with the CCC was the fact that a lot is being spent on innovation, but a lot of the investment is not finding its way into forming a public evidence base that we could use sensibly to understand how much faster we might be able to go on interim targets. That would help to address the challenges in relation to lock-in, which I agree with.

Another point is the difficulty for policy makers at different levels in thinking about the problem. Local authorities are expected to do a lot of work, particularly in relation to heating and energy efficiency, and it will be challenging to ensure that their approach, response and investment is consistent with the national approach. Again, research can help to address the issues at local, national and international levels, but bodies such as ClimateXChange acknowledge that that is challenging. We need to take a much more integrated approach and to work together.

Professor Skea

I will highlight the work of the just transition commission, because a lot of the conversation has been about communities and consumers, but we must not forget that there is a work element to the issue, too. It is important that we invest in infrastructure and in developing the new supply chains that will be needed to allow the transition to take place. We need to develop new skills and to transfer skills from industries that might go into decline. That is core to the commission’s work.

It is important that the work is joined up across different institutions in Scotland. The work of the infrastructure commission will be important, as well as that of the just transition commission. I also flag up the role of the national investment bank, as it develops. We are aware that sister national banks such as KfW in Germany invest a lot of money in the built environment, in improving energy efficiency and in building up supply chains with small and medium-sized enterprises, which is an important area to consider.

My top-line message on policy is that investment in infrastructure and skills will be important.

Dr Howell

Given that the convener wants a brief answer, I will focus on the areas in which there could be more ambition: travel and diet.

The Government needs to look at policies that ensure that people are eating healthy diets, which will also mean that they are eating more sustainable diets. I have mentioned the possibility of introducing regulation on the kind of offerings in public institutions.

My recent research has led me to read health-based papers about diet, and I have been shocked to discover how problematic it is for our health to be eating our current levels of red meat, particularly processed meat. To me, it looks as though that will be the new smoking. An extraordinary range of health conditions are affected by such consumption, so we need to pay serious attention to the problem, because it is very much a health issue as well as a climate change issue.

The National Farmers Union is right to say that it would be wrong to reduce the production of meat before demand has reduced, because that would drive imports. We need to provide messaging on diet that focuses on health and says that, if people eat more plant-based meals a week, they can afford to ensure that the meat that they buy is good quality, tasty and ethically produced. If we demonstrate that Scottish meat is really good quality and if we have regulations on Scottish production that ensure that meat is ethically produced, the transition could be a positive for Scottish farmers.

It might be interesting to talk to the Welsh Government about what it is doing on travel. It has an interesting scheme in which all long-distance buses across Wales are free to all users at weekends. There is nothing in the Welsh Government’s public messaging about why it has introduced such a scheme, so it would be interesting to talk to the Government about why it has introduced it, how it is affording it and the impact that it is having.

My experience of travelling around Wales has been that there is high uptake of buses. I travelled on a route on which the operator had to put on two buses at the same time because the first bus was so full. If the buses are full of people because of modal shift, that is good news; if it is just that people are doing extra travelling, perhaps it is not good news, unless that leads to those people being more willing to take buses at other times.

Jim Densham

I was going to mention the nitrogen balance sheet. I will not say that Ben Wilson stole my point, but given that he talked about that I will talk about afforestation, which is key in the Committee on Climate Change’s report.

We need to do better at understanding the mitigation potential of different trees in different situations and locations and on different soil types, and the nuances in that regard. At the moment, people tend to say, “Well, I’ll plant a sitka spruce tree, and it grows fast, so it will sequester a lot of carbon.” That is true in some situations, but it depends where the tree is planted. Not all trees are good in certain places.

Integrating agroforestry with food production systems will not be all about sitka spruce—it will be about other types of trees in rows and so on. We need to understand what trees are doing and how they are sucking carbon out of the atmosphere. We need to understand how to plant broad-leaf trees, as well as conifers, to be better for the climate, and we need to manage and protect our existing woodlands better.

Clive Mitchell

From everything that we have heard, it is clear to me that this is not about a single policy. It is about a whole-economy approach and better integration. It is about how grey and green infrastructure work together and how we secure investment in that regard, with the public and private sectors working together towards a zero-carbon economy.

It is about thinking carefully about who is involved in the decisions that affect them—that challenge has been mentioned. In particular, we must think about young people and the intergenerational aspects of the issue.

It is about striving for multiple benefits as we address mitigation, adaptation and the state of nature altogether, and—for any decision—it is about asking, “What does this look like in a just, net zero economy?”

The Convener

Thank you, everyone, for your time. I suspend the meeting briefly to allow for a change in panel.

10:37 Meeting suspended.  

10:44 On resuming—  

The Convener

We continue with today’s second round-table session at stage 2 of the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill. I welcome all those who have come along. I know that many of you will have engaged with the committee during our stage 1 consideration of the bill.

We have a good two hours to discuss the bill with those who might be termed our sectoral stakeholders. I will do the same as I did in the previous session and get those around the table to say who they are and where they are from; however, I do not think that the members need introduce themselves again.

Jess Pepper (Transform Scotland)

I am from Transform Scotland, the alliance for sustainable transport, and we work to make walking, cycling and public transport affordable and accessible to everyone.

Morag Watson (Scottish Renewables)

I am the director of policy for Scottish Renewables, which is the industry body for renewable energy in Scotland.

Professor Colin Campbell (Scottish Environment, Food and Agriculture Research Institutes)

I represent the Scottish environment, food and agriculture research institutes, or SEFARI.

Will Webster (Oil & Gas UK)

Good morning. I am from Oil & Gas UK, which represents exploration and production companies in the North Sea as well as contractors, and we have about 350 members.

Margaret Simpson (Freight Transport Association)

Hello. I am from the Freight Transport Association, which represents freight and logistics companies.

Andrew Midgley (NFU Scotland)

I am environment and land use policy manager at NFU Scotland.

Elizabeth Leighton (Existing Homes Alliance Scotland)

I am director of the Existing Homes Alliance Scotland, which is a coalition of housing, environmental, industry and fuel poverty bodies calling for greater action to improve existing housing stock in order to address fuel poverty and climate change.

Angus McCrone (BloombergNEF)

I am chief editor of BloombergNEF. We used to be called New Energy Finance, and we are a group of about 250 people within Bloomberg who research everything to do with global low-carbon transition.

Andy McDonald (Scottish Enterprise)

I head up the energy and low-carbon transition team at Scottish Enterprise.

The Convener

Okay. I guess—[Interruption.] I apologise, Dr Casey. I got confused. On you go.

Dr Diana Casey (Mineral Products Association)

No worries. I am from the Mineral Products Association, which represents cement, lime, concrete, dimension stone and silica sand activities in the UK.

The Convener

Apologies, again. It is just as well that John Scott is sitting beside me, as I always say. [Laughter.]

I am seeking some positive reactions to my first question. What positive things can be done in your sector to help Scotland achieve the targets that have been advised by the Committee on Climate Change? I will come to you first, Dr Casey.

Dr Casey

Sure. With regard to the materials produced by our members, a whole range of things can be done to help the situation. A lot of that was not set out in the CCC’s report, so it would be good if I could get that across now.

First of all, I want to mention recarbonation. The committee’s report mentioned enhanced weathering, but recarbonation, which is the process of atmospheric CO2 being taken in by and permanently stored in cement and concrete throughout their lives, happens in our urban environments every day and, at the moment, it is not included in greenhouse gas inventories. Because it adds up to quite a significant sum, including it in the inventories would help us to reach the targets.

The cement industry has already done a significant amount of fuel switching away from fossil fuels to waste biomass fuels, which are also not mentioned in the CCC report. We feel that that is a very good use of biomass, because the cement industry’s use of the material, which has already been through one cycle of use, not only contributes to energy targets but, with the recycling of any mineral content in the biomass in the cement product, aids the move to a circular economy.

Our materials are also beneficial to reaching net zero, given that heavyweight building materials provide thermal mass, which is another area that was not mentioned in the CCC report but which can significantly reduce energy consumption over the lifetime of a building. The CCC report mentions overheating in buildings, but the fact that thermal mass can help to prevent that in a passive way without requiring mechanical cooling, with which greenhouse gas emissions are associated, is not mentioned.

Jess Pepper

We welcomed the advice from the UKCCC, and it is great that the Scottish Government has responded so quickly and strongly to it. We especially welcome the Government’s commitment to make structural changes across the board and to make changes on planning, procurement and financial policies, processes and assessments, all of which are important.

It is good to see good stuff in the report, but there is plenty more that we could be doing in the transport sector in Scotland, which would have lots of multiple benefits. It is great that that has been such a strong theme in today’s evidence. There is a big focus on electric vehicles, which have a role to play. We would like there to be a lot more investment in active travel and the public transport system, because of all the co-benefits that that could produce for Scotland. There is a lot more positive stuff that could be done, but the Government’s response is a good start.

Morag Watson

Our members are extremely welcoming of the net zero target. Meeting it will be challenging—as the report said, we are talking about possibly quadrupling the amount of electricity that we need to generate from clean sources. The renewable energy industry stands ready to help us to meet that challenge. As we have seen with the falls in the cost of onshore and offshore wind—onshore wind is now the cheapest source of electricity—with the right long-term policy environment, we can achieve Scotland’s net zero target. Our members stand ready to contribute to that and to make Scotland a world leader in meeting our own energy needs from clean renewable energies.

Professor Campbell

We very much welcome the report and the opportunity that it gives us to refresh our thinking about how we do things. The Scottish environment, food and agriculture research institutes have been researching climate change and the issues around it for a long time, and we see this as a moment in time when we can think again about how we approach the subject.

The situation is quite challenging in the area of the environment, food and agriculture, where there have not been huge improvements in the past eight to 10 years. We need new ways of thinking. A huge amount of research is being done on improving the efficiency of our agriculture and food production systems, which is very aligned with the work to meet our greenhouse gas emission targets, but most of the improvements that we are talking about are incremental.

We are also doing research on how we alter our systems and develop new systems of agricultural production using agroecological principles, and that work is very aligned with the need to mitigate our greenhouse gas emissions.

However, we are conscious that we need to have even more transformative ways of doing things and to come up with new ideas about how we grow food. There are new technologies available, such as indoor vertical farming. That is a necessity because of the changing weather that we face, but it has huge benefits from the point of view of environmental footprint and saving greenhouse gas emissions. It can disrupt food supply chains and reduce food miles and food waste. Lots of other technologies are coming along. We think that it is vital that those new technologies are considered. Many of the projections in the report are about using existing technologies, but we think that there are lots of new technologies that can make a contribution in the future.

Will Webster

We saw the CCC’s report as a positive blueprint as well as a big challenge to all sectors of the economy and society. It was an honest report that was frank about the costs that will be involved across the board.

From the oil and gas sector’s perspective, the CCC’s projections for production and consumption of oil and gas in the UK economy were fairly consistent with our projections. We see there being two timeframes, one of which runs until around 2035. As “Vision 2035” sets out, our vision is to maintain production from the North Sea during that time. By 2050, the world will look significantly different. We found it important that the CCC’s report recognised the positive impact that our sector can have in supporting the energy transition.

As far as what our sector can do is concerned, the CCC’s report thought that there was an on-going role for the use of gas, in particular, increasingly in decarbonised form. The necessity of rolling out carbon capture and storage was a constant theme in the report, and we recognise that that puts the oil and gas sector at the centre of the transition.

The technical report included analysis of emissions from all the major energy-using sectors. Our emissions form about 3 per cent of total UK CO2 emissions, whereas the consumption of fossil fuels forms about 60 per cent of emissions, so the priority is to address how we use fossil fuels in the economy and not necessarily how we produce them.

There is an important question about competitiveness. If we add undue costs and requirements in our production sector, indigenous production will be replaced by imports. It is important to get the balance of what has priority right.

However, we will have incentives to reduce our emissions in the next 10 years because, like all industrial sectors, we are covered by the EU emissions trading scheme, and we expect a version of that to go forward. That adds a lot to the costs of using CO2, so that is an incentive. As the emissions certificate price has increased sharply and the free allocation has reduced, that has created much stronger incentives for our sector and all other industrial users. Such things will mean that our sector naturally continues to make a contribution.

Margaret Simpson

It is important to say that the FTA very much supports what the report is trying to achieve. Our members are very much doing what they can, with the introduction of the Euro 6 standards for heavy goods vehicles in 2014. Our members continue to look at alternative fuel options, but there is no definite answer, particularly for heavier goods vehicles.

The freight and logistics industry is all about efficiency; anything that reduces costs and improves efficiency can only be good for the Scottish economy. The committee should not forget that the freight and logistics industry does not exist for fun—that sounds a bit childish, but the industry is there to provide a service to everybody else, whether that is industry, business or the individual customer. There are lots of aspects to that and lots of solutions in elements of the industry to improve the situation.

Andrew Midgley

NFU Scotland welcomes the report and recognises the challenge that it presents to the agriculture industry. The target for the industry is so challenging that it marks an era-defining moment for Scottish agriculture, because of the change that will be required.

We must embrace that change, and we as an organisation have committed to doing that. We want farmers to be part of the solution and we want farmers to continue to farm. However, that often does not seem to be how things are talked about. We want people on the ground to be enabled to change and to be part of the solution.

There is lots in the report that farmers and the industry can do. The report emphasises win-wins—things that people can do that will save them money and reduce emissions—but we must equally recognise that significant dietary change and land use change present a challenge to the industry.

The positive thing that we emphasise is that we see a collective challenge. We must work with the Government because, although the industry can do lots itself—by introducing the win-wins to save itself money and reduce emissions—a lot of what is being talked about, such as infrastructure changes, will present businesses with high costs, so we must work together to work out how to do that.

As an organisation, we would like to work with the Government to move forward in such a way that the industry does not feel that emissions reductions are being done to it. We must work collectively to work out how to get to the common objective while taking the industry with us. That is the best way to get there and that is where we can help.

11:00  

Elizabeth Leighton

The Existing Homes Alliance also welcomed the report and the Scottish Government’s decision to accept the Committee on Climate Change’s recommendations on the targets. The issue is not only what housing can do to support the reduction in emissions, but what it must do. The CCC report said clearly that we cannot meet climate objectives without major improvements in housing and specifically without near-complete decarbonisation of the housing stock. It is one of the things that is simply not an option. We cannot leave housing as it is and do transport instead—it has to be tackled.

The good news, particularly in Scotland, is that we are not at a standing start. It may be a mixing of metaphors, but we can be out of the box fast. We have good infrastructure in place, and we have the “Energy Efficient Scotland” route map. We would argue that the route map’s targets need to be revisited to make sure that they are aligned with the new targets, and that they will have to be accelerated. We do, however, have an infrastructure that is working on advice and support for homeowners on energy efficiency and decarbonisation of heat.

On how the first panel of witnesses framed the argument, with housing we are definitely not talking about a sacrifice; we are talking about an improvement in people’s housing with healthy, beautiful homes that are affordable to heat, warm, and comfortable. That means an improvement in people’s quality of life. The CCC’s housing report has 36 recommendations. Not all are specific to Scotland, but many do apply to the devolved Administrations. There is plenty to get going with on housing.

Angus McCrone

In the private sector, it is always good to have a business plan—it gives any business something to aim for and means that it might well make it; if there is no business plan, it probably will not. In that sense, it is helpful to have the long-term targets from the CCC. Reading the report, I was a bit flummoxed by the technology mix that was presented as being the future. The issue is global, and what will work are the technologies that prove themselves to be competitive on a global scale. Those are the ones that overwhelmingly will be replicated in Scotland and in the UK generally.

For instance, we are a lot more aggressive with our forecasts on future cost reductions for wind, solar and batteries than the CCC assumes. We expect EVs to form a larger percentage of the passenger and commercial car fleets and to do so more quickly than the CCC does. On the other hand, we struggle to see some of what the CCC puts forward on carbon capture and storage, unless there is a high carbon price and a technological breakthrough. CCS has been talked about for a long time but, in the 13 years in which I have been doing my present job, it has not advanced greatly. I would emphasise technologies where there is a clear path to global cost effectiveness. In some cases, that is already achieved and with more cost improvements to come.

Andy McDonald

I echo some of what Angus McCrone said. We welcome the climate change plan update and the committee’s work. That will accelerate and bring focus to a number of the things that we need to deal with. The fact that the plan is cross-societal as well as cross-sectoral means that there is broad engagement, which should allow us to bring together all the excellence in Scotland, the UK and beyond to address the challenges.

As we bring to bear academic and industrial innovation—the latter is particularly in our domain—to find solutions with companies, I hope that some of them will be solutions to global challenges that can, therefore, be internationalised and traded, meaning that those services and products will be not only of economic benefit but of obvious benefit to citizens in our society.

The Convener

The committee’s stage 1 report specifically tasks the enterprise agencies with having a priority of low-carbon enterprise and innovation. That would require a different mindset. Innovation is not successful 100 per cent of the time. Is Scottish Enterprise prepared to accept an amount of trial and error?

Andy McDonald

Where the risk is high, that has been our function—we share that risk as part of the operation of innovation. Yes, we are very aware that not every innovation or project will succeed—that is the challenge of being the economic development agency in that mix.

Mark Ruskell

The Confederation of British Industry Scotland’s submission says that a lot of businesses are waiting to see what technologies and innovations emerge, whether they involve hydrogen, carbon capture and storage or whatever. Meanwhile, time ticks on, and it takes 10 years to make big, transformative changes. What is the best mix to stimulate that innovation and start to answer some of the questions about which technologies and big, transformative changes should be pushed? Is this about allowing markets to make decisions? Is it about the state taking a more active role through the Scottish national investment bank, for example? What would that involvement to drive innovation, with the private and public sectors working together, look like?

I am well aware that the Economy, Energy and Fair Work Committee is holding an evidence session on the Scottish National Investment Bank Bill this morning. There is a bit of a cross-over with other agendas here.

The Convener

Is your question directed to Angus McCrone?

Mark Ruskell

It is directed to anybody who is interested in innovation and technology. There is a heavy reliance on CCS and hydrogen, as well as other interests, around the table.

Elizabeth Leighton

I will respond in relation to housing. The Scottish Government has shown caution in accelerating progress on, and the standards and expectations for, improvements in existing housing. It says that the technologies are not ready and that it cannot get ahead of the market, and it is expressing concerns that we do not have the capacity or the skills in the supply chain. However, we surveyed suppliers, and the preliminary results are that 90 per cent of them think that EPC band C is achievable by 2030 rather than by 2040 and that the technologies to meet that target are available now. That is the accelerated action in the next 10 years. Suppliers say that

“we are happy with our current capabilities to meet EPC band C”.

We need to realise that we are not inventing the wheel—the technology has been used widely throughout Europe, but we remain miles behind and treat every installation as if it is the first ever. I know that I am speaking just about the housing sector, but that caution is a drag on progress. The Government is not giving suppliers what they say are the key to success in delivering against the target: clarity and consistency. The Government needs to set the target and confirm that it will not change and the supply chain will deliver.

There is still plenty of room for innovation in the housing sector, but the supply chain’s message about meeting the EPC band C target is clear.

Jess Pepper

I have talked about investing in our public transport system. There is a good reason for doing that: to allow a just transition and to give everybody access to better choices for their travel. We need to decarbonise our public transport system, and I will draw attention to three modes that we could look at.

This nation makes and has great expertise in buses, trains and ferries. We can afford to be much more ambitious on buses, as I mentioned when I gave evidence to the committee previously. Buses are largely overlooked in the advice from the UK Committee on Climate Change, which seems to be a missed opportunity, because investment in buses and decarbonising is an opportunity to achieve real modal shift.

Right now, the big problem in transport—which has not shifted in 30 years—is road traffic. Therefore, investment in buses, to improve lives, efficiency and health and to tackle inequalities, is really important. We make buses, we can demonstrate leadership in bus manufacturing and we do so globally, hosting two global bus headquarters. A massive contribution could be made with some serious investment, and that connects to people commuting through everyday active travel, which reduces the risk of major diseases—among all sorts of other health benefits.

Since we last saw the committee, we have been working hard with the industry to explore exactly what the potential is for decarbonising our entire rail network, and it is good news. We have been looking specifically at Scotland, but you will see responses from across the UK, from industry and rail experts, that demonstrate that we should be aiming to decarbonise our entire rail network by 2030 and that that is entirely possible with intercity routes and rural routes, ensuring that nobody is left out and that it is an inclusive and attractive system to which everybody has access. However, given the urgency, instead of thinking about it, making plans and debating it further, we must crack on with that rolling programme now.

We have secured ourselves 10 years by making the decisions that we made 10 years ago to electrify the route between Edinburgh and Glasgow and to buy the high-speed trains that go across Scotland now. Those trains will not be around for ever, but they buy us a window of opportunity of 10 years in which to make decisions that will impact on our rolling stock choices well into the next decades and possibly beyond 2050. If we are really smart and invest in our infrastructure and rolling stock, we could be ahead of the game, which would bring transferable skills and employment opportunities in exporting that experience elsewhere. In Scotland, we have a good track record—sorry, I could not think of another word—on rail, and we need to crack on and invest in it. What a great opportunity and an attractive resource it could be.

On ferries, we need to think about lifeline services. We have three hybrid ferries. What opportunities do we have to look at investment and ambition in relation to ferries, too?

We have talked about improving lives and all the co-benefits of, for example, addressing inequalities and increasing efficiency in freight transport. It is important that we provide solutions not just for passengers but for freight. As we said in our evidence on freight, we could be shifting freight on to trains. That is absolutely what we need to be thinking about. We could improve our railways to take more freight—we have the skills and the opportunity to do so.

If we provide quality, affordable, accessible alternatives, people will be attracted to them. We see that with the new Hitachi 385 trains that run between Edinburgh and Glasgow. When people were polled, they said that they preferred them, that the new trains enhanced their journey and that they were keen to use them. So, there are real opportunities.

The Convener

Rachel Howell, who was on the previous panel, used the phrase “easy and cheap”. Where I and my constituents live, public transport is not easy, cheap or particularly available. I will say it before Stewart Stevenson does: there is no rail in the constituency of Banff and Buchan. Big infrastructure investment is needed before what you describe can come to fruition for rural communities.

Jess Pepper

Looking to the future of rail, we are working on projections, with a costed and timetabled plan for what needs to happen between now and 2030. We are also working with bus companies and our members on what needs to happen to encourage modal shift, asking what would make bus travel easier and more attractive and where investment needs to go to make it accessible to everybody.

Morag Watson

Mark Ruskell asked about innovation. Our members’ view is that the majority of the technologies that we need to meet our clean, green energy needs already exist in Scotland. They are well established—onshore and offshore wind, solar and hydro technologies particularly so. Our members are also at the cutting edge of innovation around the new technologies. Scotland is a world leader in wave and tidal technologies—in particular, through the centre in Orkney that is developing those technologies. We also have the world’s first offshore floating wind farm. Those technologies are already in place.

For further innovation to take place, and for those innovations to come to market, a long-term ambitious target and a stable policy environment are key for our members and will provide the space in which people can have the confidence to invest, innovate and bring forward the new technologies that we will need.

11:15  

Dr Casey

That question is possibly most relevant to the cement and lime sectors in the UK. Almost all of our members are involved in the research and development part of CCS and how we capture CO2 from the cement plants in the first place. Of course, we need Government policy and intervention on the whole transport and storage part.

Our bigger problem is that we know that CCS in the cement sector is not a nice-to-have but is absolutely vital. It is the only way that we will get rid of the process emissions. Most of the cement plants in the UK are located outside the main clusters where all the focus is at the moment, which is completely understandable. However, we need a plan for how CCS will be expanded to those more isolated sites. The CCC report missed an opportunity to start thinking about a plan for doing that.

When CCS is put in place, it will double the operating costs of cement production, so some sort of protection will be needed for the sites that move first. That might be provided through procurement, which was mentioned in the earlier session, or through tax breaks. Otherwise, they will just go out of business.

Andy McDonald

I will pick up the point about innovation. One of the big advantages of the changes that we are seeing is that they are whole-system changes. We recently supported innovation work on a hybrid ferry, and we are now looking at hydrogen ferries. With our partners, we have brought in funding from European programmes as well as from UK programmes to do that. The ferries are also being used as part of a broader development of technology, particularly in the case of the hydrogen ferry, which will go to Orkney. It is part of the much broader work that is going into Orkney using renewables and the whole energy system. The ferries will be part of the mix: renewable energy will generate the electricity that will generate hydrogen that will then supply the ferry. It is about looking at those things as part of the whole system.

In transport, as Jess Pepper suggested, we started with some of the relatively easy stuff, such as hydrogen buses and local authority vehicle fleets, but we are similarly broadening out that work. With Transport Scotland, we are developing a joint plan that is looking at rail and the opportunities in Scotland for hybrid or, ultimately, hydrogen technology, including in heavy goods vehicle transport. We are looking at the opportunities in infrastructure—for example, where constrained wind developments might provide the energy to allow us to resource some of that down a transport corridor, initially where electrification of the rail network has not happened.

We recognise that transport has to be multimodal as well as intermodal, perhaps through our bringing in new modes, and that the whole system has to be joined up. Again, we are working with our partners in the likes of Transport Scotland, the transport companies, the bus companies, the bus builders and the development and running companies.

Professor Campbell

On the point about innovation and global competition, a lot of things will be selected out by global competition, so we need to think about what is authentic to Scotland. What are our natural strengths? Many people have made that point.

That is also true of the Scottish science sector. We are world leading in science—that is true of the environment, food and agricultural research institutes—and we need to think about how our natural assets play to those technological strengths. Two of the things that we have in abundance are renewable energy and water, and we still need those natural assets for growing food. Water will be very scarce in the world, and a lot of food that is grown will have a high water cost. Scotland will have more rain in the future, and we are very good at growing food, so the question is how we will compete internationally with our brand of a high-quality environment and a sustainable food production system. We need to think about how technology and our natural assets fit together.

Will Webster

The question about the balance between private and public sectors and competition was a good one. Delivering the objectives of the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill and the CCC will need a vast amount of investment.

We can do a back-of-the-envelope calculation and arrive at however many hundreds of billions of pounds it will be, but the balance between incentives and regulation really needs to lean towards the incentives side, because we have to deliver large amounts of investment. There needs to be a positive framework for investment, whatever it is.

That is, in part, the lesson from renewables and, in particular, the offshore wind sector. Over a number of years, a regulatory and commercial framework was developed that was supportive of investment, and, as a result, the costs came down rapidly. That approach needs to be rolled out into other target areas such as carbon capture and storage.

In that context, a question that needs to be asked is not just what the most advantageous technology is but what that technology is being used for. Electrification will work well in some sectors, such as small commercial vehicles, but it will not yet work as well in other areas of energy use, such as heavy freight, heating, some industrial uses and cement.

We need the full range of technologies if we are to achieve reductions across the board, and the news item of the CCC is that if we want to go to net zero we cannot have sectors that are outside that framework.

The answer is that positive incentives are needed to deliver investment, but investors are going to want to see a long-term framework for particular technologies that need to be applied in different circumstances. There are 20 or so CCS projects around the globe, but most of them have been developed on quite an opportunistic basis in particular circumstances. If we want to develop the technology as an industry in its own right—which it will need to be—there are quite a few legislative gaps that need to be filled. A framework of legislation needs to be developed to make that happen at scale—and it is when something happens at scale that the cost reductions happen.

The Convener

Is the message getting across that fuel sovereignty is a big issue for the UK? I am not sure of the numbers. Do we produce about 60 per cent and import the rest, or is it the other way round?

Will Webster

That takes us to the point about the need to make the most of the industries that we have and the position in which we find ourselves. There is still a big consumer desire for gaseous fuels and fuels in liquid form, which will probably continue, albeit that it will change to some extent. That is a fact that has to be dealt with during the transition. We have to give consumers what they want, to some extent, and what they are used to.

Our net imports of oil and gas are about 60 million tonnes of oil equivalent out of a total consumption of 150 million tonnes of oil equivalent. We are starting from a position in which 75 per cent of the primary energy that is used in the UK—in Scotland, too—comes from oil and gas. We have to start from where we are, and we have to make the most of the advantages that come from that heritage. That has to be part of how the UK—including Scotland—develops its net zero pathway. Although our pathway will have lessons for other countries around the world, other countries will have to follow their own pathways to some degree.

Andrew Midgley

I have a quick comment on innovation, with specific reference to agriculture. The industry is innovative at the moment and adopts new technologies readily. We are supported in that by the research institutes, which are a strong base for us in Scotland.

The question was about the relative weight of private activity versus the role of the state in driving innovation and about whether innovation should be left to the market and so on. The innovation that the industry adopts at the moment is, I suggest, driven mainly by the market. It is about servicing what the market wants, securing efficiencies in the industry and so on. However, when we talk about innovating to reduce emissions we are getting into the realm of the delivery of public goods, where the market is less of a driver—unless we can find a monetary mechanism to drive private innovation.

As we get more into the realm of delivery of public goods, the state has an increasing role to intervene in the delivery of innovation. On top of that, there is the extension work—the work with the industry and the provision of advice and support to enable the spread of that innovation.

John Scott

I again declare an interest as a farmer. I have another question on the delivery of public goods, although I also want to ask about other issues.

I want to develop the idea that was expressed earlier of a new climate change mitigation land class. Andrew Midgley says that the delivery of public goods, such as the restoration of peat bogs, will be hard and difficult to fund and that it will end up being done either by individuals or by the Government. If there was a new land class, might private sector bodies—perhaps pension funds—buy into supporting and sustaining some of the land that will ultimately bring benefits through carbon capture and storage? Is that a reasonable idea? That question is for Andrew Midgley and maybe Colin Campbell. Please say exactly what you think.

Andrew Midgley

The idea that we can deliver public goods through private investment is highly attractive. At the moment, land managers such as farmers and crofters run businesses that generate income from selling what they have grown or reared and they do not necessarily generate income from the other things that they deliver to society. It would be good if we could find a way of putting a value on those other things so that people can receive an income for delivering something that has value to other people.

That has been sought for a long time. Ideas along the lines of what you are talking about have been floated before. For example, the woodland carbon code and the peatland code were specifically designed to create a mechanism to give private investors in what we might call the corporate social responsibility market confidence that, if they invested in a particular type of land management, they would get a clear and rigorously defined carbon outcome.

The idea is great, but I would need to look at the detail. The question that it raises straight away is whether just having a land class would sufficiently underpin that private investment. For example, the woodland carbon code is quite sophisticated in that it says that, if someone is doing a certain activity, we get a certain carbon outcome. The approach for woodland is different from the approach for peatland, and it might be different for biodiversity, climate and so on. Sophistication would be required—it might need to be disaggregated.

John Scott

Indeed, and perhaps a hierarchy would have to be developed.

Professor Campbell

It is feasible to have a land capability for carbon sequestration map of Scotland. We have information on land capability for agriculture, and every farmer in the country is fully aware of that because their union dues are based on the class of their land—from class 1 land, which is of the highest quality, to class 7 land. We also have information on land capability for forestry. A national map that indicated the areas where we are most likely to be able to sequester carbon is entirely possible. We also have sophisticated models that can predict how much carbon sequestration we can get from planting trees, for example, in certain areas. That is very different from saying that we will have 10,000 hectares of trees; it is saying that we will have X quantity of sequestered carbon. All those things are possible and could provide instruments for people to use to trade in carbon.

The whole area of carbon offsetting in farming is controversial in its framing and how it is implemented. The message that I often get from farmers is that they would like to get credit for good carbon management on their farms and they would like a farm-level inventory rather than a national inventory that is separated in different ways. Farmers get frustrated because they feel that they are doing all the right things but they are not getting all the credit for that.

There are pitfalls in all of that, but it is worth exploring, because we need to get everybody on board, and one way of doing that is by giving them an incentive. There is a lot more to be done in the area, but Scotland is well placed to provide the scientific evidence and data. We have good national land and soils data sets, which could be used to develop the mechanisms for that type of approach.

11:30  

John Scott

I will also ask about carbon capture and storage, which I am hearing a degree of scepticism about around the room. As a Government and as a country, we will have a limited amount of money to invest, and CCS would require a significant amount of investment. Should we therefore focus on other things? Given that you are the experts, your scepticism will not be without justification, and I would like to bottom it out.

Angus McCrone

Yes, I was being a bit sceptical about CCS. A country would not want to be out on a limb in pushing CCS technologies that were different from those that were being put forward elsewhere in the world. An element here is that all countries have to move together, albeit perhaps with some a little bit ahead and some a little bit behind.

However, we can do a lot on technologies that we are absolutely clear will be cost effective—probably more than cost effective—through the 2020s and beyond. That includes rolling out electric vehicle charging points and ensuring that dynamic charging is possible, so that people can charge their car when the electricity price is low and, if necessary, discharge to the grid when the electricity price is high. Given that subsidies have been removed for onshore wind and solar, we should also make it as easy as possible for companies and utilities to sign power purchase agreements with new projects, so that those can move ahead on the basis of a fixed electricity tariff. There is also the question of what Scotland should do with its nuclear sites when they come to the end of their lives; there are a number of options that could be cost effective. Those are practical issues for the 2020s.

At the moment, the answer on decarbonising heat, for instance, is not entirely clear. There are a number of runners and riders and we are doing a lot of research on that. It is somewhat similar with CCS; we do not know how cost effective it will be, or what the future carbon price will be and whether that will be enough to get it going. I am putting the emphasis on what we know will be cost effective in the 2020s and trying to maximise that.

John Scott

Is that the view of other industry experts?

Will Webster

Although we would not necessarily disagree, we would take a different slant. The CCC report brings out the need for us to go to the big things that we can change more, and to go to those quickly. That is the difference in going from an 80 per cent target to a net zero target. The emphasis must be on moving all the potential solutions ahead, and then seeing how they can apply in different circumstances for different uses of energy.

As we see it, an unequivocal message from the CCC report was that carbon capture and storage is not an option but an essential. We see it as having strong potential in a lot of areas. The first areas will be industrial uses of heat and use in industrial sectors, but it will probably have applications in several other energy uses as well. However, we will not find that out until we develop a programme at scale.

I caution against the idea that there is a fixed pot of money. If we have the mentality that there is only so much to go around, we will not achieve net zero. The CCC report was unequivocal and frank about the costs that that will involve—1 to 2 per cent of gross domestic product. Whether that is 1 to 2 per cent of Scotland’s GDP or 1 to 2 per cent of the GDP of the rest of the UK, those are not small sums. That has to be recognised as part of the process.

The Convener

I will bring in Stewart Stevenson, who has a particular constituency interest in CCS.

Stewart Stevenson

Yes. I want to go back to the first remarks that Angus McCrone made to try to tease out his antipathy to CCS. I know of six technologies, which means that there are at least 50. I want to ask about the difference between pre-combustion and post-combustion. Retrofitting old kit with post-combustion capture is clearly quite expensive and there is a limited period in which you get your capital back. In pre-combustion, you essentially focus on building totally new facilities, in which you can control the efficiencies and so on. Furthermore, with post-combustion, it is a one-off build each time. Were your comments addressed at both those technologies? It strikes me that the pre-combustion, new-build approach carries the prospect of economies of scale and redeployment of technologies. Will Webster said that there are 20 or so CCS projects. I know of 18 in China alone, although only two of them are big; 16 are little trial projects. Were you making that differentiation, or were you being broad brush?

Angus McCrone

The first thing to say is that there is no antipathy; I am just making an observation. Our clients are the biggest players in energy worldwide, and they are on the traditional side and on the new side. As you say, there are CCS pilot projects going on. Quite a few things are happening in China, and there are some interesting things happening on industrial CCS. However, on whether the technology is getting closer to being rolled out on a wide scale anywhere, I do not think that we are any further forward than we were 10 years ago. Maybe that will change in the 2020s—I do not know.

The Convener

Is that because the UK Government withdrew funding from carbon capture and storage? Peterhead, in Stewart Stevenson’s constituency, was involved in that programme. I cannot remember how long ago that was. Was it five years?

Stewart Stevenson

It has happened twice.

The Convener

You said that there has not been much movement in 10 years, but maybe if there was consistency in funding, we would be able to address that.

Angus McCrone

Policy is obviously part of the answer. In the UK, there were setbacks when the programme was taken away. Around the world, some CCS projects have not gone well and have gone way over budget—

Stewart Stevenson

Do forgive me, but I want to get back to the core of my question. Are you seeing a difference in your economic analysis—because that is what your skill is—between retrofitting CCS and new build, or is there simply not enough information and analysis to give a meaningful answer?

Angus McCrone

CCS becomes a serious option if we get a carbon price that is high enough, particularly on a wide scale internationally. The signs of that happening are not good, to be honest. The EU ETS carbon price is higher than it was, but it is still significantly below where it would need to be to make CCS—whether it is pre-combustion or post-combustion—a practical proposition. Unless that changes, and we get such a climate emergency that Governments completely change their policies and introduce very high carbon prices and so on, the advance of technologies that show rapid reductions in cost will probably be much more a feature of the 2020s than CCS will.

The Convener

That leads us to the business positives that are out there—the wins for the Scottish economy. There are opportunities in all the sectors that are represented by the panel. We have been talking an awful lot about the challenges. Of course there are challenges, but there are also opportunities. Necessity is the mother of invention. Does anyone want to talk about what they think might be the opportunities for their area? We have talked about what we have got in our natural environment in Scotland.

Elizabeth Leighton

According to the survey of suppliers that I mentioned earlier, all of them were already planning for growth or at least had a plan in the drawer that they could pull out once the button was pressed for clear targets and policies to be set. That went across the board from heating installers to energy efficiency installation delivery agents; they are all ready to go, and they are projecting significant—indeed, huge—growth and export potential for the businesses, which is positive.

As for some of the challenges, which can be turned into positives, there are still some gaps in certain geographies in Scotland where skills need to be developed, and there is a need for further apprenticeships and for more young people to be brought into the industry. We have an opportunity to support growth through apprenticeships, training, skills development, courses in colleges and so on, and that work could be accelerated.

The good news is that businesses know that the market is growing, because customers are now coming to them and saying, “I want a heat pump,” instead of saying, “I need heat—give me a boiler.” People have seen these things—they might have friends who have one and like it—and, as a result, the market is shifting, as are attitudes. According to a survey that was recently carried out by Citizens Advice Scotland and which is due to be published, people are more in favour of energy performance standards being regulated for housing. Indeed, some 62 per cent were in favour, the main reason for which was the environment. That shows the shift in attitudes, because when research was carried out a couple of years ago, people were a bit more cautious. We have an opportunity not only to win jobs but to turn this growing interest and concern into opportunities to reduce emissions and get all these other benefits.

Andy McDonald

With regard to carbon capture and storage, we are working to understand some of the economic arguments and challenges in recognition of the fact that this will clearly be a key component of our meeting these new and critical targets. We are therefore working with the production or customer end—however you want to describe it—on the industrial biotechnology that will need to go to the communities, the energy-intensive companies in, for example, Grangemouth or Teesside in the north of England and the identified clusters as well as the oil and gas industry and the Oil and Gas Authority as part of the decommissioning of offshore infrastructure, whether or not that is then repurposed. Indeed, the St Fergus project is a good example of that.

With regard to the industry leadership that we have just been discussing, there is no question but that the previous withdrawal of funding has induced a certain amount of scepticism about the commitment in this respect, but the major corporate global companies involved have also recognised that they will have to address this challenge. If we have the potential to put this infrastructure in place here, we will be able to do that work; in fact, there are pilot projects under way at UK and Scottish Government as well as European level, and we have engaged with other countries around the North Sea to understand the projects that they are working on and to bring all that together. That is the sort of scale at which we will need to address the issue.

There are big opportunities as well as, undoubtedly, big challenges, and the economics of it will need a lot of work, as will the incentivising to ensure that producers recognise that this is a key part of decarbonising their processes. Everything needs to join up and, at the moment, different pieces of the picture are being assembled and looked at, but part of it is about having that economic analysis, because we need to prove that CCS will work, and public and private engagement and incentivisation will be required. However, there are big opportunities in Scotland and the North Sea basin and with the major energy-intensive companies that are important to this country’s economy. Our work with the oil and gas sector includes not only the decommissioning of technology but the diversification of the industry base. There is some exceptional technology in there already, which can be applied in a range of other areas of technology and sectors. Part of it will be about addressing the opportunity and challenge in how we move to carbon capture. Use is to some extent a separate element with the industrial biotechnology piece, and there is also the storage aspect.

11:45  

Morag Watson

We see huge positives in pursuing the net zero goal. The renewable electricity sector already employs 16,000 people in Scotland and generates £5.5 billion in revenue. As we increase the amount of renewable electricity that we generate in this country, the number of jobs and the revenue are going up. It is important to bear in mind that a lot of those jobs are in remote and rural areas where they provide high-quality long-term employment in areas where there are few other opportunities.

Picking up on Elizabeth Leighton’s point, we are keen to see young people coming into our industry. We will be holding our young professionals green energy awards event on Thursday night to celebrate the level of skill and expertise that is entering our industry from extremely passionate young people. We see a very positive future.

In a recent survey, we found that our members are already exporting expertise and knowledge to 73 countries around the world. When we say that we are looking to make Scotland a world leader in renewable energy, that is not just about us meeting our own energy needs but about Scotland becoming a beacon of expertise and knowledge in the world, making us the country that someone comes to if they want to have their own renewable energies revolution.

John Scott

What about the manufacturing opportunities? Thus far, they seem to have passed us by and we would like to capture some of those as well.

Morag Watson

That is something that we are extremely keen on, and our members have already met to talk about how we can make the most of the industrial opportunities. We have done work with our members to look at lifetime income generation for onshore and offshore wind, and we have found that there is between 50 and 65 per cent domestic content—that is, jobs and work that are going to domestic companies. When it comes to the big infrastructure projects, Scotland is not competing on the world scale as we would like it to. That is a lot to do with a long-term, UK-wide underinvestment in infrastructure. As I say, our members are working very hard to see how we could change that. We do not want to compete just on the knowledge and expertise side; we would like to see Scotland competing across the board on a global scale.

John Scott

Although we might be playing catch-up in that regard, is it your view that there is still an opportunity for Scotland to do that?

Morag Watson

We work on climate change; we are always optimists on these things. Yes, there are opportunities. It could be done, with appropriate investment, but the key will be that appropriate investment and how the money is found for that.

Mark Ruskell

In its submission, Scottish Renewables suggested a clean power plan. Do other stakeholders around the table back that? How does it differ from what we have at the moment, which is a mixture of devolved and reserved responsibilities and an energy strategy for Scotland? Does the idea of a clean power plan build on that and develop it? If it does, where should we go next?

Morag Watson

What we are calling for with the clean energy plan is that we look carefully at the science of what has come out of the CCC report about how many gigawatts of electricity we need to be generating and what the technology mix might be—how much we expect to generate onshore and how much offshore. Working back from that, we then need to look at both our policies and our planning. If we know how much energy we need to generate, we need to ask how much of that we can generate from repowering our existing wind farms, how many new wind farms or other technologies we need to roll out onshore and how many shallow-bottom and other sites we will need offshore to be able to meet that target. Instead of doing what we have done so far, which is to ask where we can find a site and how much electricity we can generate from it, we should look at how much electricity we need and then at how we can meet that target.

Mark Ruskell

Is that different from what we have in the energy strategy? Is it more of an approach than a plan?

Morag Watson

It is a refinement. We are now looking at a new climate change target, a new goal and a climate emergency, so we need to revisit it to make sure that we will be able to hit the targets that we are setting for ourselves.

The Convener

The market will have to change, because at the moment consumers will not go with electricity over gas to heat their homes because of the cost. However, we have targets for electrification of vehicles, so there will be a huge demand for electricity. How can we make electricity cost effective so that it is not seen as the most expensive option for everything?

Morag Watson

That will be a key challenge in the just transition—we do not hide from that. As we said, the cost of electric vehicles is likely to come down and make them more attractive, and another advantage will be their battery storage. A problem for our transition to a renewable energy system will be how to store renewable energy; coal, gas and oil can be stored in their native form before conversion to electricity. Grid services will probably come into the mix, and smart technology will be important so that people can draw electricity when it is at its cheapest and put it back into the grid when they can make the most from that. Those will be key parts of the transition.

Claudia Beamish

Those points lead seamlessly to a question for all panel members about how they see the 1.5°C rise that we are focusing on today—[Interruption.] Someone wants to intervene.

It is important that this committee’s members hear from everybody, because everyone—workers, businesses and communities—will be affected by moving to net zero by 2045. Will Webster highlighted the positive impact that the oil and gas sector can have by supporting the transition, and I hope and expect that it will be a just transition for the sector as well. It would be helpful to hear from everybody about what their contribution will be. I will value everyone’s comments.

Will Webster

I will elaborate on the points that were made earlier. You are right to say that we have to focus on the opportunity that will come from the transition activity. The flip side of the cost will be the opportunity and investment that it will bring. Whatever that cost will be, a significant amount will probably go to offshore investment, whether to offshore wind, CCS or other technologies.

It is a real advantage that the Scottish economy has the expertise in a range of sectors, and also the transferable skills that go across sectors, such as the project management and safety skills that are core competences in our sector and others. Those developments as a result of the additional investment will be beneficial. We are seeing that already in our supply chain and clients in the oil and gas and renewables sectors, with companies investing across the sectors. An example is the floating offshore wind farm that was developed by one of our members, Equinor, using its offshore expertise. That synergy and locational benefit up and down the North Sea will result from the transition, and its regional elements will be advantageous across the board. The transition process will have different pulls of development compared with what has been typical, which will definitely have regional development benefits.

Claudia Beamish

Have your members shifted their views about where finance should go because of the 1.5°C target, with regard to fossil fuels and the transition?

Will Webster

I can get back to you on that issue. We have a lot of members and they have different strategies. You will have seen in the press that some companies have adopted resolutions from shareholders, who have an important voice. That is a good reason not to disinvest in energy companies. It is an area in which companies are thinking carefully about how they develop their overall strategies—they take the matter very seriously.

Claudia Beamish

It would be valuable if you could get back to us on that.

Andrew Midgley

NFU Scotland views the concept of a just transition as being extremely important. That is partly because of the potential impact on the industry of some of the things that are proposed. There are three broad bits to what the CCC proposes for agriculture, and the first is that the industry must adopt all the mitigation measures that it is possible for it to adopt to reduce emissions.

Recommendations are also made about dietary change—we are talking about a reduction in the consumption of beef, lamb and dairy of 20 per cent. That is a conservative estimate; some would go much further than that. The thinking is that that reduction in consumption will lead to an intensification through a shift towards pigs and poultry, which will free up land for land use change—in other words, 20 per cent of agricultural land will shift to another use.

That dietary change potentially presents quite a big challenge to the industry. At the moment, the production of beef, sheep and milk comprises about 45 per cent of agricultural output, so a 20 per cent reduction will have a big impact. Some people say, “Well, there’s accommodation there,” but we need to think about the issue from the perspective of our members and of individual businesses. Lots of agricultural businesses are predominantly SMEs—they are not huge—and they have a fairly high degree of reliance on on-going farm support. If the income is changed, those businesses will be put under greater pressure; indeed, we might get to a situation in which it would not be beyond the realms of possibility that a lot of businesses would go out of business. That would involve people losing their livelihoods—in other words, losing their jobs.

Some of the scenarios for dietary change involve a 50 per cent reduction in the consumption of beef, lamb and dairy. We need to think about what that would mean for those sectors. At the moment, 67,000 people are employed in agriculture. If we reduce the consumption of products that are the mainstay of Scottish agriculture, a lot of people’s jobs will be put at risk.

There are issues around dietary change. We are not in the realms of determining that people have to do one thing or another, but the industry must adapt. There are opportunities, as the convener’s question brought out: there are opportunities to focus on supporting Scottish farmers and on quality. However, a great deal of care is required. That is where a just transition comes in because, ultimately, the changes that we are potentially looking at mean that people’s livelihoods and jobs are at risk.

The Convener

There is also the potential unintended consequence of us having to import more food, which would have an impact on the country’s carbon footprint. If we do not produce food locally and there is still demand for certain proteins, we will have to import more food.

Andrew Midgley

Exactly. We do not want to get into a situation in which our direction of travel has the impact of reducing the industry’s production if we will end up importing products from elsewhere. In that scenario, all that we would be doing would be exporting our emissions.

Claudia Beamish

What support would you like to be provided to people in relation to land use and agriculture as part of a just transition? As a policy change, what would you like to see happen?

12:00  

Andrew Midgley

At the moment, we do not have a very sophisticated understanding of the way in which things could play out. Over the past few years, a blunt narrative has developed at international level that livestock are bad for the climate and that, if we eat less meat, we will be making a contribution to tackling climate change. That very generalised approach and understanding keeps being perpetuated, and we want a more sophisticated analysis of what the options for change are. After all, many people on the ground in Scotland have no other option, because the land is not agriculturally capable of doing many other things.

If we had an analysis of such options and how they would play out, that would enable us to know what we would need to do to support the industry. However, I do not think that we are in that place at the moment.

Professor Campbell

To support what Andrew Midgley has just said, I note that there is clearly a great need for a just transition in relation to land use change if we are to have the transformative shift that is required to meet the climate change targets. That said, it takes a long time to develop land to full productivity and maintain it at that level.

Livestock is under a lot of pressure, particularly from trees, but there are transition land use approaches that we could look at, such as agroforestry, in which trees are spaced out to allow sheep to graze. In fact, because the trees provide them with shelter in the spring and autumn, sheep can have a better energetic balance, which in turn reduces greenhouse gas emissions.

The big question, though, is how farmers transition to being foresters. In other countries such as Sweden, people are farmers in the spring, summer and autumn and foresters in the winter time, but here we train people to be either farmers or foresters, not land use managers. We need to do a lot of transition work around the culture as well as the methods, skills and knowledge that people will need in future in relation to types of transition land use.

The loss of agricultural jobs is quite a serious issue for the management of our landscapes. Farmers are not just farmers; they manage our landscapes and the ecosystem services that we get from our land, and we need to think carefully about the consequences of, say, land abandonment. Just transition in land use is a huge topic for the agricultural sector.

Jess Pepper

I want to go back to the question about the economy and jobs. I outlined the opportunities that we will have with buses, trains and ferries if we invest in them, but we need to look across the system and, as far as the economy is concerned, think about how and where we work, how we can avoid certain types of shift and how we can improve the forms of travel that we need. For example, we often think about modal shift from car to bus, rail or active travel, but in fact the shift might be from air to rail as a more efficient way of working.

We need to think not just about the jobs in the sector, even though they are hugely important and they present us with opportunities, but about the functioning, efficiency and resilience of the whole economy. There are issues with regard to infrastructure as well as our wellbeing, and that is where the transition needs to be just. After all, it is not just about jobs and the economy; it is about everyone.

We keep hearing the word “enabling”; indeed, in the previous session, the witnesses talked about people knowing what is right for their place. Sometimes we think in big chunks, but these things come in many little chunks, and there has never been such an appetite to mobilise people to get engaged, change their behaviour and make a difference. There are real opportunities to be had here. For example, on travel, many of our journeys are small, and we could all be making huge differences in that respect. That cuts across the sector.

If we can enable people to make such changes and be part of the solution and if we as a nation can put everything on the table and figure out what we collectively need to do, that will also be good for our public health. The witnesses in the previous session talked about folk feeling overwhelmed and daunted by the challenge, but as we know—and as public health consultants tell us—once people feel that there is something to buy into and a solution that they can be part of, they have a really compelling vision that can motivate them and make them feel better, happier and healthier.

The elderly and the children and young people who are engaging in this debate are often at the margins of these services. Investing in our bus system could be a huge help to the 14-year-old in a rural community who might want to do a Saturday job in another community but cannot do so because the buses do not run on that day, or to elderly folk who depend on connectivity to get out and about and be functioning. As a result, investment in the local economy has wide-reaching benefits.

We know that, in communities that are better connected, people feel that they can be in their homes for longer, which means there is a reduction in the costs of health and social care. We can build resilience into our communities in that regard. Transform Scotland recognises the missed opportunities regarding the compelling vision for active travel, for example. However, the UK advice was more about the big chunks, such as carbon capture and storage, than about all the little chunks that can make such a huge difference.

The Convener

You raise an important point that is relevant to many sectors, which is that there are small and easy wins that are based on a change of perception. You mentioned that people want to do something but little things stand in their way—for example, safety is an issue for active travel.

I will bring in Margaret Simpson of the Freight Transport Association, because I am aware that freight is carried not just on roads but on rail. Could there be an easy win from the fact that the rail freight option is underused?

Margaret Simpson

To be blunt, no.

The Convener

Okay.

Margaret Simpson

The reason is that 90 per cent of freight involves road travel and we will not change that at all. At best, we could get about 5 per cent of freight off trucks and on to rail, because rail is suitable for carrying bulk goods such as whisky—if we get the gauge right, as it is not right across all of Scotland’s network—and timber. Some recent figures might help to build the picture. For example, the FTA estimates that, for a town with a population of about 100,000, an average of 4,500 tonnes of goods is moved every day. If we break that down, 187 tonnes are picked up or dropped off every hour. If we take Edinburgh as an example, 21,600 tonnes are moved each day, which is 900 tonnes an hour.

When we look at that broad spectrum, it is important to note that the movement of goods has nothing to do with vans but is done by trucks at the heavier end. There are 24-tonne trucks, but they cannot carry 24 tonnes; they can carry only up to 10 tonnes, which is the average payload. That means that, on average, 90 HGVs are in the city of Edinburgh every hour. That is nothing to do with parcel delivery; it involves everything else. Parcel delivery is a really small element of the movement of goods. People tend to think that freight is about parcels being delivered from Amazon, for example, but it is actually about everything else—the bricks, the wood, the coffee, the milk, the clothes and so on.

If we think about the amount of freight that goes into the city of Edinburgh, we can see that we would not be able to shift all of that with freight trains. We should think about the city as a consumer that has all sorts of demands for all sorts of different products that have to be brought into the city at different times of the day. The position changes massively when events such as the Edinburgh international festival take place—the uplift of goods is huge because of the number of extra people in the city.

Where it is possible, some more freight can be put on to trains. We support that and we have members who are looking at it. There are some constraints regarding weight, though, because when the rail freight gets to its destination, it inevitably has to go by road for that final mile. We need to make it easier for containers to come off the back of trains and on to the back of trucks to be moved to their final destination, which would be a distribution centre.

An element of freight can be moved by train, but we need to be cautious about how much that can be done. Our road infrastructure is vital to our economy, and the way in which we move goods around this country is by road. There are definitely opportunities to move freight by rail, but they are limited. It is about making the road infrastructure as reliable as possible and putting the best and cleanest vehicles on to it.

John Scott

Are there any maritime opportunities? For example, much of our food and other products arrive by sea in containers.

Margaret Simpson

That is being explored. Recently, we had a consultation with a company that is looking at reopening the Rosyth to Holland route. The key point for me in that company’s presentation was that it would have 10 times the previous capacity. The Rosyth to Zeebrugge route did not work because we could not get enough trucks on to it. I think that only seven or eight trucks could be taken at a time. Now, however, we could be looking at up to 100 trucks going on a crossing.

For products that are not time sensitive, there would be no problem in using that route. However, there are just-in-time products that must get to their destinations quickly, such as those from the fishing industry up in Mr Stevenson’s constituency. There is no other option for such products than to take them south by road as quickly as possible and sell them in their marketplace. Putting them on to a ship would not work. However, putting products such as whisky on to a ship and taking them across to America or wherever absolutely works.

Claudia Beamish

Is your organisation looking at the model that has been mentioned previously in the committee, which involves consolidation hubs outside cities and smaller—possibly electric—vehicles using them? That has been funded by EU money, which I hardly dare mention today.

Margaret Simpson

An urban consolidation centre would work in some scenarios, but we need to be quite clear about what they are. Freight and logistics are, by definition, all about efficiency. Freight is already consolidated on the back of the biggest truck, which can make one journey and do all the deliveries. If that additional link is added to the supply chain, there will be additional costs.

Parcels transport would probably work in an urban consolidation centre. I foresee no problem with that; parcels could be put in the back of electric vans. Members should, however, be aware that a 24-tonne truck can, as I said earlier, carry 10 tonnes. If that truck is replaced by vans, 10 vans would be needed to go into the city.

As far as transport is concerned, congestion and its stop-start nature is the biggest climate problem. Vehicles are needed that are able to run slowly and steadily at a set pace through the city, get to delivery points, drop things off and move on.

Claudia Beamish

With respect, if they are low-emissions vehicles, there is not the same argument, is there?

Margaret Simpson

No, but there are emissions apart from those from the tailpipe—from tyres and brakes, for example.

Claudia Beamish

Okay. We can discuss that at a later date.

Stewart Stevenson

In transport, to what extent can we benefit from extending the life of our equipment? There is a big embedded-carbon cost in building a lorry or a truck, for example. I am thinking of my experience: I run an eight-year-old car that has never broken down.

The Convener

Do you realise that you have just jinxed it?

Stewart Stevenson

The depreciation rate of my car is £1,000 a year. In 2005, the depreciation rate was £5,000 a year. More to the point is that that tells us something about the carbon footprint of using things for longer. My question was directed at the FTA: it is a general one about using things for longer in order to distribute embedded carbon over more effort for more benefit.

Margaret Simpson

Members of the FTA have different uses for different types of vehicles. Things depend very much on the mileage that the vehicle does and the terrain on which it does that mileage. If the vehicle does what we call milk runs——short and regular journeys—it will have a longer life.

The industry as a whole is moving very much towards the Euro 6 emissions standard. We have estimated that, by 2020, about 50 per cent of vehicles will be on Euro 6, which is the cleanest option for diesel. The industry is looking at alternative fuel options, but there is no stand-out option yet.

I absolutely agree with Mr Stevenson about understanding the options and vehicles’ lifespan. Obviously, for all organisations that run heavy goods vehicles, procurement, the life of the vehicle, and what they will ultimately get when they sell the vehicle on are very important. It is important to realise that the person who has a Euro 5 vehicle will get a lot less money for it, because people will not want to buy it from them. It is all about Euro 6.

Jess Pepper

That is an area in which there is a huge win to be had, but we need to look creatively at all the options, because one size will not fit all.

We can look elsewhere. In the Netherlands, for example, a zero-emissions network for freight is being put together in statute, so that potential is being examined. We can provide more information on that, if it would be of interest to the committee.

Elizabeth Leighton

There is an interesting example from Renfrewshire Council of using things for longer. The council is combining retrofit, build, and maintenance and repair budgets in looking at its housing stock, and it is finding that it will be more cost effective to do a deep retrofit. That means bringing buildings, as far as possible, to a standard that will achieve net zero emissions, rather than tearing them down, looking for new land, applying for planning permission and all that that entails—never mind the embodied carbon emissions that would be incurred. The council is taking that route because it has decided that that will be cost effective over the longer term. Deep retrofit is an example of an approach that can be taken.

12:15  

I will segue into quick wins. We are in a state of climate emergency: quick wins can be used to give comfort and to give signals that we are on this. There are no-brainers that we can get on with and, at the same time, we will all work together on longer-term plans and strategies.

I am sure that all of us could come up with a top three of quick wins that could be put in place today in order to send signals. New-build housing regulations offer a quick win. Philip Hammond has already talked about that for the rest of the UK. Will we be left behind? Why should we connect new homes to the gas grid? That is just one example. Why are we funding replacement oil and liquefied petroleum gas boilers for the fuel poor? We should put those people on to renewable heat and accept that an additional cost will be involved.

Stewart Stevenson

As I have said before, there is, when the nearest engineer is more than two hours away, a huge disincentive to changing technology. I was going to do that until I discovered how far away the engineer was.

Elizabeth Leighton

There might be such examples, but Government money should be invested in low-carbon technologies and should not perpetuate yesterday’s technologies. There are quick wins; a quick win that we have proposed to the committee is to put in the bill a target that the vast majority of homes should reach EPC band C by 2030.

If we are in an emergency, we should not run around in a panic—we should take considered action to reverse or repurpose policies. We should use discretionary funds to implement projects and do the research that needs to be done. It should look like a full mobilisation effort. The climate change plan will be revised, but that is not enough. We should treat the situation as an emergency and give people comfort, and we should signal the direction of travel and say that it will accelerate, so people should get on board.

Mark Ruskell

I would appreciate quick views from round the table on the infrastructure that we will need in order to deliver a low-carbon economy. We talked with the previous panel about locking in high carbon emissions, perhaps through investing in the wrong type of infrastructure. We have heard an example that relates to housing, which is about private infrastructure and public infrastructure that add up to a form of national infrastructure. Are there other examples of how we should invest differently? I do not know whether we have got the balance right.

Morag Watson

On the key infrastructure that will really make a difference, Elizabeth Leighton touched on heat networks, which are exceptionally common in Europe, particularly in Denmark, for example. We need to put in place the planning policies for them now. We acknowledge that the new heat networks will probably be powered not by renewable energy but by gas, but once they are in place, changing the fuel to a renewable source will be much easier. If we wait until we have the renewable source before we put the networks in place, that will be too late.

Another important piece of infrastructure that we should consider is wind farms. A lot of the heavy lifting for them has been done—the grid connections, substations and access have been put in. As a wind farm reaches the end of its operational life, which is 20 to 25 years, the turbines are taken down. Repowering wind farms involves putting up new, modern and more efficient turbines, which are generally taller than the existing ones, so people will see them more, but a site can use fewer turbines to get the same amount of electricity, or more.

On embodied carbon and recycling, there is pioneering work being done in Scotland on how to recycle parts from our wind turbines. The embodied energy that is used in our low-carbon-generating technologies is itself being decarbonised.

Professor Campbell

For agricultural land use, there are a lot of new technologies that rely on having the internet of things available in all parts of the country at the right kind of speeds. A lot of robotics and artificial intelligence methods are coming that will mean that our systems are more efficient and produce lower greenhouse-gas emissions. That will depend on the wireless infrastructure being ready in remote parts of the country.

The other thing to think about in respect of land use is green infrastructure. I suspect that that is not what Mark Ruskell was referring to.

Mark Ruskell

That is part of the national planning framework.

Professor Campbell

There are natural assets. One of our new ways of thinking about agriculture is about how we redesign diversity back into the system. That means having multiple varieties of crops, growing different crops and intercropping, and making sure that there are weeds at the margins of the fields that can attract the right pollinators and predators in order that we can reduce application of chemical herbicides. There are lots of ways to think about infrastructure: putting diversity back into our green infrastructure is a major one.

Jess Pepper

I talked about the good stuff. A recent Scottish Parliament information centre publication highlights that our pipeline spend indicates that we are, having reduced the amount that is spent on high-carbon infrastructure, heading towards locking in more high-carbon infrastructure in the future. That is a worrying trend. Clearly, we are in a climate emergency, so we need to review that.

I have borrowed from a climate striker the model that I am showing now of what the problem is in transport. Each Duplo block in the tower represents 1 million tonnes of CO2 equivalent. The blocks at the bottom of the tower are public transport, bikes and trains. The top blocks are air travel, so we welcome the decision on air passenger duty. The yellow blocks in the middle are road traffic.

An alarming thing that has been brought to my attention by climate strikers is that we are currently pulling down woodland and moving around high-carbon and agricultural soils in order to build new roads, which is where the bulk of our investment and our planning have been going. The roads that are being built are sometimes not even subject to assessment in respect of climate change. When a strategic environmental assessment is done, what is important is generally ruled in. The A9 dualling programme, for example, did not scope on climate. That project will target thousands of hectares of woodland, and a lot of high-carbon soils, including peatlands, are being moved around. Our road building programme is something that we need to reassess and reconsider in a climate emergency.

There is a great case for investing in repair and an important case for investing in what needs to be done for safety. We need to be thinking about the whole system, and how we make it accessible to everyone. Electric vehicles will be part of the solution, and we should take a steer from the advice and lock into statute the ambition to transition to electric vehicles. We need to think carefully about what the whole system does for everyone, although not everyone will have access to an electric vehicle or be able to invest in one.

Will Webster

On infrastructure, the issues that come up are chicken-and-egg issues across many alternative technologies. For electric vehicles, infrastructure is needed for charging. Infrastructure is needed in order to use hydrogen for transport, to convert the gas networks for them to use hydrogen and to allow different specifications of gas to be used in the network.

A carbon capture, use and storage advisory group is sitting and will produce its report in July. It envisages a disaggregated model, with carbon capture being one part of the value chain and transport and storage being a different part. Again, there is a chicken-and-egg issue, because you will not build storage unless you think that people are going to capture, and you will not build capture facilities unless storage is available. In modal and structural shifts, those are the sorts of infrastructure issues and questions that arise. They go to the heart of the debate about where the dividing lines lie between the roles of the market and those of the Government.

An important insight from the CCC report on all the work that goes with energy transition is that the infrastructure side is key. It also comes down to market design: for example, the way that the electricity market functions was overhauled as part of the development of renewables. Other segments of the market might need to have such changes in policies that go with setting of targets.

The Convener

Hydrogen has been mentioned several times in passing. The oil and gas industry maybe has a role to play, if hydrogen is to be the replacement fuel for the gas grid or for HGVs. Angus McCrone’s written submission states:

“Hydrogen is potentially part of the answer on residential and industrial heat, and indeed on long-haul heavy trucks, but”—

this is the bit that I have highlighted—

“it would have to be produced using electrolysis, not fossil fuel cracking”.

Will you explain why you say that?

Angus McCrone

That goes back to CCS, which was supposed to happen but never did—

The Convener

Is that the reason why? Is it because you do not think that CCS will happen?

Angus McCrone

If we produce hydrogen using fossil fuels, we must also deal with the CO2, so we will either let it go or store it. I am slightly circumscribed in respect of what I can say, because we are literally about to publish a stream of stuff on hydrogen and the future economics of things such as electrolysis, so I cannot leak that.

Electrolysis is interesting. The two main ingredients of it are water and electricity, and Scotland is the Saudi Arabia of water and potentially has plentiful supplies of renewable electricity, which could be made reliable round the clock with batteries or by using hydrogen infrastructure. It is a potentially interesting area for Scotland. However, I counsel a bit of caution, because we do not yet know exactly what will happen with electrolysis in the next 10 years, although what people like us say about future costs will have some impact. It is an interesting area to watch.

The Convener

It seems that there are two different technologies, and the one that gets there first could be the answer on hydrogen.

Angus McCrone

Yes.

Will Webster

I do not want to get into the battle of the technologies, but we can already do steam methane reformation to produce hydrogen. Obviously, we then have to have a process for capturing and storing carbon, which is a not insignificant challenge. Those technologies will take different paths. I return to my earlier point: we do not have to choose today. We have to try all those things and get them off the ground at scale; then, the situation will work itself out over time. Currently, if we want to develop the hydrogen economy quickly, that will have to be on the back of steam methane reformation.

In the future, we will have reliable surpluses of renewable electricity with which to do electrolysis, and that will definitely be needed, but the sequencing that we envisage has steam methane reformation going first, and we will take it from there. They are both challenging, so I would not like to say which is better than the other. However, the imperative of getting to net zero emissions means that all those technologies have to be tried seriously.

The Convener

Angus MacDonald is next. Sorry, I mean Andy McDonald. Angus usually sits where you are, Andy, so that makes it even more confusing.

Andy McDonald

We are in the midst of the debate about electrolysis and steam methane recovery: which will be the solution in the longer term at scale? My team has a foresighting group, which has done some economic analysis. We are considering extending the work that we are doing on hydrogen into heavy transport partly to establish what we can do now in Scotland at scale. If we get to a point where we are injecting hydrogen into the gas grid, the dynamics and the economics will change. For the moment, however, the opportunities in Scotland are around heavy transport, because that is what we have. To pick up on Will Webster’s point, I note that we need to be testing and proving that now because it will be part of the solution, wherever the fuel eventually comes from.

12:30  

In response to the broader question that Mark Ruskell asked about the impact and how we can avoid catches, I note that the work that we are doing on local energy systems with many partners in Government, utilities, community groups and others is partly so that we can understand what the right solutions for different places are. We looked at typologies for what an island community would do, for what is important for an off-grid rural community, and for what an urban community, an industrial estate or an industrial complex might do. Different places have different needs, so if we want to change how our energy system works, we have to take the opportunity to capture that and find the best solutions for different communities and the best and most advantageous way of bringing together a group of technologies in doing that.

It is clear that it is no longer only about the grid bringing in electricity. In Orkney, there is a pilot project in which council vehicles use renewable electricity that is generated through the European Marine Energy Centre’s testing of marine devices to produce hydrogen through electrolysis. There is also work being done on grid management and how networks work across the group of islands. Those things are being piloted for the future.

We are also trying to take that understanding and share it in countries that have similar communities, including Denmark and Canada, in order to understand how we can test the ideas further, because they are part of the global solution and part of the very local solution for those communities.

The Convener

As we are in our final 10 minutes, I ask the two members who still have questions to ask them together. We will then put them out to everyone and people can signal to me if they want to answer.

Claudia Beamish

Our convener has highlighted the opportunities in relation to net zero emissions by 2045. Do any of our witnesses want to comment on investment in research, both in commercial companies and in the public sector? That might relate to pension funds, divestment and reinvestment in relation to the relationships that companies have with shareholders, how companies and shareholders can effect change and what Mark Carney highlighted—it seems a long time ago now—to do with stranded assets. Responses will have to be brief, but I would like to hear any comments on finance.

John Scott

My question is about big infrastructure projects, although it ties in with Claudia Beamish’s question. Mr McCrone described Scotland as the “Saudi Arabia of water”. Self-evidently, with water tables, ground water levels and reservoirs falling in England, now is the time for someone—I will not say who could afford it—to look at a pipeline to export water from Scotland.

I have to declare an interest, as I have a small company in that regard, although it is absolutely dormant.

Is that an opportunity, in a strategic sense, for the whole of the United Kingdom? If we do not do it and the need becomes critical, it will be too late to say, “Oh, I wish we’d done that 10 years ago.” Given the length of time that such projects take, should we be thinking about it now?

The Convener

Would any of our guests like to give us their thoughts on any of those questions in our final few minutes?

Morag Watson

I am afraid that I cannot speak about the export of water. Generally, water and electricity do not mix so well, so exporting water is not something that my members do. However, I will pick up the question about investment opportunities.

Scotland is regularly seen as one of the top countries in the world for renewables investments. When we look at what is happening in offshore wind, we see billions being invested in the North Sea, so there are indeed amazing opportunities for investment. That is one of the reasons why we welcome the net zero target so much, along with what we hope and expect will follow, namely a supportive policy environment.

What I have said about innovation is true for investment: where we have stability and an ambitious target, investment will generally follow, because people know that if they make an investment, it will have a long-term future. Therefore, we are extremely optimistic about investment.

Claudia Beamish

But will that help with big contracts? I do not want to go into any detail, as we do not have long left, but I am thinking in particular of the concerns this week about Burntisland Fabrications. Will you comment on the prospect of big contracts for Scottish workers?

Morag Watson

At the offshore wind summit on 2 May, which I mentioned earlier, a great number of our offshore wind members met Mr Mackay, and a letter was subsequently sent on 16 May to the Economy, Energy and Fair Work Committee, setting out what we are looking to do in that respect. As I have said, our members really want to work with Scottish companies, but they are stuck between a rock and a hard place at the moment. Offshore developments are funded through the Westminster contracts for difference process, which, because it pushes for the lowest possible price, forces people to look globally for suppliers. As I have said, we want the Scottish infrastructure side of things to compete in the global market for projects not just in Scotland but all round the world and, as Mr Mackay’s letter to the Economy, Energy and Fair Work Committee sets out, we have come up with a list of actions that we hope will make that a reality.

Will Webster

On the point about investment and divestment, we do not see things in such black-and-white terms as far as energy production investment or divestment is concerned. We have to recognise that there are other energy policy goals around, such as access to energy, which is one of the UN sustainable development goals and which, we would argue, has a value in its own right. Where companies put their money is not a black-and-white issue.

Moreover, all companies are different, and they all have their own strategies. If you are a shareholder in a company, you have the right to ask about stranded assets and so on; in other words, the value in retaining a stake in a company is that it gives you a voice, so we do not think that divesting from particular sectors or companies is a good idea, unless there is a commercial reason to do so. If you do not get an answer to your questions about a company’s strategies, that is fine—

Claudia Beamish

Just to clarify, I was not talking about divesting from companies—I talked about reinvestment, too. I am not being defensive about that.

Will Webster

I understand, but as an institutional shareholder, you have the right to question a company’s strategy. That is really valuable, and if I were involved in such an exercise, I would counsel against taking yourself out of the tent. As a shareholder, particularly an institutional shareholder, you have a voice in those kinds of commercial questions.

Finally, on the investment question, I have already alluded to the fact that, with the big changes that have happened and which will need to happen, there is an institutional framework that takes you from the example project to the first-of-a-kind at-scale project to the state of affairs where such things become normal. That is where Government and policy come in; indeed, that is the role that the Government has played in the renewable electricity sector, and the important next step in all of this is to ask these sorts of questions about the implementation of the policies for delivering the targets.

Dr Casey

My biggest concern about investment, particularly in energy-intensive industries, is the need to remain competitive in the UK. A big opportunity has been missed in looking just at territorial emissions, because if you moved to a consumption-based emissions system, it would give the industry a little bit more certainty that you are keen to attract their investment while they decarbonise.

All our carbon budgets at the moment could be met through deindustrialisation, but that is not good for the economy. If we moved to consumption-based emissions reporting, we might attract more investment in the UK. It would be interesting to see whether we could repatriate some of the industries that we have lost and bring more of the consumption issues back under our control. That would be better for the environment and great for the economy, and it would send great signals to industry that we are wanted in the UK and in Scotland.

Angus McCrone

That was a good point.

The opportunities for Scotland, and the fact that investors are putting pressure on companies, means that companies are treating sustainability far more seriously than they have ever done. We are seeing that in the response to the work that we are doing. That effect is going down the supply chain as well. It is not just the head office of Walmart or whatever that is being affected, but everybody that those companies deal with. That is happening globally.

What Scotland can offer is very cheap renewable energy. If companies want to source 100 per cent of their electricity from renewables by a particular date in 2023 or whatever, the cleanest way to do it and be sure that they are enabling new projects to be built is by signing power purchase agreements with new renewable energy projects. That could be onshore or offshore wind, so there is an opportunity there for Scotland to take advantage of its natural resources and become part of that.

Andy McDonald

I want to describe a couple of relatively small pieces of both jigsaws. First, we have not been asked to help to start the pipeline yet, but responsibility for our part of the hydro nation project, at a Scottish level, sits with my team at Scottish Enterprise. We are seeing a lot of interest in technologies to do with improving water quality and in developments that are exportable and tradable, and that are being taken to parts of the world where they have significant impact.

The other piece is from a public sector and investment perspective, and concerns projects that we have worked on with communities. Some of the innovative early-stage technologies have been supported through the renewable energy investment fund and the energy investment fund. We are working with my colleagues in the Scottish Investment Bank to try to put cases forward for the work of the new Scottish national investment bank, which may be of a significantly greater scale. We hope that it will focus on low carbon, and we are looking at whether it might be able to extend its reach into other areas with more capital.

The Convener

We are rapidly running out of time. We will have a quick comment from Andrew Midgley, followed by Jess Pepper.

Andrew Midgley

I hope that I am not too far off the topic. Various forms of investment are needed, specifically with regard to farming. I am thinking about the policy context that SMEs find themselves in at the moment. There are opportunities, and people will be seeking to identify and invest in those opportunities, but they need clarity on the direction of travel so that they know where their businesses are expected to go.

That applies in the food chain, too. People need to invest in and support the industry, and need to be confident that there will be an on-going market.

Finally, public investment is critical. That relates back to the issue of public goods, and the role of the state versus private investment. The role of the state in the delivery of public goods is critical. The state needs to invest in advice, and in infrastructure in the industry. I am not necessarily talking about just handing out money. It is about helping people to invest through soft loans and things like that. There is a whole range of things that can be done.

Jess Pepper

I will be as quick as I can. To go back to where we started, we know where we want to go now, which is great, but we need certainty about how we get there, so that folk can invest and have confidence in the approach and can map out how they will contribute.

That might mean that we need something more than just policy, because policy has not always worked in the past. There might be things that can go into a statutory framework that is more about the how. The climate change plan was quite sectoral before; it is about giving the sectors the certainty that they need while achieving some level of integration, where there are synergies—soils are important across the board, from all sorts of different angles.

We might need someone to champion such an approach. We might need a climate commissioner or commission, to oversee work, make new, creative connections and encourage sectors in which there is a bit of sluggishness.

12:45  

The Convener

Colin Campbell wants to comment; I will be kind and bring you in, because you are from my neck of the woods. Please be brief, though.

Professor Campbell

I will try to be as brief as I can. I cannot answer the question about the pipeline fully, but I can tell the committee that about 160 billion m3 of rain falls in Scotland some years. However, it can be 100 billion m3 sometimes; there is a lot of variation, so we need to be careful about what we do with our water—despite the fact that yesterday’s rain is tomorrow’s whisky.

On funding, research and science are a vital part of our infrastructure. We have had a lot of cuts to research over the past 10 years—that is about austerity and research not having a protected budget. I would like to think that a climate crisis would mean more money for research in future.

The Convener

I thank everyone for their time today. That concludes the committee’s business in public. At our next meeting, on 4 June, the committee will take further evidence in relation to the Scottish Government’s budget.

The committee will reconvene in private at 2.30 this afternoon to consider the evidence on the bill that we have heard this morning.

12:46 Meeting suspended until 14:40 and continued in private thereafter until 15:39.  

28 May 2019

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14 May 2019

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21 May 2019

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28 May 2019

Changes to the proposed law

MSPs can make changes to a proposed law - these are called 'amendments'. The changes are considered then voted on by the lead committee. All MSPs get to vote on the final set of changes.

The lists of proposed changes are known as a 'marshalled list'. There's a separate list for each week that the committee are looking at proposed changes.

The Groupings document groups amendments together based on their subject matter. It shows the order in which the amendments will be debated by the committee and the Chamber. This is to avoid repetition in the debates.

How is it decided whether the changes go into the law?

When MSPs want to make a change to a proposed law, they create an 'amendment'. This sets out the changes they want to make to a specific part of the law.

The group of MSPs that are in charge of checking the law (the lead committee) vote on whether they think each amendment should be accepted or not. All MSPs then get a chance to vote on the changes the committee have allowed.

Depending on the number of amendments, this can be done during one or more meetings. Each set of amendments has been considered at a different meeting of the committee.

First meeting on amendments

Documents with the amendments considered at this meeting held on 18 June 2019:

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First meeting on amendments transcript

The Convener

Item 2 is consideration of amendments to the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill at stage 2.

I welcome members who are joining us today. We have Maurice Golden with us, and we will probably see Liam McArthur and Alexander Burnett at some point. Claudia Beamish will speak to David Stewart’s amendments.

I also welcome Roseanna Cunningham, the Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform, and her officials. Tom Russon is the bill manager, Eleanor Stanley is the deputy bill manager, Heather Wortley is from the parliamentary counsel office, and Norman Munro is from the Scottish Government legal directorate.

We should note that officials are not allowed to speak on the record during the proceedings.

Members might find it helpful to have a reminder of the process. Everyone should have a copy of the bill as introduced, the marshalled list of amendments, which sets out the amendments in the order in which they will be disposed of, and the groupings. There will be one debate for each group of amendments.

I will call the member who lodged the first amendment in the group to speak to and move that amendment, and to speak to all the other amendments in the group. I will then call other members who have lodged amendments in the group to speak to their amendments and to others in the group, but not, at that time, to move their amendments.

Members who have not lodged amendments in the group but who wish to speak should indicate that to me or the clerk, and we will make sure that you are called. If the cabinet secretary has not already spoken on the group, I will invite her to contribute to the debate just before we move to the winding-up speech. There might be times when I allow a little more flexibility for members to come back on points, but members should be mindful of time, given the number of amendments. We want to get through everything, so I have already been in touch with members to suggest the duration of their speaking times.

The debate on each group will be concluded by me inviting the member who moved the first amendment in the group to wind up. Following the debate on the group, I will check whether the member who moved the first amendment in the group wishes to press it to a vote, or to seek to withdraw it. If the member wishes to press it, I will put the question on the amendment. If the member wishes to withdraw it, I will ask whether any member objects to that. If any member objects, the amendment is not withdrawn and the committee must immediately move to a vote on it.

If any member does not wish to move their amendment when it is called, they should say, “Not moved”—and should do so audibly. Any other member who is present may move the amendment. However, if no one moves the amendment, I will immediately call the next amendment on the marshalled list.

Only committee members are allowed to vote. Voting in divisions is by a show of hands. It is important that members keep their hands clearly raised until the clerks have recorded the vote.

The committee is required to indicate formally that it has considered and agreed to each section of the bill, so I will put a question on each section at the appropriate point.

I hope that that is all clear to everybody.

Before we start consideration of the bill, I advise that I intend to suspend the meeting for a comfort break, or perhaps two, at appropriate points—probably around 11 o’clock and then, because we are sitting until 2 o’clock, at 12.30.

Before we move to the first amendment, I should mention that, on the bill’s introduction, the Presiding Officer determined that a financial resolution was not required. However, under rule 9.12.6C, the Presiding Officer has determined that the costs that would be associated with amendments 113 and 114 would exceed the current threshold for the bill to require a financial resolution. Therefore, amendments 113 and 114 may be debated during stage 2, but may not be agreed to, in the absence of a financial resolution.

I also want to say at the outset that, if we have tied votes on any amendments, I will, as convener, vote as I voted in the division. I will do that consistently throughout the process.

Before section 1

The Convener

Amendment 91, in the name of Claudia Beamish, is grouped with amendments 104, 93, 103 and 50.

Claudia Beamish (South Scotland) (Lab)

I thank the convener at the start of a long and important process.

My amendments in the group are deeply significant in that they will ensure that Parliament produces an act that fully delivers on climate justice, and which holds Scotland to a standard that we can be proud of when we consider justice for our workers and for our standing in the global community, and our responsibility to generations still to come. The amendments are strongly supported by Stop Climate Chaos Scotland. Climate justice is about recognising that climate change affects first and worst those who have done least to contribute to the problem.

Amendment 91 lists six principles, and gives further definition to the just transition principles. The principles come mainly from the work of the Mary Robinson Foundation – Climate Justice, which was set up by the former President of the Republic of Ireland and United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. Amendment 91 would create a new section setting out the climate justice principles, and would require the Scottish ministers and the relevant body—the United Kingdom Committee on Climate Change—to have regard to those principles as they carry out their functions under the act of setting targets and preparing a climate change plan.

Amendment 93 would add the principles to the target-setting criteria, and amendment 103 specifies that

“the Scottish Ministers must have regard to the ... principles”

when preparing the plan. The principles include protection of human rights, respect for international development goals when setting domestic policy, action being proportionate to historic emissions, equitable sharing of costs and benefits here and abroad, transparent democratic climate decision making, challenging of gender inequality, intergenerational justice and promotion of a just transition. The just transition element is further explained in terms of fair and sustainable jobs, protection of affected workers in communities, social justice, equitable sharing of costs and benefits, and engagement involving unions, workers and employers.

I do not believe that any politician in this modern Parliament should have difficulties with those principles. The Mary Robinson Foundation states that they are

“rooted in the frameworks of international and regional human rights law and do not require the breaking of any new ground on the part of those who ought, in the name of climate justice, to be willing to take them on.”

Unabated or rampant climate change will create and exacerbate terrible inequality here and across the world. It is right that the bill seeks to set an ambitious and globally responsible net zero target, but the principles must be at the front of our minds in carrying out the bill’s functions: the amendment would send an important signal, as Scotland’s understanding of our moral obligation to act on climate change in a just and fair way develops.

I hope that members will agree to the amendments in order truly to mark Scotland out as a world leader in conscientious climate action. I also remind the committee that the principles of intergenerational justice were noted in its stage 1 report.

I move amendment 91.

Maurice Golden (West Scotland) (Con)

The purpose of amendment 104 is to ensure that, in the interests of transparency, the bill sets out clear objectives with regard to the functions to be exercised under it. The four proposed subsections would, I think, help to do that. I think that the whole committee would agree with them. It would, therefore, be helpful if they were put in the bill.

Stewart Stevenson (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

Amendment 50, in my name, is perhaps the simplest amendment that we will consider today. Although it is being debated as part of the first group, it will be voted on at the very end of stage 2.

Amendment 50 would not actually change the bill’s legal effect, but it would give a context that is important to the legislation and could influence interpretation of it in the courts. It also sets out something that I would like every other signatory to the Paris agreement to incorporate in their statutes—that we are not acting alone. It says that we will do our share of the heavy lifting that is demanded by the climate emergency, and it recognises that we have a duty to our successors and that we are repaying a debt that has been created by our predecessors.

I think that there are some difficulties with the drafting of amendment 91, which is in the name of Claudia Beamish but, for the sake of clarity, I should say that I have no difficulty with confirming my support for the principles that are articulated in it. First of all, proposed new section ZA1(2)(b) would constrain the actions of “the relevant body”. That body would be the United Kingdom Committee on Climate Change, which was established under part 2 of the UK Climate Change Act 2008; I am uncertain that we have the powers legally to direct that committee—that is probably ultra vires. In any event, the drafting would not limit the effect of the change to the Committee on Climate Change’s advice to Scottish ministers, but is more broadly drawn and seems to cover advice that would be given to all Administrations.

Claudia Beamish

Will the member give way?

Stewart Stevenson

Let me say a little bit more, and then I will give way.

Claudia Beamish

It is just to clarify—

Stewart Stevenson

Just a tiny wee second. I just want to point out that section 41 of the 2008 act, which relates to the powers to give guidance, says:

“The national authorities”—

which would include us—

“may give the Committee guidance as to the matters it is to take into account”.

Does the member still wish to intervene?

Claudia Beamish

I would like clarification. Was the reference to the proposed new subsection a reference to

“ensuring domestic policies and strategies do not undermine international development goals”?

09:45  

Stewart Stevenson

My position, which can be challenged, is a much more general one. It is that the Scottish Parliament simply does not have the power to mandate what the UK Committee on Climate Change should do. However, under the 2008 UK act, we have the power to give guidance to it. It is just the drafting of the amendment that I am taking issue with—not the policy principle.

There is also a difficulty with proposed new section ZA1(3)(b), to which Claudia Beamish has just referred. It does not make it clear which particular “international development goals” are being referred to. I think that it is referring to the Scottish Government’s goals, but in my view, that needs to be a little bit clearer.

Moreover, with regard to proposed new section ZA1(3)(c), it is unclear how we would ensure that

“costs and benefits”

are

“shared equitably ... internationally”,

given that we have no power to determine what happens outside our borders. Again, the issues are with the drafting, not with the principle.

I encourage members to accept amendment 50 in my name—and, indeed, to remember that they are in favour of it when it is considered as the second-last vote in stage 2. I hope, too, that some account will be taken of my comments on the other amendments in the group.

Mark Ruskell (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

I want to make a few comments about the amendments in the group. It is important to realise that the bill is not only about reducing greenhouse gas emissions to the atmosphere: it is also about a climate mission to make our world a better place for people to live in. On that basis, the climate justice principles are very important in recognising that we, as a developed nation, have a debt to countries around the world, as well as a debt to future generations. The principles that are outlined in amendment 91 are, therefore, important. I take on board Stewart Stevenson’s comments on specificity in the principles, but as a generality, the amendment sets the context of the bill’s mission, which I think is important.

On amendment 104 in the name of Maurice Golden, we took a lot of evidence on the bill’s actual purpose. It is, as Stewart Stevenson’s amendment 50 makes clear, about meeting the Paris agreement, but it is also about going beyond that and seeing how we can, as part of a global effort, pin global temperatures to a maximum increase of 1.5°C. It is important to state that in the bill and to make it explicit that, if the bill is passed, that is what we will be working towards. I think that that makes a lot of sense.

In closing, I have a question for Claudia Beamish about sustainable development. I know that amendments relating to sustainable development will be considered later, but I am curious as to why it does not form part of the principles—particularly given the current biodiversity crisis, as outlined in the recent report by the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services. How do we tackle the climate crisis and deliver the mission in a way that will restore the environment, which is so important for tackling climate change and delivering a viable planet?

The Convener

Claudia Beamish will be able to address those points when she winds up. I call the cabinet secretary.

The Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform (Roseanna Cunningham)

I am sympathetic to Claudia Beamish’s amendments in the group, and I acknowledge her consistently strong voice on the matter. The Scottish Government is supportive of the principles of climate justice; indeed, Scotland is already a world leader, as the first country in the world to champion the approach through our climate justice fund. We therefore recognise that effectively tackling climate change requires an approach that is based on human rights, and which acknowledges the real inequalities between and within countries, as well as the multifaceted dimensions and impacts of climate change.

My concerns with amendment 91, which seeks to place a set of climate justice principles at the start of the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009, are not with its sentiment but with how it would operate in practice, and particularly how a set of principles would interact with other elements of the framework in the amended act. That act already contains target-setting criteria, including a range of matters that are related to international and social justice, so there is a risk of creating legally unclear hierarchies of competing sets of criteria and principles.

As I set out in my letter of response to the committee’s stage 1 report, the Government has lodged amendments that will put in the bill internationally recognised just transition principles as matters to which ministers must have regard when preparing climate change plans. The amendments feature in a later group. There is considerable overlap between the principles in my amendments and those in amendment 91.

A more technical and substantive concern is that it seems that amendment 91 would place duties directly on to the CCC. That approach would deviate from the approach under the 2009 act, in which duties are placed on ministers to request advice from the CCC on specified matters, so it would significantly alter the statutory nature of the relationship with the CCC.

I invite Claudia Beamish to seek to withdraw amendment 91 and not to move associated amendments 93 and 103, on the basis that I commit to working with her over the summer to explore how all the key elements and intentions of the proposed set of principles can be embedded in the act’s framework in a way that is fully functional.

In the case of the just transition principles, I hope that the Government amendments that appear in a group that will be debated later provide an acceptable way to achieve that. However, I will be happy to explore with the member any differences in wording between what she has proposed and the Government’s set of amendments.

On the international climate justice and intergenerational aspects of amendment 91, we can explore additions to the target-setting criteria and/or adjustments to the climate change planning duties. As the amendment stands, I cannot support it.

On Stewart Stevenson’s amendment 50, which would add to the long title a reference to the Paris agreement, I understand that it is unusual to amend a bill’s long title unless significant new material has been added that is not covered by the long title.

However, I am sympathetic to amendment 50. The Government has made it clear throughout the process that the bill is intended as a response to the Paris agreement. That is borne out in, for example, the provisions on the high level of ambition on the targets, in line with the CCC’s advice on a Scottish contribution to the aims of the Paris agreement, and the provisions on regular review of the targets to ensure that they are always the highest achievable on a timescale that is aligned to the Paris stocktaking cycle.

Government amendments in a later group will seek to link directly the definition of the fair and safe emissions budget to the global temperature aim of the Paris agreement. Although I am not sure that amendment 50 is strictly necessary, I will be happy to support it, as a further reflection of our commitment to the Paris agreement.

I cannot support amendment 104, in Maurice Golden’s name, which would introduce a purpose clause to the 2009 act. That would result in a hierarchy of potentially competing duties being placed on ministers when exercising their functions, and the legal consequences of that are not clear. In particular, it is unclear how it is intended that the objectives that are set out in amendment 104 would interact with the target-setting criteria, which set out a range of issues that ministers and the CCC are to take into account in a balanced way, when considering what the targets should be.

It is also not clear what the legal consequences would be of a perceived failure to meet the objectives. Amendment 104 might have unintended consequences if, for example, there was a potential conflict between the CCC’s advice to ministers and one of the objectives. Although the Scottish Government supports the objectives, the legal ambiguity that would result is such that I cannot support amendment 104. I urge members to reject what we think is a legally problematic amendment.

In general, there is a risk of overburdening legislation with good intentions and thereby inadvertently diminishing its effectiveness. I have no doubt that all the amendments in the group are well intentioned. However, they pose risks of that kind. I have, in responding to them, set out what I think is a fair and collegiate approach, in particular by offering to work with Claudia Beamish to ensure that climate justice is fully reflected in the most effective elements of the amended 2009 act.

Claudia Beamish

This has been a helpful debate, but I say to the cabinet secretary that this is not about good intentions; it is important that climate justice principles are underpinned in the bill. Having said that, I respect and value the offer of discussion on these important issues, so on that basis I will be pleased to arrange—somehow—discussions over the summer, perhaps with other members who have an interest in the matter. I will not press amendment 91 or move the other amendments.

Mark Ruskell asked why I left out sustainable development. After taking advice from a number of groups, I decided to adopt principles of climate justice that are already recognised internationally. In that context, I felt that simplicity and proven worth were appropriate, which is why I did not include sustainable development. However, we will come to amendments later that highlight that issue.

I am happy to support amendment 50. Stop Climate Chaos supports Maurice Golden’s amendment 104, but the cabinet secretary has pointed out its potential legal consequences. It is a pity that she did not offer to meet Maurice Golden, but that is not for me to intervene on. Although there are important issues in amendment 104, I will abstain if there is a division on it.

Amendment 91, by agreement, withdrawn.

Amendment 104 not moved.

Section 1—The net-zero emissions target

The Convener

Amendment 1 is grouped with amendments 1B, 2, 3, 105, 4 to 6, 92, 39, 7 to 13, 13B, 14 to 20, 40, 41, 21, 42, 22, 23, 43, 24, 44, 25, 26, 45, 27, 28, 28A, 29 to 38 and 88. I draw members’ attention to the procedural information on the amendments in this group.

Roseanna Cunningham

Following the special report last year from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change on the impact of global warming of 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels, the Scottish Government, along with other Governments in the UK, asked the Committee on Climate Change to provide further advice on target levels. The Committee on Climate Change’s advice was published on 2 May and recommended that Scotland should set 2045 as the target year to reach net zero emissions. The Scottish Government has accepted the CCC’s recommendation and has therefore lodged amendment 1 to set 2045 as the net zero emissions target year for Scotland. Members will note that amendment 1 also makes provision for modification of the target year by way of secondary legislation, which I will address later.

The CCC’s advice is clear that a 2045 net zero target represents the “highest possible ambition” for Scotland, as called for by the Paris agreement. When he gave evidence to this committee on 14 May, Professor Forster of the CCC said:

“I think that we can say with confidence that the ... 2045 target ... for Scotland will be the most ambitious in the whole world”.—[Official Report, Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee, 14 May 2019; c 9.]

Such a target matches the committee’s recommendation that the Government should act in line with the CCC’s advice. The CCC’s advice is clear that the delivery of net zero emissions in Scotland by 2045 depends on UK ambition increasing in line with net zero by 2050 and increased UK-wide action across policy areas that remain reserved. I am pleased that the UK Government last week accepted the CCC’s advice and followed us in beginning a legislative process to change its target accordingly.

Mark Ruskell has lodged amendment 1B to set 2042 as the net zero target year. I urge members not to support that, as it would mean going beyond what the CCC has advised is the “highest possible ambition”. The CCC does not “currently consider it credible” to aim to reach domestic net zero emissions any sooner than 2045.

I am aware that Mark Ruskell may seek to argue that that target reflects the CCC’s analysis, as set out in the 20 May letter to the committee, if known future changes to the greenhouse gas inventory are ignored. If members wish to consider legislating for a target on that basis, they need to be absolutely clear in two regards. First, it means discounting the independent expert advice of the CCC. The CCC’s recommendation is for 2045. During the meeting on 14 May, Chris Stark advised the committee:

“We have offered you the best assessment of what is achievable in Scotland.”

He went on to ask Parliament

“to take the advice that we offer in the report, which is very ambitious.”—[Official Report, Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee, 14 May 2019; c 15.]

10:00  

Secondly, setting a target now that ignores the inventory changes that we know are about to happen would mean that it would be necessary to modify the targets again very soon. In particular, it would mean that we would need to push the net zero date backwards in one to three years’ time. That would require a process of secondary legislation that would further occupy the time of the Government, the Parliament and the CCC when we would all be better focusing on delivering emissions reductions. That cannot be the right approach.

I am also aware of claims being made in this morning’s press by Friends of the Earth Scotland that the CCC has

“admitted you need to set the date at 2042 to really deliver in 2045.”

That is a straightforward misrepresentation of the CCC’s advice. The chief executive of the CCC confirmed—and I will quote exactly from his letter:

“we recommend that the net zero target date that should be legislated is 2045; and not 2042.”

Given the importance of the issue to today’s decision, I have sent the full text of Chris Stark’s letter to the committee.

The technical landscape around the on-going revisions to the GHG inventory, decisions on which are made at United Nations and UK level, is clearly very complex. In the face of that complexity, the right approach is to be guided by independent expert advice that is based on the full range of available evidence. The CCC has provided that advice, and the Government has accepted it.

I have lodged amendment 6 to increase the 2030 target to a 70 per cent reduction, and amendment 7 to increase the 2040 target to a 90 per cent reduction. Those targets are also in line with the CCC’s advice of 2 May.

Claudia Beamish has lodged amendment 92, which is in direct opposition to amendment 6, seeking to change the 2030 target to 76 per cent. I understand that she might deploy similar arguments to those that I expect to hear from Mark Ruskell on the 2042 net zero date regarding technical matters to do with the GHG inventory. I strongly advise members against setting a 76 per cent target for 2030 for the same reasons that I have set out previously. The CCC has been clear, including in the evidence that it gave directly to the committee on 14 May, that it has provided the best possible assessment of the highest possible ambition for Scotland based on the full range of available advice and evidence. That advice is a 70 per cent target for 2030.

I recognise the particular importance of the 2030 target, as action in the next decade will be vital in light of the IPCC’s special report on the global climate emergency.

I emphasise to members that the 70 per cent target recommended by the CCC would be the most ambitious statutory goal for 2030 of any country in the world. It also more than meets what the IPCC’s special report says is needed globally over the next decade to prevent warming of more than 1.5°C. Meeting such a target will be very challenging and will require a step change in policy action here in Scotland. It will depend on the UK Government doing more, given the importance of reserved levers. The Scottish Government recognises the challenge and will rise to it.

I expect Claudia Beamish and Mark Ruskell to argue that the CCC’s recommended target is not ambitious. That is simply untrue, and it fails to recognise that the target builds on the already world-leading goals for 2030 that are set out in the bill and in the 2009 act.

I now turn to the other functions of the amendments. Amendment 1 also imposes tighter restrictions on the ability of the Scottish ministers to amend the date of the net zero emissions target year. Under section 1 as introduced, ministers may, by secondary legislation, propose to Parliament the modification of the net zero target year either to an earlier date or to a later year, subject to certain restrictions. The Scottish ministers may propose a later date only if such a change has been advised by the CCC. Those conditions were already strict to ensure that the net zero emissions target year could be pushed back only if independent expert advice said that that should occur due to circumstances having changed.

When giving stage 1 evidence to the committee, environmental non-governmental organisations welcomed the safeguards. Nevertheless, the stage 1 report recommended a further tightening of the limitations placed on this and similar powers. Therefore, I have included provisions in amendment 1 that further restrict the power to push the net zero target date back, with the effect that the Scottish ministers can propose such a change to Parliament only if the CCC advises that that should occur specifically due to considerations of

“scientific knowledge about climate change or ... international carbon reporting practice”.

Amendment 12 imposes tighter restrictions on the power to modify the interim targets in the same way as described for the net zero target date through amendment 1.

As I hope that I have demonstrated through the many amendments that I have lodged, the Scottish Government has listened to and considered the committee’s recommendations and attempted to address committee concerns as far as possible. The tightening of the power to amend target levels and dates is just one example of that.

Finally, amendment 1 also introduces a duty on the Scottish ministers to have regard to the target-setting criteria, as well as the most up-to-date advice from the relevant body, when preparing draft regulations to modify the net zero target year. That has been brought forward to implement a recommendation of the Delegated Powers and Law Reform Committee that making that duty explicit would be more consistent with other provisions in the bill.

Amendment 4 removes the 2050 target from the bill and the 2009 act. I have proposed the change because, by way of amendment 1, a net zero emissions target date for a date earlier than 2050 will now be set in the bill. Under those circumstances, I have proposed that the clear end point for Scotland’s statutory framework should be the achieving of net zero emissions, rather than any particular fixed date.

Section 8 makes provisions to hold the Scottish ministers to account if they choose not to amend target levels in line with advice from the relevant body, which is the CCC. The bill as introduced includes a requirement for ministers to make a statement to Parliament 12 months following receipt of advice that targets should be changed if they do not act on that advice. In my response to the committee’s stage 1 report, I explained that the 12-month timeframe is intended to reflect the time that it would take to undertake policy consideration of the advice as well as any public and stakeholder consultation that might be required. It would be difficult to envisage a situation in which Parliament was not well aware of the Government’s intention earlier in that period, even without a statutory duty requiring a formal statement of that intention.

However, I listened to the concerns of the committee on those matters and I have lodged amendment 17. In addition to the obligation for a statement after 12 months if advice that targets should be changed is not followed, the amendment requires ministers to publish a statement within three months of receiving such advice, setting out how they intend to respond to it.

Amendment 19 imposes the same obligation on ministers to publish a statement within three months of receiving advice from the CCC to the effect that the interim targets should be modified.

I have also lodged a set of technical amendments in relation to annual targets to ensure their sensible calculation following the setting of a net zero emission target year in the bill through amendment 1 and the removal of the 2050 target through amendment 4.

Although complicated to explain, the amendments will ensure that there continues to be a clear way to calculate annual targets and recalculate them if the interim targets are amended or if the net zero emissions target year is modified. The approach to calculating the annual target levels as a straight line between the two nearest headline target levels remains the same as in the bill as introduced.

I will summarise the more substantial amendments as briefly as I can. Amendment 21 creates a new “final annual target period”. Instead of 2041 to 2049, that period will be from 2041 until the year before the net zero emissions target year, which would be 2044 in the first instance. Amendment 20 amends the section heading of section 3 of the 2009 act as a consequence.

Amendments 24 and 25, taken together, set out how the annual targets in that period will be calculated. Amendment 24 inserts a reference to a “100%” reduction, which is equivalent to net zero emissions, instead of “the 2050 target”. Amendment 25 ensures that the annual targets are equally spaced over the relevant time period. Amendments 17 and 28, taken together, will ensure that annual targets continue to be calculated in the same way if the net zero emissions target year is modified.

Mark Ruskell’s amendments to section 9 in relation to annual targets follow on from his amendment to set a net zero emissions target year of 2042. The Government’s amendments are designed to work with a net zero emissions target year of 2045, with a separate interim target for 2040. If the committee agrees to the Government’s approach to the net zero target date and rejects Mark Ruskell’s approach, I urge him not to move amendments 40 to 45 and 28A.

The remaining Government amendments in the grouping are consequential to amendments 1 and/or 4 or are otherwise purely technical. Amendments 5, 8 to 11, 14 to 16, 18, 33, 35 and 38 are consequential to the removal of the 2050 target through amendment 4. There are so many of them because the 2050 target appears so frequently across the current 2009 act framework.

Amendment 13 is consequential to the setting of a net zero emissions target in the bill. It will remove the reference to the enabling power for making regulations to specify a net zero emissions target year of 2050 or earlier and replace it with a reference to modifying the year to one that is earlier than 2045.

Amendments 22, 23, 26 and 29 to 31 are consequential to the setting of a net zero emissions target in the bill and the resulting removal of the 2050 target.

Amendments 32 and 34 are again consequential to the setting of a net zero emissions target in the bill. They amend the ministerial duties to publish information about the targets.

Amendment 36 is consequential to both amendment 1 and amendment 4. It amends the definition of “emissions reduction target” to mean an annual target, an interim target or the net zero emissions target.

Amendment 37 is consequential to the setting of a net zero emissions target in the bill. It updates a cross-reference to the section that sets the net zero target year.

Turning to the final amendment in the group, I cannot support amendment 105, in the name of Maurice Golden, as it is completely unnecessary. It would place a duty on ministers to make regulations under the affirmative procedure to specify a definition of the term “net-zero”. The net zero emissions target is already clearly defined through the provisions of the bill. The committee raised the issue in its stage 1 report. In my response to the report, I clearly set out how the bill defines the term. For the benefit of any colleagues here who have not read my response to the report, I will reiterate the relevant points.

The net zero emissions target is defined in the bill to mean a 100 per cent reduction from baseline levels in net emissions of all greenhouse gases. The various elements of the definition are all further defined in the 2009 act. Section 13 of the 2009 act defines the concept of the net Scottish emissions account, which is the aggregate amount of net Scottish emissions, reduced by any credits purchased by ministers. Of course, the bill sets a default limit of zero on the extent of credit use for all future years, unless Parliament decides otherwise. In particular, sections 10 and 11 of the 2009 act set out the greenhouse gases that are included, which are all seven gases covered by the Kyoto protocol.

In summary, I urge members to support the Government amendments in this group, which will set world-leading targets in line with the independent expert advice of the CCC. That is the approach that the committee called for in its stage 1 report and has welcomed in its stage 2 report. I urge members to reject the amendments that would mean rejecting that independent advice and an evidence-based approach.

That was quite long, but this is of course the key group of amendments for the bill.

I move amendment 1.

The Convener

I call Mark Ruskell to move amendment 1B and to speak to all amendments in the group.

Mark Ruskell

Thanks. How long have I got? It is an emergency, isn’t it?

The Convener

Five minutes.

Mark Ruskell

Great. I am sure that I will not need all that.

Amendment 1B is an amendment to amendment 1, in the name of the cabinet secretary. I accept the broad thrust of amendment 1, but amendment 1B would change the target date to 2042. I will briefly set out the reason for wanting to do that. It is about bringing absolute clarity to the bill and removing a glaring inconsistency in it. The amendment is not about changing the effort. The cabinet secretary made a number of comments about how we cannot go beyond what the Committee on Climate Change has advised on effort. Amendment 1B is not about changing the effort; it is about bringing consistency to the legislation. It forms a matching pair with amendment 92, in the name of Claudia Beamish, which would change the 2030 target on the same basis.

10:15  

I will give a bit of background. In the evidence that it gave to the committee in May, the Committee on Climate Change outlined the assumptions that it made when it developed its advice on Scotland’s net zero and interim targets. It became clear that its recommendations had been based on the assumption that there would be a future inventory change that would include extra emissions from Scotland’s peatlands. As it stands, the bill specifies that targets should be set on the basis of current reporting practice, which excludes peatlands, but it has mechanisms in place for targets to be revised at the point at which the inventories are updated.

The bill will not change the 2020 target, which will be set according to the current inventory. The cabinet secretary’s amendments to set a net zero date of 2045 and interim targets for 2030 and 2040 are based on an anticipated future inventory, not the current inventory. There is a lack of coherence here, which could be confusing when the inventory eventually changes in one to three years’ time. It will require the same effort to get to net zero in 2045—the target that is set out in the Government’s amendment—under the future inventory as it will to reach it by 2042 under the current inventory. There is a risk that, when the inventory changes, a future Government will ignore the fact that the target has already been revised down and will do so again. That might be seen as a slight risk, but it is a risk, given the way in which the bill has been drafted. To avoid future confusion, I believe that the targets that are set in the bill should be based on the current inventory.

I note the cabinet secretary’s comments about the letter—or, rather, the email exchange—that was forwarded to the committee at 11 o’clock last night. I read it when I was tucked up in bed. The main concern that I took from that is that it could give

“the appearance of loosening Scotland’s ambition”—

to use Chris Stark’s words—if, on the back of an inventory change, we have to push the net zero target date back to 2045. I see the politics in that, although it is not strictly an issue for the bill in terms of the technicality of setting the right target date. I am prepared to put on record now that, if the Government had to do that as a result of a technical inventory change, it would not be criticised by my party for doing so. The discussion that we had at stage 1 and the discussion that we are having at stage 2 would put such a future change on the basis of inventories into context. Therefore, I think that the political risks for the cabinet secretary, or a future cabinet secretary, would be very slight; the intention would be very clear. Amendment 1B is a technical amendment.

If my amendments are not agreed to, it would be interesting to hear how the Government could include in the bill safeguards against the lowering of future targets as a result of an inventory revision and whether the cabinet secretary would consider doing that at stage 3 to bring consistency to the bill.

I move amendment 1B.

Maurice Golden

The intention of amendment 105 was purely to provide increased clarity on the definition of “net-zero”. However, having listened to what the cabinet secretary said, and recognising that it is 14 years since I graduated with a masters degree in environmental law, I will be happy not to move amendment 105. I agree with the position that has been outlined.

Claudia Beamish

I support amendment 1, which seeks to set a target of 2045 for reaching net zero, and the cabinet secretary’s consequential amendments.

My amendment 92 seeks to set the 2030 interim target as a 76 per cent reduction in emissions from the baseline. That target is based on today’s greenhouse gas inventory. My aim is to provide a consistent approach to baseline changes and to set the most reliable interim targets that are possible at a time when it is important that we also send a signal about rapid transformational change. As we have heard, changes to the inventory will soon be made as it seeks to take account of methane and emissions from degraded peatlands. It is possible that, in the coming years, there will be further inventory changes that cannot be foreseen today, which will be based on increased scientific understanding and improved methods of accounting for emissions.

A more robust scientific basis is to be welcomed, although it causes some inconvenience in setting annual targets, as it can lead to fluctuations. As members will know, the picture is somewhat confused, with the UK Committee on Climate Change using an estimated future accounting system instead of—I stress—the current one. My amendment is based on the current inventory, which is in line with the bill’s reference to “target-setting criteria” including “current international reporting practice” as defined in section 19 of the 2009 act and

“the most up-to-date international carbon reporting practice”.

That clearly suggests that targets must be set on the basis of today’s inventory.

Mechanisms have been built into the bill to adapt its provisions to apply for many years into the future. As the cabinet secretary confirmed in her recent statement on Scottish greenhouse gas emissions in 2017,

“Our new Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill includes changes to the target framework in order to improve transparency and allow for clearer scrutiny of progress. The bill proposes targets that are based on actual, rather than adjusted, emissions, and ... includes mechanisms to manage the year-to-year effects”.—[Official Report, 12 June 2019; c 31.]

It seems clear that the mechanism to implement any necessary changes is in section 4, on page 2 of the bill, which introduces section 2A to the 2009 act and will be retained if amendment 1, in the name of the cabinet secretary, is agreed to.

Targets will need to be reviewed and revised downwards in the future, but—crucially—that will not affect the overall effort. Amendment 6, in the cabinet secretary’s name, sets a target of 70 per cent, but the legislation does not clarify to which inventory—current or future—that refers. That approach would create some dangers. We must recognise that there will be a Scottish election between the targets being set and the possible inventory changes coming into effect, and we therefore cannot accept that legislation with caveats will be upheld in good faith. There are no guarantees in the bill around the inventory to which the Government is working, nor are there any safeguards against further revisions downwards that would weaken the effort. We must protect against the possibility that a lack of clarity now will have consequences for the future.

There is also a more positive angle. Updated advice from the CCC at the time of the inventory change may only shift the target back to 73 per cent, for example, and we should not work against that possibility. I can understand why Governments would be reluctant to be seen to be weakening targets when climate change is a growing public concern, but we must bind Scotland to the right numbers and simply explain the reasoning now, and again at that time. I want the issue to be clarified in legislation and legislative safeguards put in place, and I hope that the cabinet secretary will agree with the arguments that I have made.

Stewart Stevenson

It is probably important that I put something on the record right now as a matter of principle: we should simply not change dates or percentages when that puts us at odds with the UK Committee on Climate Change. We absolutely must not get into a position in which politicians choose the dates and associated targets. For me, it is science or nothing. If we do not trust our adviser—we could fall out with them at some point—we need to start a consultation process on who our new adviser should be and take advice in that regard. It is very simple. That is a principled point.

There has been confusion in this area. I have been confused, as others have—I accept that. However, the helpful letter from Chris Stark makes absolutely clear what is being recommended by the Committee on Climate Change. In particular, I latch on to the quote that I think the cabinet secretary used. The amendments lodged by Mark Ruskell and Claudia Beamish would result in Scotland facing a set of emissions reduction targets that went beyond the committee’s advice. Therefore, in the context of what I have said, I cannot support them.

In their contributions, they both made the important point that none of this would affect the effort. In a sense, therefore, this is “angels dancing on the head of a pin” time, because changing the dates would not have any practical effect. However, there is a real danger that, if we put in dates that we already know we would have to change because of changes to the way that the inventory is going to work, we would create a perverse incentive for future Governments of whatever complexion, whether north or south of the border, to resist inventory revision, and I do not think that that would be a helpful thing to do.

When I was the climate change minister, I found inventory revisions—which are a regular feature of this area of policy—most irritating, because, on more than one occasion, they caused us to miss numerical targets. That is why we should stick with what we know is going to happen. We know that there are going to be inventory changes—indeed, we support them in relation to peatlands, forestry and so on. We should incorporate in the bill the amendments that the cabinet secretary has lodged, which reflect the inventory changes that we know are going to be made. The optics of reducing numbers at a future date when today, in considering setting the numbers, we already know what the future looks like, are not good.

Mark Ruskell

Will the member take an intervention?

Stewart Stevenson

I will, if that is permitted.

The Convener

Mark Ruskell will have a chance to wind up, so I would like him to park his comments for now. Another member wants to speak to the amendments.

Mark Ruskell

I did not realise that I will have a chance to wind up.

The Convener

You will. Mr Stevenson, have you finished?

Stewart Stevenson

Yes.

The Convener

I call John Scott.

John Scott (Ayr) (Con)

I wish to speak briefly. Before I do, I declare an interest.

I believe that the 2045 targets and the IPCC advice are sufficient, although the targets will be immensely difficult to achieve. I do not believe that we have the capability to go further at this time. As the cabinet secretary has said, we already have the most ambitious targets in the world, and I will not be able to support the amendments lodged by Claudia Beamish and Mark Ruskell.

Nevertheless, I share Mark Ruskell’s and Claudia Beamish’s concerns, and I ask the Scottish Government to make certain that the inventory charge changes are as elegantly expressed as possible before we come to stage 3. As Stewart Stevenson has said—and as, I think, the whole committee has felt—there is a huge amount of confusion over that. I would like the Government to be as certain as it can be that the changes are as well expressed as they can be.

At this stage, I will support the Government’s position on the targets, but I want us to make certain that they are absolutely watertight and sensible for stage 3.

The Convener

Just to clarify, I note that Mark Ruskell will have a chance to wind up after the cabinet secretary has wound up.

Roseanna Cunningham

The key question for all of us is whether we trust the Committee on Climate Change. Either we trust it or we do not. If we do not trust it and we seek to go behind what it is saying, we will get ourselves into a terrible mess. The second-last paragraph in the email from Chris Stark, which committee members received last night, says quite explicitly,

“I would not wish to see the numbers in that letter”—

that is, the previous letter to the committee—

“misinterpreted to leave Scotland with legal targets that are not supported by CCC analysis.”

That is a pretty fundamental statement.

It is known that substantial inventory revisions will happen in the next few years that will be associated with the incorporation of peatlands into the inventory and changes to the global warming potentials of certain gases, arising from the IPCC reports. The UK Government has committed to the UN to implementing the peatland changes within the next three years, and that may happen as early as next year’s set of statistics. The CCC’s advice on future targets therefore reflects those known future changes to the inventory. The technical landscape around on-going revisions to the GHG inventory, decisions on which are made at UN and UK levels, is clearly complex. In the face of that complexity, the right approach is to be guided by independent expert advice that is based on the full range of available evidence—we either trust that advice or we do not.

10:30  

I have already set out clear statutory safeguards. Targets can be lowered only if the CCC advises that that should occur specifically as a result of scientific understanding. Again, we are back to the science and the fact that the CCC is our scientific advisor—and we either trust it or we do not.

The Convener

I call Mark Ruskell to wind up and to press or withdraw amendment 1B.

Mark Ruskell

As mine is not the lead amendment in the group, I did not think that I would have a chance to wind up, which is why I sought to intervene on Stewart Stevenson. However, the convener is giving me extra space, which is fine.

It is a little bit disappointing that we continue to conflate issues in this debate. It is not about changing the effort but bringing consistency into it. At the moment, the bill is inconsistent. In my opening comments, I said to the cabinet secretary that I wanted to hear from the Government about what safeguards it would put in place if it did not vote for these amendments, which are against the lowering of future targets due to inventory revisions.

Although I appreciate the email exchange with Chris Stark, I would have liked to see from the CCC an actual response to our second committee report, which detailed some of the issues that the CCC might have with changing targets, as is proposed in my amendments. However, we do not have that response and, unfortunately, we do not have a well-rounded debate, which is a real pity.

The issue is about the inventory change going forward. Obviously, there is a political risk in relation to how it will be perceived if the target date is pushed back to 2045. We need a bill that is legally competent and legally consistent; at the moment, it is not. I do not see any moves from the Government to ensure that the bill will become legally competent and legally consistent. Therefore, to bring about that consistency, I will press my amendment. If the Government finds a way to ensure that there is security around future inventory changes in the bill ahead of stage 3, I will be very interested to hear about it.

I press amendment 1B.

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 1B be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

Against

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

Abstentions

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 1, Against 5, Abstentions 1.

Amendment 1B disagreed to.

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 1 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

Abstentions

Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 6, Against 0, Abstentions 1.

Amendment 1 agreed to.

Amendments 2 and 3 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Amendment 105 not moved.

Section 1, as amended, agreed to.

Section 2—The 2050 target

Amendment 4 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Section 2, as amended, agreed to.

Section 3—The interim targets

Amendment 5 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Amendment 6 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham].

The Convener

I remind members that amendments 6 and 92 are direct alternatives.

The question is, that amendment 6 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

Against

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 5, Against 2, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 6 agreed to.

Amendment 92 moved—[Claudia Beamish].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 92 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

Against

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 2, Against 5, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 92 disagreed to.

The Convener

I remind members that, if amendment 39 is agreed to, I will not be able to call amendment 7.

Amendment 39 not moved.

Amendment 7 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 7 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

Abstentions

Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 6, Against 0, Abstentions 1.

Amendment 7 agreed to.

Section 3, as amended, agreed to.

Section 4—Modification of the 2050 and interim targets

Amendments 8 to 12 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Amendment 13 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham].

Amendment 13B not moved.

Amendment 13 agreed to.

Amendment 14 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Section 4, as amended, agreed to.

Section 5—The target-setting criteria

Amendment 93 not moved.

The Convener

Amendment 107, in the name of Maurice Golden, is grouped with amendment 94.

Maurice Golden

The purpose of amendment 107 is to have a presumption against the overshoot scenario. The committee heard evidence regarding the implications of overshoot on climate change and the financial implications associated with overshoot. The amendment seeks to ensure that we guard against it.

Stewart Stevenson

I am in sympathy with what is being attempted, but let us be absolutely clear about the meaning of “ecosystem” as set out in the amendment. We extract gravel, and that is not renewed by the ecosystem in any meaningful timescale. I suspect that we are trying to deal with an ecosystem that is more restricted in its definition than the general term. Is that the member’s understanding?

Maurice Golden

Yes. I encourage committee members to support the amendment. If there are particular aspects of it that require clarity, I am happy to consider those and to take Parliament with us at stage 3. However, the intention of the amendment is as I have described.

I move amendment 107.

Claudia Beamish

Amendment 94 would amend the bill to request the UKCCC to have regard

“to the likely impact of the target on public health”

when providing regular advice to ministers, and to request ministers to do the same when setting targets. My fellow committee members will recall that that was among the committee’s recommendations in its stage 1 report. It was also recommended by WWF Scotland, Stop Climate Chaos Scotland and Unison Scotland.

Amendment 94 is another important amendment to ensure that the impacts of our climate change action are just. The bill could secure a number of health multibenefits and co-benefits. A number of stakeholders referenced such benefits in evidence, including air quality improvements, a reduction in fuel poverty and mental health benefits.

It was also noted that a better evidence base for the impact on public health is needed, and amendment 94 could help to deliver that. Although there are a number of potential positive outcomes for our health, it is right that the impact is monitored. I hope that members will vote for amendment 94.

Roseanna Cunningham

I am happy to support Claudia Beamish’s amendment 94, which adds public health to the target-setting criteria provided in section 5. Improving public health has been noted by those giving evidence on the bill as a major co-benefit of climate change action.

When we introduced the bill, our view was that improving public health was arguably covered by the social circumstances criteria, and that there was not a strong reason to add it as a separate criterion. However, I have taken on board the feedback from the committee in its stage 1 report and further representations from stakeholders, and I am happy to support the provision in amendment 94.

I see merit in Maurice Golden’s amendment 107, which seeks to add considerations of ecosystems and waste management to the criteria. The recent global assessment of biodiversity highlights the serious impacts of biodiversity loss, which is happening around the world. The report underlines the links between biodiversity loss and climate change, and members will have heard the First Minister say in response to a question from Claudia Beamish that biodiversity loss is as important as climate change.

10:45  

However, the calculation of the capacity of Scotland’s ecosystems to regenerate what we consume is a complex and fluid one to undertake. I understand that many existing measures have shortcomings that might mean that they are not robust indicators for Scotland. I would like the opportunity to consider the technical aspects further with the member—and with the CCC, given that all such amendments have implications for the CCC’s advice. Although my officials have had an opportunity to gauge the CCC’s views on the public health addition to the criteria, there has not yet been time to do so in relation to the addition that we are talking about in amendment 107.

I urge Maurice Golden not to press amendment 107. I commit to working with him to explore options for lodging an amendment at stage 3 or taking the matter forward through the review of environmental monitoring to which we have committed as part of our recent environmental principles and governance consultation. I hope that Maurice Golden will be reassured by my offer, because I cannot express support for amendment 107 as it stands.

Amendment 107, by agreement, withdrawn.

Amendment 94 moved—[Claudia Beamish]—and agreed to.

The Convener

Amendment 108, in the name of Claudia Beamish, is grouped with amendments 127 to 129, 152, and 153.

Claudia Beamish

The amendments in this group are a set; they are designed to improve our approach to climate change in the context of international development. They are supported by the Scottish Catholic International Aid Fund, which helped to design them, and, more broadly, by Stop Climate Chaos Scotland.

Amendment 108 would add to the target-setting criteria international development, and in particular the ability of other nations to meet sustainable development goals. There is clearly value in such an approach, which would not be onerous to apply.

The Paris agreement is, of course, a global agreement, which successfully brought together developed and developing countries for action on climate change, and its implementation will require constant collaboration between developed and developing countries. Therefore, if the bill is truly to enshrine Paris, it is vital that it includes a requirement to consider the impacts on developing countries of targets that are set in future. We have an historic responsibility to consider the challenges that are faced by developing countries, which, it is recognised, did so much less to contribute to the climate change challenge. Given that context, I very much hope that members will support amendment 108.

Amendment 127 would add a reference to developing countries’ efforts on climate reduction, in the context of the climate change plan’s requirement to explain how it will compensate for excess emissions. It is important that we focus our minds on where the effects are likely to be experienced disproportionately. The 2009 act includes provision for Government support for climate change adaptation in Scotland, which is a vital part of addressing climate change, because holding global temperature increases even to 1.5°C will require adaptation. However, the 2009 act does not include commitments to support adaptation internationally or to help countries to develop low-carbon and net zero economies.

The Scottish Government provides climate finance, through its well-recognised climate justice fund. However, that is a Parliament-to-Parliament approach. Such an important contribution to global efforts to tackle climate change should be in legislation, to prevent a future Government from easily reneging on commitments. Amendments to the 2009 act are required to protect an important contribution to climate finance and ensure that money is spent appropriately.

Amendment 128 would include in the bill a commitment to supporting developing countries with adaptation and mitigation through the transfer of “expertise and technology”. Articles 10 and 11 of the Paris agreement set out the requirement for developed countries to support developing countries through the sharing of technology and expertise and through capacity building.

The bill was introduced to implement in Scottish law the Paris agreement, and amendment 128 seeks to enshrine in the bill a specific aspect of the agreement. At present, the 2009 act contains no provisions on how Scotland will support global efforts to challenge climate change, with the exception of the emissions reduction targets and the commitment that those are to be set in line with the “fair and safe” principles set out by the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. Amendment 128 is needed to enshrine the whole of the Paris agreement in law and to formalise the requirement for developed countries to support developing countries with regard to climate change adaptation and mitigation.

For the world to achieve its ambitions of limiting warming to well below 2°C and to pursue efforts to reach 1.5°C, it is vital that all countries work together and collaborate. The Scottish Government has considerable expertise in and knowledge of climate change adaptation and mitigation, and Scotland has a world-renowned renewable energy sector. As a result, amendment 128 seeks to ensure that the Scottish Government would, over the years, commit to continuing to share its technology and expertise with developing countries to help them tackle the climate emergency.

Amendment 129 seeks to enshrine the principle of policy coherence with regard to sustainable development, because the application of the principle in the climate change plan will help ensure that Scotland responds to the climate crisis with other countries in mind. The bill is uniquely global, and the amendment attempts to reflect that. With its devolved powers, Scotland has been able to make a significant contribution to tackling the climate emergency beyond our borders, and the amendment reflects the important role that devolved Administrations can play in this global issue by ensuring that policies are written in line with UN commitments such as the sustainable development goals.

Amendment 152 refers specifically to the need for Scottish ministers to recognise Scotland’s global responsibility

“in relation to ... international climate change adaptation in line with international best practice”,

while amendment 153 highlights the need to

“have regard to ... the ability of other countries to achieve global commitments on climate change”.

The approach serves as a marker and, indeed, a valuable tool for focusing attention on the implications of a range of our actions as a developed nation. The fact that many—though not all—of us are high consumers frequently has implications for where in the world we source materials and products and how we manufacture things.

Finally, amendment 153 sets an expectation on relevant persons in the exercise of functions in relation to

“the ability of other countries to achieve sustainable development”.

As members will no doubt know, there is a well-recognised definition of sustainable development in common usage that comes from the Brundtland commission report.

I believe that this set of amendments will indeed place Scotland at the forefront of excellent practice in international development and climate change action as we progress towards net zero emissions in a globally just way. The amendments will single us out and clearly signal to the world an important way in which developed nations can send a clear, straightforward and positive message to others of our like, and I hope that members will support them.

I move amendment 108.

Stewart Stevenson

I have listened with care to Claudia Beamish and broadly support what she has said. However, there are some drafting difficulties with what is before us.

With regard to amendment 127, Jack McConnell was very wise to take a slightly different approach to such issues by ensuring that our international efforts supported not “developing country parties” to the UNFCCC but projects in those countries. Such a difference might sound slightly academic, but the approach has been successful precisely because it has partly bypassed Governments in some countries that are pretty ineffective in ensuring that money reaches projects. I am therefore uncomfortable with the wording of amendment 127, but not at all resistant to the sentiment that Claudia Beamish is seeking to pursue.

Amendment 129 says that the proposals and policies should be

“aligned with global agreements under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change”.

That is, again, broadly something that I can support. The difficulty is that not all such global agreements are current. For example, the Copenhagen agreement has been supplanted and overtaken by the Paris agreement. The wording of amendment 129 needs further attention.

I recognise that there is broad agreement around sustainable development, but I am not sure that it is expressed in our law in a way that is appropriate. In amendment 50, which refers to the Paris agreement, I refer to something that is published, invariant and accessible to anyone who requires to refer to it so that it is clear what is being pointed at. We should take that approach when we refer to external things. However, the simple way in which “sustainable development” is expressed in amendment 129 perhaps does not meet those tests.

By the same token, amendment 152 talks about “international best practice”, but that is unlikely to be a constant—it will evolve over time. We have to be clear about what we are saying. Again, I am not resisting in any sense the underlying attempt to align with international best practice; I am just not clear about the construction of the amendment.

Roseanna Cunningham

I am sympathetic to all the amendments that Claudia Beamish has lodged in this group. As I said in my remarks on the first group, the Scottish Government recognises the international dimensions of climate change. There is a global climate emergency, and internationally co-ordinated, just and sustainable action to tackle it is essential.

The Scottish Government’s commitment is reflected in the alignment of our national performance framework to the UN sustainable development goals, and our commitment to policy coherence for sustainable development in our international development strategy. I see climate action, including the bill, as being an important element of that approach.

I offer to work with Claudia Beamish on technical aspects of most of her amendments. In relation to amendment 108—this is similar to my proposal in relation to Maurice Golden’s amendment 107 in the previous group—I would like to have an opportunity to seek the CCC’s advice and views, given the impact that the amendment would have on its advisory functions.

In relation to amendments 127 to 129, which relate to adding links to international efforts to tackle climate change to Scotland’s domestic climate change plans, I would like the opportunity to explore exactly how that would best be done within the framework under the 2009 act.

In relation to amendment 153, which relates to section 92 of the 2009 act, I am again content in principle but would like to explore technical aspects of its implementation.

I invite Claudia Beamish not to press amendment 108 and the other amendments in the group at the present time in favour of my firm commitment to work with her to bring back her proposals at stage 3 in a form that respects her intentions in full but is better technically aligned to the wider framework. If she presses the amendments, I cannot support them in their current form. The exception is amendment 152, on adding references to international matters to adaptation planning, which I am happy to support outright.

Claudia Beamish

I am conscious of the time and how much we have to get through, but I want to respond briefly to one or two of Stewart Stevenson’s comments.

I respect Jack McConnell as someone who went to Johannesburg and was involved with environmental justice, rather than specifically climate justice. However, I do not agree that working to support countries excludes working with specific projects. The two are not mutually exclusive.

Stewart Stevenson

I was purely seeking to exclude any suggestion that we could do that only via Governments. I think that we are aligned.

Claudia Beamish

On amendment 129, if some areas of the UNFCCC are not current, we would not refer to them. I do not really understand that point.

11:00  

I am delighted that the cabinet secretary is able to support amendment 152.

At some point over the summer, I would be pleased to work with the cabinet secretary and others on technical aspects of the other amendments. I take the point about UK Committee on Climate Change advice. It is not for me to tell it what to think, but I would be surprised if it did not think that, as a developed nation, we should take these issues into account in the current global climate crisis. I am pleased that the cabinet secretary and I are on the same page, and I look forward to that engagement.

Amendment 108, by agreement, withdrawn.

The Convener

We will move on to quickly dispose of amendment 51 in the next group and then have a break.

Amendment 51, in the name of the cabinet secretary, is grouped with amendments 53, 56, 68, 69, 71, 87, 89 and 90.

Roseanna Cunningham

The amendments in this group make minor technical amendments to the bill and to the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009, for consistency and alignment. I will briefly describe their technical operation.

Amendment 51 makes a small correction to the bill to ensure consistency with the terminology that is used elsewhere in section 5. It has no effect in practice.

Amendment 53 inserts the words “of greenhouse gases” after the reference to “Scottish emissions” in proposed new section 2B(2) of the 2009 act, which is inserted by section 5 of the bill. Amendment 56 inserts the same words after the reference to “Scottish emissions” in proposed new section 2C(3)(c), of the 2009 act, which is inserted by section 6 of the bill. Amendments 68, 69 and 71 insert the same words after the references to “Scottish emissions” in section 34 of the 2009 Act, which is amended by section 17 of the bill. Amendment 87 amends paragraph 5 of the schedule to the bill to insert the same words after the reference to “Scottish emissions” in section 9(2)(d) of the 2009 act.

Amendment 89 is a minor typographical amendment to paragraph 17(b)(iii) of the schedule to the bill to reflect that the amendment that is made by that provision is a substitution of text—I hope that members all grasped that particular technical amendment.

Amendment 90 amends the schedule to the bill. It substitutes “30” for “27” in subsections (2) and (3) of section 100 of the 2009 act. That is required due to the repeal of sections 27 to 29 of the 2009 act under paragraph 11 of the schedule to the bill, and it ensures that there is a correct reference.

I move amendment 51.

Amendment 51 agreed to.

11:03 Meeting suspended.  

11:16 On resuming—  

The Convener

Welcome back. I welcome Liam McArthur, who has joined us.

Amendment 52, in the name of the cabinet secretary, is grouped with amendments 95, 54, 96, 55, 98, 99, 70 and 85. I remind members that amendment 95 pre-empts amendment 54.

Roseanna Cunningham

This group of amendments relates to the fair and safe Scottish emissions budget. Section 5 sets out the target-setting criteria that ministers must request the relevant body—that is, of course, the CCC—to have regard to when providing its advice on targets, and that ministers must take into account when modifying the net zero emissions target year or an interim target percentage figure. One of the criteria is:

“the objective of not exceeding the fair and safe Scottish emissions budget”.

The bill mirrors the definition of the fair and safe Scottish emissions budget found in the 2009 act. That definition is:

“the aggregate amount of net Scottish emissions for the period 2010-2050 recommended by the relevant body as being consistent with Scotland contributing appropriately to stabilisation of greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere at a level that would prevent dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system.”

I have listened to calls from stakeholders and the committee to align that definition more closely with the Paris agreement. I have therefore lodged amendment 54, which directly links the definition of the budget to the Paris agreement global temperature aim, set out in article 2.1(a) of that agreement, of

“Holding the increase in the global average temperature to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels and pursuing efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels”.

I have also lodged amendment 55, which would require ministers to seek regular updates—at least every five years—from the CCC on the appropriate level of the budget. The budget is not set at the discretion of ministers—it is determined solely by the independent expert advice of the CCC.

Amendment 70 would require annual reports on emissions reduction targets to include information on the current level of the fair and safe Scottish emissions budget, and to set out alongside that the cumulative level of net Scottish emissions since 2010.

Amendments 52 and 85 are consequential and would ensure that the new definition would be applied throughout the updated act.

Claudia Beamish has lodged amendments 95, 96, 98 and 99, which also relate to the fair and safe emissions budget. In particular, the first of those proposes an alternative redefinition of the budget; the remainder are largely parallel to the Government amendments in the group.

I recognise the well-meaning intent of her amendments. However, our respective amendments on the definition of the budget cannot both be agreed at this time. The essential difference between them is that my amendment 54 includes the full wording of the Paris agreement global temperature aim, whereas Claudia Beamish’s amendment 95 refers to that aim in a general sense and also makes references to certain UNFCCC principles in relation to how a Scottish share of the global budget should be determined.

There are also more technical, but not unsubstantial, differences between the two sets of amendments. For example, my amendment 55 specifically requires the CCC to be asked to set out a new budget if the current one is no longer appropriate, whereas Claudia Beamish’s amendment 98 does not specify what should happen in that situation.

As I said in the debate on earlier groupings, I would be happy to work with Claudia Beamish towards achieving a sensible and effective way of reflecting considerations of climate justice and international development in the bill at stage 3. In particular, I would be happy for that work to find a suitable way to reflect the UNFCCC principles, as well as the wording of the Paris agreement temperature goal, in the definition of the fair and safe emissions budget.

On that basis, I urge Claudia Beamish not to press any of her amendments in the group and I ask members instead to support the Government’s amendments.

I move amendment 52.

Claudia Beamish

I seek clarification of the cabinet secretary’s remarks on my amendment 95 and her amendment 54, which have left me slightly confused. The amendments seem to be mutually exclusive, so I am not quite sure why she would offer to work with me on amendment 95 over the summer if I were to consider not moving it now.

Roseanna Cunningham

I am suggesting that the Government’s amendments be agreed to now, but that we have a conversation about the wording that might then be in the amended bill and whether a different amendment at stage 3 might make Ms Beamish a little happier about what is proposed.

Claudia Beamish

I thank the cabinet secretary for that clarification.

It is difficult for me to withdraw my amendment 95 at this stage, despite the offer of discussions over the summer, because it and amendment 54 mirror each other. With respect, I suggest that it might be more appropriate if amendment 54 were to be withdrawn as well, so that there could be a substantive conversation. However, I will highlight my amendment and I will take it from there.

The amendments in my name strengthen the commitment to a fair and safe Scottish emissions budget that was established by the 2009 act. That term was recognised by the committee and the Government at stage 1 as being important. My amendments are supported by Stop Climate Chaos Scotland.

Amendment 95 would improve the definition of the fair and safe emissions budget in the proposed section 2A of the 2009 act, so that it would read:

“the aggregate amount of net [zero] emissions for the period 2010 to 2050 as recommended by the relevant body as being consistent with Scotland’s share of the global emissions budget that accords with the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change principles of equity, common but differentiated responsibility and respective capabilities, to limit global temperature rise to the agreed goals of the United Nations climate agreements.”

That better reflects the “fair” element, as the existing definition considers only the “safe” element, which prevents dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system.

Amendment 96 clarifies the meaning of “global emissions budget” as calculated by the respected IPCC.

Amendment 98 adds the fair and safe emissions budget to the factors that the relevant body—the CCC—should consider in its regular advice.

Amendment 99 is about ensuring that there is regular reporting, via the CCC, on how Scotland is doing against the fair and safe emissions budget.

I welcome the cabinet secretary’s amendment 70, which adds reference to reporting on emissions reductions. I also welcome her statement at stage 1 about being open to further discussion on the definition, and the Government’s more general statement that it is “absolutely central”.

Although amendment 54, with its mention of the target of 1.5°C, is an improvement on the current drafting, the cabinet secretary’s definition does not go far enough, as it does not enshrine a commitment to recognise and act in accordance with our historic contribution to climate change by acting more quickly than developing nations.

As I came in this morning, I had a very positive conversation with members of extinction rebellion—although I do not think that it is a formal, organised membership group. In the material that they handed to me, they highlighted that we—I use that word in the global sense—

“face floods, wildfires, extreme weather, crop failure, mass migration and the breakdown of society.”

I know, from what has been reported to me by SCIAF, ActionAid and other groups, that that is not an exaggeration in any sense. I saw in my news feed last week that a village in Wales will have to be moved away from the coast in the next 20 years, so such things are happening here. We may not define that as “mass migration”, as mentioned in the leaflet, but there will be migration with serious consequences not only in the global south but here in Scotland and in Trump’s United States, sadly.

I urge members to support my definition in amendment 95, which addresses our fair share of global emissions. I was going to say that I would vote for the cabinet secretary’s amendment 54 if mine falls, but I would welcome further discussion on a wide range of the amendments ahead of stage 3 and I am interested to hear what members have to say before I make my final decision.

Roseanna Cunningham

Whatever happens today, I hope that we will be able to have a conversation about this issue further down the line. I reiterate that the committee has called for global temperature numbers to be in the bill; the Government’s amendment 54 does that but Claudia Beamish’s amendment 95 does not. The Government’s amendment fulfils the committee’s request in a way that is not done by her amendment. I ask committee members to be consistent with their requests earlier in the proceedings.

Amendment 52 agreed to.

Amendment 53 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Amendment 95 moved—[Claudia Beamish].

The Convener

I remind members that if amendment 95 is agreed to, I cannot call amendment 54. The question is, that amendment 95 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

Against

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 2, Against 5, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 95 disagreed to.

Amendment 54 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 54 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

Abstentions

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 6, Against 0, Abstentions 1.

Amendment 54 agreed to.

Amendment 96 not moved.

Section 5, as amended, agreed to.

Section 6—Duty to seek advice from the relevant body

Amendments 15, 55 and 56 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

11:30  

The Convener

Amendment 57, in the name of the cabinet secretary, is grouped with amendments 109, 72, 73, 73A, 74 and 77.

Roseanna Cunningham

I have lodged amendments 57, 72, 73, 73A, 74 and 77 in response to the committee’s stage 1 report recommendation that a defined set of chapter headings for climate change plans, aligned to international emissions classifications, should be set out in the legislation.

Amendment 73 defines that set of chapter headings, based on the chapters of the national communications submitted biannually to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. The list is:

“(a) energy supply,

(b) transport (including international aviation and shipping),

(c) business and industrial process,

(d) residential and public (in relation to buildings in those sectors),

(e) waste management,

(f) land use, land use change and forestry,

(g) agriculture.”

In essence, that list replaces the much simpler fourfold list of sectors that was set out in the 2009 act:

“(A) energy efficiency;

(B) energy generation;

(C) land use;

(D) transport.”

Amendment 77 allows ministers to modify the list of sectors introduced by amendment 73 by regulations under the affirmative procedure. That is so that, in the future, they can be updated to reflect any changes in the international emissions classifications.

To ensure that any such changes remain consistent with those classifications, a limitation is placed on the powers, such that any proposed modification

“must be consistent with international carbon reporting practice.”

That is the term that is used in the 2009 act and in the bill to refer to greenhouse gas inventories and emissions classifications.

Amendment 72 amends proposed new section 35(2)(b) of the 2009 act, which sets out that ministers should structure climate change plans around such chapters and topics as they consider appropriate. The amendment would ensure that substantive planned chapters must be included on each of the sectors set out in the list in amendment 73. Other chapters might be included on such other sectors and topics as ministers consider appropriate.

Amendment 74 means that climate change plans must set out the respective contributions made by the sectors in the list introduced by amendment 73. A further consequence of these amendments is that the associated sector-by-sector climate change plan monitoring reports will follow the same structure.

Amendment 57 is linked to new section 2C of the 2009 act, which sets out provisions in relation to seeking advice from “the relevant body”, which is the Committee on Climate Change. Again, as recommended by the committee, that duty is amended so that ministers must seek the CCC’s views on the respective contributions that each of the sectors in the list introduced by amendment 73 make towards meeting targets. That will ensure that CCC advice is provided on a comparable structure to that used in climate change plans and their associated monitoring reports.

The approach of defining a set of planned chapter headings that are directly aligned to international emissions classification schemes is in response to the request of the committee. That is why I ask Liam McArthur not to move amendment 73A. Although I am sure that it is well intentioned, the proposed change would deviate from the UNFCCC national communication categories and create issues of consistency. If amendment 73A is moved, I urge the committee to reject it, as it is contrary to the committee’s technical recommendations.

I also invite Maurice Golden not to move amendment 109. If it is moved, I urge the committee to reject it. Amendment 109 would allow sectors to be added to the current fourfold list by regulations. Such a power would be rendered unnecessary by the Government amendments in this group. The list of sectors in the legislation, as introduced by amendment 73, is comprehensive. It covers all currently reported Scottish emissions. Amendment 77 means that the list can be updated by regulations if needed. Under those circumstances, I do not see what the provision in amendment 109 would add to the legislation.

I move amendment 57.

Maurice Golden

Amendment 109 is relatively minor and technical. Its purpose is to allow the Scottish ministers to add by regulation additional sectors to the bill for the purpose of seeking advice. The amendment was developed in response to the committee’s stage 1 recommendations and ultimately provides, in a small way, a degree of flexibility going forward.

Liam McArthur (Orkney Islands) (LD)

I listened with interest to the cabinet secretary’s explanation of her amendments. Amendment 73A is an adjustment to her amendment setting out the list of sectors in broadly generic terms. The intention of my amendment would be to make certain that low-carbon heat is properly taken into account. Scottish Renewables quite rightly described renewable heat as

“the next frontier for emissions reduction and new industrial opportunities.”

For any climate change plan to be credible, it will need to take proper account of the contribution of low-carbon heat, and that is what amendment 73A seeks to ensure happens. However, as I said, I have listened to what the cabinet secretary said and I am inclined to not move amendment 73A at this stage. Perhaps I can have further discussions with the cabinet secretary ahead of stage 3 about whether there will be any possible adjustments to the amendments that she is moving today.

Claudia Beamish

It is important that the list of chapters is included, as it is recognised more widely than in Scotland. I am pleased to see that the cabinet secretary has lodged an amendment to say that it can be added to.

Although I am completely aware that textiles are part of an industrial process, it would be in one of the categories that we focus on in the future, but we do not know what other discrete categories there might be in 20 years.

Roseanna Cunningham

I do not want to say too much more. I am always happy to have further conversations and I will be happy to speak to Liam McArthur about some specifics around amendment 73A. Maurice Golden is coming from the same place as we are; we are not a million miles apart. If he wants to have a conversation about it, I am also happy to do that.

However, what we have proposed is a pretty comprehensive update of the 2009 act. Claudia Beamish makes a good point about our not having a crystal ball and not being able to predict what some of the key issues might be in 10, 15 or 20 years.

Amendment 57 agreed to.

Amendment 109 not moved.

The Convener

Amendment 58, in the name of Liam McArthur, is grouped with amendment 59.

Liam McArthur

Amendments 58 and 59 would require ministers to seek regular advice from the UKCCC on the so-called aviation multiplier, which seeks to address the fact that fossil fuel emissions, especially non-CO2 emissions, are known to have a greater impact when emitted at higher altitudes. That obviously has a bearing on emissions from aviation.

We need to ensure that the bill draws on the most up-to-date and leading-edge science when assessing how emissions contribute to global warming. Although the 2009 act already allows for an aviation multiplier, to date it has been set at one, although we know that aviation emissions have a greater impact at altitude than they do when they are closer to the earth’s surface.

Scientific understanding of those issues is now such that ministers should have confidence in using the multiplier to reflect that fact. Amendment 58 would ensure that the level of the aviation multiplier is based on the most up-to-date independent expert advice, while amendment 59 would introduce a duty on the Scottish ministers to set an aviation multiplier that is based on that advice or to explain the reasons why they have opted not to do so. That is not an unreasonable proposition and it will allow decisions to be based on best evidence and science.

Stewart Stevenson

For clarification, when the member talks about advice on the multiplier, is that advice from the UK Committee on Climate Change?

Liam McArthur

Yes, it would be from the Committee on Climate Change.

Stewart Stevenson

So it “would be” from the CCC—it is not yet available.

Liam McArthur

Yes. I welcome that point from Stewart Stevenson. It is about future proofing as best we can. The provision on the multiplier was set in the 2009 act but, for understandable reasons, ministers have been reluctant to use that in the absence of the scientific advice that is needed to underpin it.

I thank WWF Scotland for the support that it has provided with the amendments, and I thank the cabinet secretary and her officials for their constructive engagement on the issue. I look forward to hearing comments from colleagues.

I move amendment 58.

Mark Ruskell

I support amendment 58. We took a little evidence on the issue and the committee discussed how to incorporate the matter into our stage 1 report. The issue of the aviation multiplier is one of the great uncertainties in how we tackle transport emissions. The issue is concerning, but there is emerging science on it and the CCC is interested in it. We need the best scientific evidence to be factored into the way that we set targets and plan for the sector. I support amendment 58, as it would be remiss of us not to address such a critical issue in the bill.

Roseanna Cunningham

The inclusion in our targets of a fair share of emissions from international aviation and shipping is one of the reasons why Scotland has the toughest climate change target framework in the world. To date, the only other country that I am aware of as having joined us in doing so is Wales, although that was a recent announcement so the practicalities have not actually happened yet. I note that the UK Government’s recent statutory instrument to set a net zero emissions target does not add such emissions to UK targets, in spite of the CCC advising that that be done.

Returning to Scotland, I am conscious that some stakeholders are keen to ensure that there is a regular review of the technical methods by which emissions from international aviation are calculated for the purpose of reporting progress to targets. I am therefore happy to support amendments 58 and 59, which will ensure that there is a strong evidence basis, based on regular independent expert advice from the CCC, for the way in which those calculations occur.

Liam McArthur

I am conscious of the pressures of time in the committee, so I simply thank Mark Ruskell, the cabinet secretary and Stewart Stevenson for their comments and confirm that I will press amendment 58.

Amendment 58 agreed to.

The Convener

Amendment 97, in the name of Angus MacDonald, is grouped with amendment 106.

Angus MacDonald (Falkirk East) (SNP)

Amendment 97 seeks to ensure that the importance of the 1.5°C temperature target appears in the bill and that the bill backs up the statement in the committee’s stage 1 report that

“The environmental and social impacts of the difference between 1.5°C and 2°C are very significant.”

The report goes on to say:

“The Committee recommends the Bill include an explicit reference to the temperature the targets are seeking to achieve. The Committee recommends this should be 1.5°C”.

Amendment 97 would help to highlight the importance of ensuring that warming does not exceed 1.5°C, which is in line with international evidence. However, it is worth stressing that it is of particular relevance to our natural environment, where an overshoot scenario in which warming exceeded 1.5°C and temperatures then fell would create irreversible damage to biodiversity.

As I pointed out during the world environment day debate last week, we need to find solutions to the climate and nature crises. A recognition of the 1.5°C target in the bill will help with that, especially as environmental NGOs are extremely concerned about an overshoot scenario in which emissions surpass the target and then climb down. Such an overshoot will already have caused irreversible damage to our wildlife.

11:45  

With your indulgence, convener, it is worth pointing out that WWF Scotland ran a petition in support of my amendment, which was signed by 2,165 people in a short space of time. It is clear that there is public support to put the 1.5°C target in the bill.

I move amendment 97.

The Convener

Would any other members like to speak to amendment 97?

Mark Ruskell

Just briefly—I do not want to reiterate all my earlier comments about the 1.5°C target. Angus MacDonald raises a hugely important point about the overshoot scenario. I think that I heard the cabinet secretary, in evidence at stage 1, rule out such a scenario. We are actively trying to avoid that scenario, and as such we should ensure that that is in the text of the bill.

Roseanna Cunningham

I am a little puzzled. Are we going to hear about amendment 106?

The Convener

Maurice Golden appears to have left the committee, so he has given up his chance to speak to amendment 106; the amendment has not yet been moved—I hope that he will come back and make a decision on whether he wants to move it.

I ask the cabinet secretary to speak only to amendment 97, in the name of Angus MacDonald.

Roseanna Cunningham

The Government’s approach has been to link the bill’s provisions to the Paris agreement temperature goal. I recognise that, since the publication of the IPCC’s special report last year, there has quite rightly been a great focus on the element of that goal that relates to limiting global warming to a 1.5°C rise above pre-industrial levels. Amendment 97 would mean that ministers must ask for the views of the relevant body—the CCC—on the extent to which Scotland’s targets are consistent with global efforts to keep global average temperature changes to 1.5°C.

I understand Angus MacDonald’s reasons for lodging the amendment, and I am content to support it in principle. I have some minor concerns about its drafting and how the request would sit in the current framework—for example, it uses somewhat different wording from the Paris agreement. I ask Angus MacDonald not to press amendment 97 in its current form today, but I would be happy to work with him on a slightly refined version at stage 3.

The Convener

Now that Maurice Golden has returned, I would like to give him the opportunity, because I am a very nice person—

Stewart Stevenson

Hear, hear.

The Convener

Thank you. I will give him the opportunity to speak to amendment 106.

Maurice Golden

I have always thought that you were a very nice person, convener.

The Convener

That was said through gritted teeth.

Maurice Golden

No, not at all.

Amendment 106 is another relatively minor technical amendment. It proposes that Scottish ministers must, by regulations, define the word “achievable”. That would provide clarity in the bill.

The Convener

Thank you. Would the cabinet secretary like to respond to amendment 106?

Roseanna Cunningham

I am interested in Maurice Golden’s characterisation of the amendment as minor and technical. Nevertheless, I urge members to reject it, for similar reasons that apply to amendment 105, which was discussed earlier and also seeks to require ministers to legislate to define terms.

Amendment 106 seeks to require a definition of the term “achievable”. I consider the amendment to be potentially damaging to the function of the legislation, as well as unnecessary. I set out my reasons in my response to the committee’s stage 1 report. I explained that the term “achievable” is used in the particular context of seeking independent expert advice with regard to a range of specified criteria. In particular, the relevant body—the CCC—is requested to make its independent expert assessment based on the earliest achievable date for net zero emissions, with regard to the list of statutory target-setting criteria. Any attempt to define that term further would unduly constrain the CCC’s role as an independent adviser.

I strongly urge members not to support amendment 106 on the grounds that it is both unnecessary and potentially detrimental to the CCC’s independent advisory role.

Claudia Beamish

I understand the intention behind Maurice Golden’s amendment 106, but I agree with the cabinet secretary. Given that the CCC worked to a clear definition of the term “achievable”, amendment 106 might cause some confusion. What is achievable tomorrow is not the same as what will be achievable in five years, and I am worried that the use of the term “achievable” in that way might risk limiting innovation.

Angus MacDonald

I came in this morning determined to press my amendment 97 no matter what happened. However, given the cabinet secretary’s commitment to look at the wording in advance of stage 3, I am happy to not press amendment 97, in order to allow further work to be done. It remains imperative that the 1.5°C target be included in the bill.

Amendment 97, by agreement, withdrawn.

Amendments 98 and 99 not moved.

Amendment 16 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Amendment 106 not moved.

Section 6, as amended, agreed to.

Section 7 agreed to.

Section 8—Ministerial duties following request for advice

Amendments 17 to 19 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Amendment 59 moved—[Liam McArthur]—and agreed to.

Section 8, as amended, agreed to.

Section 9—Annual targets: 2021 to 2049

Amendment 20 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Amendments 40 and 41 not moved.

Amendment 21 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 21 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

Abstentions

Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 6, Against 0, Abstentions 1.

Amendment 21 agreed to.

Amendment 42 not moved.

Amendments 22 and 23 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Amendment 43 not moved.

Amendment 24 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 24 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

Abstentions

Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 6, Against 0, Abstentions 1.

Amendment 24 agreed to.

Amendment 44 not moved.

Amendment 25 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 25 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

Abstentions

Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 6, Against 0, Abstentions 1.

Amendment 25 agreed to.

Amendment 26 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Amendment 45 not moved.

Amendment 27 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Amendment 28 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham].

Amendment 28A not moved.

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 28 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

Abstentions

Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 6, Against 0, Abstentions 1.

Amendment 28 agreed to.

Amendments 29 to 31 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Section 9, as amended, agreed to.

Section 10—Annual targets: 2017, 2018 and 2019

The Convener

Amendment 60, in the name of the cabinet secretary, is grouped with amendments 61 to 63 and 66.

Roseanna Cunningham

Section 10 specifies annual targets for the purpose of reporting. The target that is set out for 2017 is a 52.4 per cent reduction; for 2018, it is a 54 per cent reduction; and, for 2019, it is a 55 per cent reduction. Those targets were included in the bill to allow the transition to the new target framework of percentage targets based on actual emissions to occur as soon as possible after the bill has been passed, and they include years that have already passed, due to the two-year lag in the availability of emissions statistics, upon which target outcomes are assessed. As such, they were only ever for the purposes of reporting. As members are aware, emissions statistics covering 2017 were published last week, and reporting on the annual target for that year occurred under the 2009 act arrangements. I made a statement to the Parliament on those matters last Wednesday.

12:00  

Due to the extension of the bill’s timetable since its introduction, it is now necessary to remove the updated percentage target for 2017 from the bill. If that does not occur, a situation will arise whereby Parliament is asked to vote at stage 3 on the level of a target for which the outcome is already known. That would clearly be nonsensical. Amendments 60 and 61 remove the annual target for the purpose of reporting for 2017. The related amendments 62, 63 and 66 ensure consistency with that change in other areas of the bill. There is no change to the targets for the purposes of reporting for 2018 and 2019. I expect the more transparent reporting regime to be in place in time for reporting on the 2018 target next June.

I move amendment 60.

Amendment 60 agreed to.

Amendment 61 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Section 10, as amended, agreed to.

Section 11 agreed to.

After section 11

The Convener

Amendment 110, in the name of Mark Ruskell, is grouped with amendments 112, 120, 121 and 123 to 125.

Mark Ruskell

This is a critical area in relation to how we are going to meet climate targets in the future, how we analyse our budgeting and how we ensure that Government moves forward together and meets targets. We took a fair amount of evidence on the subject at stage 1, and, over the past couple of years, we have heard evidence on how important the budget is in relation to meeting our climate targets and how important it is that we do not lock in emissions for generations to come, particularly through inappropriate infrastructure spending.

I applaud the Government for agreeing in the most recent budget deal to increase the percentage of infrastructure investment that is directed to low-carbon infrastructure in the annual budgets for the current session of Parliament. That is a welcome move forward. Amendment 110, on a low-carbon infrastructure target, is an attempt to strengthen that commitment by placing it in legislation to ensure that future Governments follow that approach in making long-term changes to the direction of Scotland’s infrastructure investment. Taken together with Claudia Beamish’s amendment 124, amendment 110 would help to make low-carbon projects the priority for Government.

In 2015, Scotland’s low-carbon infrastructure task force suggested that about 70 per cent of the Scottish infrastructure budget should be directed to low-carbon projects. That suggestion was based on international research findings. Amendment 110 requires ministers to set a target for low-carbon infrastructure investment. It does not specify exactly what that target should be, but there is now a consensus, perhaps even in Government, that we need to move forward on the matter and work towards a target. Amendment 110 also asks ministers to devise a methodology for doing that. The current high-to-low carbon methodology, which the committee has discussed previously, is considered a bit too simplistic. My amendment would require Government to develop and adopt a more robust method.

Amendment 112 is on reporting on emissions in Scottish public bodies’ budgets. If we are to meet the targets in the bill, one of the main challenges that we are going to face lies in holding the public sector to account. The amendment seeks to ensure that non-departmental public bodies, executive agencies and the like move forward in investing in low-carbon infrastructure and, indeed, ensure that their revenue spending is in line with the bill’s objectives. Those organisations clearly have a pivotal role to play. Their budgets require ministerial approval, and we need to know how budget decisions at a Scottish Government level affect our carbon emissions as per my amendment 120 and Claudia Beamish’s amendment 123. We also need to apply the same logic to the organisations that are identified in amendment 112, which would help to support those Government objectives.

If we want a proper response to the climate emergency, no part of the public sector can be exempt. We heard interesting evidence in committee from public bodies, particularly the national health service, about how they are starting to move carbon accounting and thinking much more centre stage. There is, of course, also the opportunity to reduce cost, and the savings could be reinvested in front-line public services. Therefore, we would improve the quality of public services by cutting some of the waste. When I was a councillor at Stirling Council, I pushed very hard for investment in low-energy lighting infrastructure. That saved the council hundreds of thousands of pounds a year, and that money could be reinvested in front-line public services.

Amendment 120, on predicted net emissions in the Scottish budget, would add national requirements to the information presented in the carbon assessment that accompanies the annual budget. Under section 94 of the 2009 act, the Government is required to report annually on the indirect emissions from Government spending. At the time, those were considered to be “second-round” emissions such as the emissions that would arise from an increase in cars across a bridge or the savings from investment in insulation in housing stock. However, in practice, that meaning has been lost. My amendment would require that spending lines in the budget down to level 2 report on forecast emissions that would arise in future financial years from spending in the financial year under consideration. We need to get to grips with that issue—it is important that we do not lock in emissions for generations to come.

Amendment 121 attempts to give us a better understanding of the carbon emissions associated with the budget and the split of emissions between capital and revenue spending. The carbon assessment that accompanies the budget document does not break down whether emissions arise from capital or revenue spending. Amendment 121 would require that, for each portfolio, the level of emissions from capital and revenue spending be reported. Amendment 121 also ties in with amendment 110, on low-carbon infrastructure. If we see that the bulk of the emissions arise from capital spending, we will know that changes need to be made to our infrastructure investment, which could facilitate the huge behavioural changes that we need if we are to meet the bill’s objectives.

I move amendment 110.

Claudia Beamish

Amendment 123 is designed to allow Parliament to conduct better scrutiny of the Scottish Government’s budget proposals and to require the Government to take more direct account of the carbon impact when preparing those budgets. The existing section 94 of the 2009 act is a looser requirement than the one that amendment 123 would place on the Scottish ministers, although the detailed tables that the Government publishes as part of the carbon assessment go beyond the requirements in that section.

Amendment 123 would make three changes. It would put on a statutory footing the requirement to set out the carbon impact of budget proposals down to level 2 detail; it would require ministers to show how each budget line had changed since the previous year—that information is not currently provided by the Government’s carbon assessment; and it would require ministers to set out how those changes would help Scotland to meet or exceed the targets set elsewhere in the legislation. If we want to be a world leader in practice as well as in aspiration, we need to go beyond having the targets and have the mechanisms by which we can meet them and be seen to meet them. The use of financial resources in any one year will be hugely important in our emissions reduction progress. Amendment 123 would increase scrutiny of that process by any future Government and, in my view, would truly bring climate change out of the silo and into all portfolios.

Amendment 124 is designed to improve the scrutiny of infrastructure investment plans in relation to our climate change targets. It places a duty on ministers to lay before Parliament a document

“setting out the direct and indirect impact on ... emissions”

from those infrastructure investments and how those investments are consistent with our climate change targets. I stress that that includes their indirect impact on emissions. Amendment 124 also adds the option for ministers, by regulation, to appoint a person who can carry out that assessment on their behalf, as some independence may be beneficial and sophisticated methodologies may be required. That is just a possible option.

Scotland’s low-carbon infrastructure task force, which was convened by WWF in 2015, found that to be compatible with the global low-carbon investment scenario, which is aligned with the goal of keeping global warming below 2°C and would require a minimum of 72 per cent of public infrastructure investment to be directed into low-carbon projects. I stress that we are now looking to keep global warming below 1.5°C. In relation to the Scottish Government’s direct infrastructure investments in its 2018-19 budget, the task force found that, although the proportion of spending on low-carbon infrastructure was increasing year on year—which is what the Government had committed to—low-carbon investment still accounted for only 29 per cent of the Scottish Government’s total capital spend. Current levels of investment in low-carbon infrastructure fall short of meeting current climate change requirements, let alone the more exacting emissions reduction targets that will be set in the bill.

I raised those themes at stage 2 of the Planning (Scotland) Bill, and I was pleased to hear the minister for planning suggest the climate change bill as an alternative place for innovative ideas such as this one. Amendment 124 would mean that infrastructure projects would be properly scrutinised against our emissions reduction targets, focusing minds on infrastructure that would serve us well into a net-zero future. Scrutiny of the alignment of the Scottish Government’s infrastructure plans with climate change targets needs to be improved, and I urge members to support amendment 124.

Amendment 125 continues that level of scrutiny in relation to the introduction of bills and the laying of Scottish statutory instruments. It would require

“an estimate of the ... emissions resulting from”

any bill in the first five years after royal assent or any SSI in the first five years after it came into force and each bill or SSI’s

“contribution to meeting or exceeding the emission reduction targets”.

I support Mark Ruskell’s amendments 110 and 112. I particularly want to focus on them because, in the previous parliamentary session, I represented the Rural Affairs, Climate Change and Environment Committee on the then public sector climate leaders forum. Public bodies make fundamental contributions in this area, and, although public sector duties are, as we know, already mandatory, the provisions in amendments 110 and 112 would clearly set out and give guidance on how the proposed use of resources would help or hinder the situation.

On amendment 121, I note that revenue is important, as well as capital spend.

Stewart Stevenson

I will not engage with the policy issues; rather, I will focus on how the amendments are constructed.

In Mark Ruskell’s amendment 110, the phrase “low-carbon projects” is used in proposed section 8A(1)(a). I guess that I know what that means, but I am not sure that the legal system does. In other words, we would need a definition of “low-carbon projects”. It may well be that there is a definition somewhere that I have not seen, but the amendment would not take us anywhere if the phrase is not defined.

I do not know what “international carbon reporting practice” means in proposed subsection (3)(1B) in amendment 120. It might be a sideways reference to the international inventories, which are clear, unambiguous and defined, but I am not sure that “international carbon reporting practice” is defined. In accounting, there are the international financial reporting standards, but I do not think that there is anything with the same degree of objectivity and certainty for this area, so I have a wee issue with that.

12:15  

I have bigger issues with amendments 121 and 123, which make reference to the

“indirect impact on greenhouse gas emissions”.

I simply do not know what that is supposed to mean. It seems to me that that is likely to carry with it a substantial risk of double counting, because it can only be saying that we should include in portfolio area A effects that arise as a result of action in portfolio area A that occur in portfolio area B, where they should properly be reported. Thus, they would be reported in portfolio areas A and B, unless I misunderstand what is implied by “indirect impact”.

I can see the analogy with second and third-level effects in economic terms. For example, when the fishing fleet in the north-east of Scotland shrank, a third-level effect was that half of the butchers’ shops closed.

On amendment 125, it is worth considering how many statutory instruments we progress. When I was a minister, I was responsible for 132 statutory instruments, some of which were very substantial while others were of breathtaking triviality. There is a great corpus of statutory instruments that have no effect whatsoever, and I think that the way in which amendment 125 is constructed means that the duty that it would impose would be unduly onerous. The amendment refers to statutory instruments, but I wonder whether the 11 other types of instruments should be included, such as acts of sederunt, which could have an impact in this context. Again, I am not sure about the definition.

John Scott

I will be brief. I support amendments 112 and 124 in principle. They advocate the principle that public bodies should assess how their use of resources contributes to meeting the emissions reduction targets. The amendments would not necessarily bind public bodies, but they would focus their attention on the use of resources, with a view to reducing emissions. There might be a more elegant way of delivering the same end. From what has been said, I am not entirely sure whether the language and the drafting are as they might be, but I think that the principle is worth supporting.

Roseanna Cunningham

I am sympathetic to Mark Ruskell’s amendment 110 and Claudia Beamish’s amendment 124, given the importance of infrastructure decisions in relation to tackling climate change, but there are limitations to the current methodologies for assessing the impact of infrastructure spend and decisions on emissions.

My concern about amendment 110 as it is currently drafted is that annual percentage of spend does not provide an accurate reflection of investment profile, does not capture the full range of low-carbon infrastructure investment and does not reflect the private sector investment that will be required.

The current methodology is a very blunt tool that categorises broad areas of spend as low, neutral or high from the point of view of carbon impact. Any investment in roads is categorised as “high” regardless of any detail, such as how well the road supports ultra-low-emission vehicles or how a new road could reduce journey length and thus emissions. Similarly, all investment in schools and hospitals is categorised as “neutral”. Therefore, if we built an energy-efficient and low-carbon school or hospital that was carefully designed to use only renewable energy and to encourage and enable low-carbon behaviours, although that investment would be important for a net zero country, it would not be recognised as low-carbon infrastructure spend. I would be very concerned if the current approach was put into primary legislation, as that would prevent us from developing a more sophisticated and more helpful methodology of the kind that is needed to address those shortcomings.

For the same reason, amendment 124 concerns me. Work is needed to develop a suitable methodology for assessing the impact of infrastructure spend and decisions on climate change, and it is important for the long-term outcomes that we are all trying to achieve that that can be done properly.

To be clear, I whole-heartedly agree that the links between infrastructure decisions and greenhouse gas emissions need to be carefully analysed and understood. I invite Mark Ruskell not to press amendment 110 and Claudia Beamish not to move amendment 124 at this time, and to work with the Government to bring an amendment at stage 3 that will more effectively deliver the sought outcomes.

On amendment 112, again, I am very sympathetic. Public bodies have a vital role to play in responding to the global climate emergency and I am content in principle with the proposal that ministers should be satisfied that public bodies are contributing to reduced emissions prior to their agreeing resources. I would like to take the opportunity to work with Mark Ruskell to refine the wording and to bring back an amendment at stage 3. My intention here is only to ensure that the final agreed wording is proportionate to the differing remits, needs and scales of our public bodies and, crucially, drives the delivery of the positive actions and outcomes that we expect from all our public bodies.

Amendments 120, 121 and 123 all seek to improve upon the requirements of section 94 of the current 2009 act. Again, I am sympathetic to the desire to improve that section. The carbon assessment of the budget is produced every year but, to the best of my understanding, is not used by the Parliament in its scrutiny process. The reason for that relates to amendments that were made to the bill in 2008 that were without a sufficient understanding of what information exists in relation to both budgets and emission projections—I guess that that is a cautionary tale. It is quite simply not possible to produce a carbon assessment of the budget that would achieve all the aims that are sought here, and the proposed amendments would not change that fact. Endeavouring to produce the documents that the amendments would require would pose a wholly disproportionate administrative burden on the Scottish Government, and it is extremely unlikely that the resulting documents would be of value. Therefore, I strongly urge Mark Ruskell and Claudia Beamish not to press the amendments.

Should that be agreeable to the committee, the Scottish Government would be willing to commit to working with the Parliament and stakeholders to review the current processes and outputs around budget information as it relates to climate change. Such a review would aim to identify feasible steps to deliver meaningful improvements in cross-portfolio processes and transparency. The review would also need to cover the role of the climate change plan monitoring reports. Should the committee wish to pursue that course, I would also ask that Mark Ruskell not press amendment 147 when it arises in a later group. To be clear, I am offering a review of the current processes and outputs, which has also been discussed with the finance minister.

Amendment 125, in the name of Claudia Beamish, would require ministers to assess the impact of any legislation on greenhouse gas emissions. In the context of a global climate emergency, that is exactly what we should be doing. However, a legislative requirement already exists. The Environmental Assessment (Scotland) Act 2005 requires that any policy or proposal that is likely to have a significant environmental impact should be subject to a strategic environmental assessment, and that those assessments, where relevant, include elements that are likely to impact on climate change.

It is right that only those policies that are likely to have a climate impact are subject to assessment. The aspect of amendment 125 that most concerns me is that every piece of legislation, including those that could not feasibly have any emissions impact, would require the additional piece of bureaucracy. I suspect that that was not Claudia Beamish’s intention.

Instead of creating additional bureaucracy and overlapping legislative requirements, the Scottish Government offers to review the way in which environmental assessments address climate issues, in particular communication of the impacts, building on guidance that the Scottish Environment Protection Agency produced in 2010, which looked closely at climatic factors in strategic environmental assessments. Improving our existing processes and making existing statutory requirements work better would be a preferable way of ensuring that proper consideration is given to climate change across all of Government. I would be happy to work with Claudia Beamish on that.

The Convener

I invite Mark Ruskell to wind up and to press or withdraw his amendment.

Mark Ruskell

That was a very positive exchange all round. Everybody on the committee and the cabinet secretary agree that we should align the objectives of the bill with our financial plans and spending. That is a really big step forward for this Parliament.

The questions are around the detail and the methodologies. In my opening comments, I acknowledged the issues around the current methodology of assessing carbon impact as high, neutral or low, which is why my amendment keeps it open to develop that methodology. Stewart Stevenson welcomed the minutiae of the analysis, and, as the member who put forward the 2009 bill, he will be aware that it has not really had its intended effect. The carbon assessment is much more focused on the upstream effect—the carbon impact of the supply chain through spending—rather than the downstream or second-round effect of usage, infrastructure and spending, as that comes through. We have to find a way to get better at forecasting the impact of our budget decisions. We do it all the time with environmental impact assessments of infrastructure projects, so we should be applying that approach to our budget much more.

On that basis, I am happy to continue the discussion over the summer to see where we get to. I appreciate Derek Mackay’s engagement too. I still believe that this bill needs to fix what did not work in the 2009 act. I am interested in discussing approaches outside legislation that might be committed to, and I will take up the cabinet secretary’s offer to enter into discussions—with Ms Beamish, I hope, too, if she is around over the summer.

The Convener

Gosh.

Amendment 110, by agreement, withdrawn.

The Convener

Amendment 111, in the name of Alexander Burnett, is in a group of its own.

Alexander Burnett (Aberdeenshire West) (Con)

I ask members to note my entry in the register of members’ interests regarding housing.

I have liaised with many organisations and constituents on the bill, and I am pleased to be here to speak to amendment 111, which seeks to improve housing emissions across Scotland.

Members will be aware that I have been working for many months to improve homes across Scotland to at least an energy performance certificate C by 2030. Stop Climate Chaos Scotland has long supported a 2030 target for improving the energy efficiency of all existing homes.

By increasing the scale and pace of Scotland’s domestic energy efficiency programmes, the target would see climate emissions from homes cut more quickly and would give proper effect to the 2015 designation of energy efficiency as a national infrastructure project. The Scottish Government’s “Energy Efficient Scotland” route map sets an all-homes target of 2040, but we believe that there could be a more efficient timeline for our aim to reduce carbon emissions.

We have already managed to successfully introduce interim targets, before 2040, into the Fuel Poverty (Targets, Definition and Strategy) (Scotland) Bill. The Scottish Government is currently consulting on an earlier target date, as the Parliament voted in favour of my amendment proposing a 2030 target date.

Emerging evidence from the Existing Homes Alliance suggests that an accelerated programme can be delivered in response to the climate emergency if firms in the supply chain are given a clear direction and support to expand their skills base.

Although the wording of my amendment does not immediately reflect the EPC C objective, I understand that an amendment of that nature would be technically out of the scope of the bill. Members should note that WWF Scotland, Unison Scotland, Stop Climate Chaos Scotland and the Existing Homes Alliance were among the organisations that, in their evidence at stage 1, called for an objective of supporting all homes to reach at least an EPC C.

I encourage MSPs to vote for my amendment and to require the Scottish Government to return at stage 3 with more appropriate wording to give a legislative basis to the energy efficient Scotland programme.

I move amendment 111.

Stewart Stevenson

I am in favour of sectoral plans, but I am strongly opposed to sectoral targets, because to make the fastest progress towards our overall targets, we must choose actions that give us the quickest and most effective returns on our efforts.

If we set sectoral targets that prioritise one sector over another and if we legislate to say that action must be taken on housing, the risk is that the opportunity that is before us at a particular time to deliver a much bigger benefit for the same expenditure and effort is in another sector, such as transport. That is why targets by sector make things worse, not better. However, plans are needed.

12:30  

I absolutely support what amendment 111 is trying to achieve, because there is significant potential to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from housing and buildings more generally. However, the EPC banding system is poor, particularly for many rural dwellings, where putting in some things on the tick list that requires to be completed to achieve band C is impossible. The house in which I live has walls that are a couple of feet thick, which provide the most ferociously effective insulation from the outside weather and prevent the loss of heat from the house but do not meet the tick list for band C, so we will never achieve that band. We need something that measures the actual efficiency of houses rather than relying on a tick-box list, but that is a broader issue that we are not solving in the bill.

My key point is yes to strong resourced plans but no to targets by sector.

The Convener

I call Claudia Beamish.

Claudia Beamish

Thank you—I did not realise that I would get a chance to speak again.

The Convener

We are on amendment 111.

Claudia Beamish

I was hoping to respond to points about my previous amendments; I do not know whether I will have that opportunity.

The Convener

Those amendments are not being discussed at the moment. Do you want to speak to amendment 111?

Claudia Beamish

No, thank you.

Roseanna Cunningham

I assure Alexander Burnett that the Scottish Government is taking forward plans to set ambitious and realistic targets to improve the energy efficiency of all Scottish buildings and to tackle fuel poverty. Through the “Energy Efficient Scotland” route map, we have set out a clear framework of standards. By 2040, the energy efficient Scotland programme will have transformed our buildings so that they are warmer, greener and more efficient.

However, I cannot support amendment 111, from Alexander Burnett, and I urge the committee to reject it. As part of its response to the committee’s stage 1 report, the Scottish Government set out in detail the reasons why setting sector-specific emissions targets is not desirable. I will summarise those reasons.

The existing statutory framework of economy-wide emissions reduction targets provides the necessary flexibility to respond to changing circumstances, particularly as new technologies develop. As we cannot predict accurately the costs, advances or timescales for all the technologies that might be involved, sectoral targets could result in the cost of reaching climate change targets being greater than it might be if there were more flexibility about each sector’s contribution.

It is therefore important to keep the balance of sectoral effort under regular review. The packages of policies and proposals across all sectors, including housing, that will be set out at least every five years through statutory climate change plans will provide the right place to do that. As the committee noted in its report, the bill adds a sector-by-sector approach to annual monitoring of the delivery of climate change plans. I have committed to updating the current climate change plan within six months of the bill receiving royal assent, and we are looking across our range of responsibilities to ensure that we continue with the policies that are working and that we increase action where that is necessary.

Setting sector-specific emissions targets would necessarily pose challenges in how effort and emissions reductions were classified between sectors. Many measures cut across sectors—for example, energy-efficiency measures contribute to reducing emissions from the energy supply and from residential and public sector buildings. There are multiple interconnections between sectors, and we are concerned that sectoral targets could make those substantially more difficult to factor in, to the potential detriment of overall success. What is most important is that all of Scotland pulls together to tackle this crucial global issue.

I also note that the present amendment 111 proposes an emissions target only for the housing sector, which amounts to singling out one sector for additional duties. It is not clear why that should be done. Buildings represent a significant source of emissions in Scotland but not the largest source. I also note that the Fuel Poverty (Target, Definition and Strategy) (Scotland) Bill has passed stage 3, setting a target date of 2040 to eradicate fuel poverty. Amendment 111 carries the risk of leading to potentially contradictory statutory targets across the two pieces of legislation. For all those reasons, I urge the committee to reject amendment 111.

Alexander Burnett

I thank the Labour Party and the Green Party for their previous support for similar amendments around the EPCs and similar amendments in the Fuel Poverty (Target, Definition and Strategy) (Scotland) Bill. I welcome the support of the cabinet secretary and Stewart Stevenson for planning in general and their recognition of the importance of the sector. Although it is not part of this amendment, I also acknowledge Stewart Stevenson’s criticism of the EPC. However, I hope that everybody will see that amendment 111 is a minimum for improvements and not a cap.

I press amendment 111.

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 111 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)

Against

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 3, Against 4, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 111 disagreed to.

Section 12—Publication of targets

Amendments 32, 33, 62 and 34 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Section 12, as amended, agreed to.

12:37 Meeting suspended.  

12:53 On resuming—  

After section 12

Amendment 112 not moved.

Section 13—Net Scottish emissions account: restriction on use of carbon units

Amendment 63 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Section 13, as amended, agreed to.

Section 14—Permitted use of carbon units purchased by the Scottish Ministers

The Convener

Amendment 64, in the name of Angus MacDonald, is grouped with amendment 65.

Angus MacDonald

I lodged amendments 64 and 65 in order to meet the recommendations in our committee’s stage 1 report that any future regulations seeking Parliament’s agreement to use of carbon credits as a way of meeting climate change targets should be subject to an enhanced affirmative procedure. At this point, I thank the Government for its assistance in preparing the amendments.

Section 14 will introduce a new section 13A to the 2009 act, setting a limit of zero for use of carbon units but allowing regulations to raise that limit. As committee colleagues are aware, the cabinet secretary has stated that the Government’s policy is not to use carbon credits.

Section 97 of the 2009 act sets out an enhanced pre-laying procedure for certain regulation-making powers under that act—for example, in relation to a deposit return scheme. Amendment 65 ensures that the regulation-making power in proposed new section 13A of the 2009 act, which relates to carbon credits, will come under the same enhanced procedure.

That means that the following requirements will apply. An initial draft set of regulations must be laid in Parliament and consulted upon over a representation period of at least 90 days, including at least 30 sitting days. Ministers will have to have regard to any representations that are made to them during the representation period, including any parliamentary resolution or report and, when the draft regulations are subsequently laid in Parliament, ministers must lay a statement setting out details of any representations, resolutions or reports and any changes that have been made in response.

My amendments 64 and 65 retain from the provisions that are set out in the bill an additional safeguard to ensure that it will be made clear whether the proposals in any such regulations are consistent with up-to-date advice from the Committee on Climate Change.

Amendment 64 is consequential to amendment 65 and will remove subsection (5) from proposed new section 13A of the 2009 act, as inserted by section 14 of the bill. That provision would have required ministers to publish a statement alongside the regulations. Such a provision will now be made under the amended section 97 of the 2009 act.

The amendments will ensure a very strong level of scrutiny, as was called for by the committee, should any future Government seek to raise the permitted level for use of carbon credits from the default position of zero.

I move amendment 64.

Roseanna Cunningham

As the committee is aware, the Government’s policy is that Scotland’s emissions reduction targets should be met through domestic effort alone, without use of carbon credits. We have been absolutely clear on that. The bill establishes a statutory default limit of zero on use of credits for all future target years. Nonetheless, the advice from the Committee on Climate Change has been that we should retain a limited ability to use credits in the future, should circumstances change, so we have allowed for that possibility in the bill, subject to the CCC so advising and Parliament agreeing to regulations under affirmative procedure. That means that Parliament’s explicit approval will be needed for any proposed increase in the limit from zero.

The Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee has asked for even higher scrutiny for any such regulations. As I said in my letter last week, I am content to support Angus MacDonald’s amendments 64 and 65. They require any such regulations to be subject to an enhanced pre-laying procedure, which is already defined in the 2009 act. I hope that that provides the committee with full assurance that any change in Scotland’s approach to meeting its climate targets under a future Government will be carefully scrutinised.

Amendment 64 agreed to.

Amendment 65 moved—[Angus MacDonald]—and agreed to.

Section 14, as amended, agreed to.

Section 15 agreed to.

After section 15

The Convener

Amendment 113, in the name of Claudia Beamish, is grouped with amendments 113A, 114, 115, 141, 75, 143 to 146, 150, 151, 83, 86 and 154. I remind members that, in the light of the Presiding Officer’s determination on the costs associated with amendments 113 and 114, the amendments can be moved and debated, but the questions on them cannot be put.

Claudia Beamish has had to step out, so Mark Ruskell has agreed to step into her shoes, briefly.

Mark Ruskell

Amendments in the group, including amendments in my name, concern the establishment of a just transition commission, so I will get started on that.

Amendments 113 and 114 would establish in statute a just transition commission, and would put in place a range of planning, reporting and consulting processes. They are aimed at integrating the just transition with the bill’s existing processes.

13:00  

The commission would, in addition, have the power to

“publish ... reports, as it considers appropriate”,

in relation to its functions and the just transition principles, and it would also publish an annual report.

As committee members know, we believe strongly that a just transition is an imperative in every response to climate change, and should be at the core of all actions. The bill was introduced as a direct response to the Paris agreement; of course, the Paris agreement requires parties to increase action to reduce emissions while

“Taking into account the imperatives of a just transition of the workforce and the creation of decent work and quality jobs”.

The vital importance of the just transition approach to realising the transformation to a low-carbon economy and net zero emissions has been recognised in the establishment of the current just transition commission. I welcome its work and I congratulate the Scottish Government on setting it up. However, its two-year term is not sufficient to enable it to contribute adequately to assisting ministers to deliver on the targets in the bill, or to respond properly to the climate emergency. We all know that there is a need for urgent action in the coming decade, and then for further action continuing onwards to 2045.

I want the bill to enshrine just transition processes in a meaningful and long-term way. Doing so will also help with regard to generating and maintaining public support for the action that will be required in order to meet the targets. Workers across a range of sectors who are worried about their jobs, communities that will be affected, and the young people who are striking for their future all want to know that we recognise their fears and concerns, and that we will ensure that the transition is fair for all. A statutory long-term commission for the duration of the target periods in the bill would be a practical and, in our view, absolutely necessary demonstration of commitment to the just transition.

Advice from an independent body on implementing the transition is something that we have all welcomed. Trade unions—through the Scottish Trades Union Congress—and environment groups, working together through the JTC partnership have argued for a statutory just transition commission, which is what amendments in the group seek to establish. Stop Climate Chaos supports the proposal, and I know that many people across the country are watching today to see whether the committee supports the amendments.

If we are to create fair and high-value work, and deliver socially and environmentally sustainable jobs while meeting our targets, planning will be key, and expert advice on how to do that, delivered in an on-going robust and helpful way, will be fundamental, regardless of who is in Government.

The Scottish Government suggests that putting the transition reporting in the climate plan will be sufficient for the longer-term action, but we disagree, and see a clear need to build on the work of the existing commission. However, the amendments would not affect the work of Professor Jim Skea and his colleagues. It will be feasible to transition from the existing commission, when it reports at the end of the two years, to the new statutory commission. We have the example of the poverty and inequality commission in that regard, with the Public Services Reform (Poverty and Inequality Commission) (Scotland) Order 2018 that will come into effect on 1 July this year. The Scottish Land Commission—the appointment of whose members this committee approved, so you will be aware of what I am saying—also sets a confidence-building precedent.

The JTC would have to have regard to the principles that are listed in amendments on climate justice and the just transition, with regard to creating quality jobs, protecting the rights of the workforce in affected communities, enhancing social justice while sharing the costs and rewards fairly, and engaging workers, their unions and employers with the plans that are needed for a just transition. I commend those principles to the committee. The functions seek to ensure that the commission would be enabled to deliver on those principles by providing crucial advice to ministers, by having important reporting duties and powers to ensure the best possible advice for a just transition in which the costs and rewards are shared fairly, and by reporting on measures that are put in place to ensure that the livelihoods of workers and communities are protected and social equity is enhanced.

Would Claudia Beamish like to speak to the other amendments?

Claudia Beamish

Perhaps I can deal with the ones at the bottom of the page, with the convener’s agreement. I apologise for having to go, but I had a—

The Convener

You will have the opportunity to wind up, so perhaps you can pick up on those issues then.

I ask Mark Ruskell to move—

Claudia Beamish

I am sorry, convener—there is more to say.

The Convener

Oh, is there? Okay.

Claudia Beamish

That is what I was saying. When Mark Ruskell gets to the bottom of this page of notes, with your agreement, I will continue to speak to the amendments.

The Convener

I see. At an appropriate point, Mark Ruskell can hand over to Claudia Beamish, and she can finish off.

Mark Ruskell

Okay; it is a double act today.

A just transition commission could assist the Scottish Government in overcoming barriers to change, and in engaging workers, trade unions, businesses, the public sector and wider civic society in active participation. It would also be important that the commission be able, with relevant organisations, to conduct research and to advocate for the adoption of measures to support the just transition.

We have included provisions on procurement, which would be extremely helpful in preventing the kind of betrayal that happened to the Burntisland Fabrications workforce. Those provisions would support our renewables industry and ensure that quality jobs were created in Scotland, thereby helping to ensure that individuals and communities would not be left behind. Fife is ready for renewal, and we must ensure that Scotland as a whole is ready, too. We must respond today to the demands of the workers, the communities and trade unions and environment groups who come together to demand a just transition for the benefit of everyone.

Claudia Beamish

I extend my thanks to Mark Ruskell. This is a double act, and perhaps rightly so. Amendments 113 and 114 happen to be in my name, but we are both—our parties and us as individuals—committed to the just transition.

Late last year, when the cabinet secretary announced the appointment of Professor Jim Skea as chair of the current commission, she said that it was important that

“no-one gets left behind as the employment landscape shifts.”

Putting the commission on a statutory footing is a major building block in our delivering on that commitment.

I will highlight the financial issues. Members will know that the Presiding Officer has ruled that amendments 113 and 114, which would establish the commission, would go beyond the costing of the bill and would, it is estimated, cost more than £700,000 in the longer term. The Scottish Government voted to “give consideration” to a statutory commission, so it is disappointing that the cost rules that out today, although I respect that that is where we are because there is not a financial resolution. I strongly request that the Scottish Government and the cabinet secretary commit today to publishing a financial resolution to the bill ahead of stage 3, which there is, fortunately, ample time to do.

We know that the cost of inaction far outweighs the cost of action on the issue of fairness, and the estimated cost would not be excessive for the kind of commission that is required. I would appreciate the cabinet secretary reviewing her approach on a long-term statutory commission in that context. The commission is very much needed to ensure that we deal with the climate emergency in a fair way. In my view, it would be money well spent.

Amendment 114 makes further provision for the commission. On membership, it would require that one member should

“be a nominee of the trade union movement”.

That is the case with the existing commission. It makes sense to continue the provision, given the important role that trade unions play in making the case for a just transition internationally, as they have done for many years, and given the importance of involving workers in plans for the just transition in Scotland specifically.

Amendment 114 also asks that one member

“be a representative with experience ... of ecological and environmental matters.”

Again, that is the case with the existing commission. The commission as a whole should, as one would expect, have

“experience in or knowledge of ... the formulation, implementation and evaluation of policies relating to the environment and climate change”

and

“to the economy, industrial transition and social inclusion.”

Amendment 113 would establish the commission, and amendment 114 would make further provision for it in schedule 3. The other amendments in the group speak to the invaluable advice and monitoring that the commission would be in a position to provide over the longer term.

Taken together, the amendments would ensure a robust process whereby ministers must consult the commission in relation to emissions target reports, climate plans and annual progress reports. They specify how accordance with the just transition principles should be integral to climate planning and annual progress reports, and how those reports should include the views of the commission.

Amendment 151 would ensure that the Scottish ministers consult the commission when they prepare a climate change annual report. Amendment 115 would require that

“Ministers must consult the Commission”

in preparing a report on emissions reduction targets.

Amendment 141 states:

“The plan must also set out ... with reference to the climate justice principles ... how the proposals and policies ... in the plan are expected to affect different sectors of the ... economy and”

—importantly—

“different regions, including any effect on employment”.

The plan should also set out

“the measures that will be put in place to support the transition of the workforce and related communities”

in affected sectors and regions, as well as

“the investment needed to implement the proposals and policies set out in the plan and the anticipated sources of the investment.”

Amendment 143 would ensure that ministers must consult the proposed commission before preparing a climate change plan. Its advice would be crucial to integrating the just transition into all that we do to meet the targets.

We would need ministers to take account of the proposed commission’s advice: amendment 144 would ensure that ministers do so and that the statement that lays the plan before the Scottish Parliament would set out details of the views of the commission and changes, if any, that have been made as a response and the reasons for such changes.

Amendment 150 would ensure that the annual progress reports that cover each substantive chapter of the most recent climate change plan must include the views of the commission. Those are all crucial parts of monitoring progress justly.

Amendment 154 would add the establishment of the just transition commission to the long title of the bill.

Let us all consider support—not today but leading to stage 3—for net zero emissions in Scotland being underpinned by the thrust of the amendments, which are supported by the just transition partnership including a range of unions and non-governmental organisations, Stop Climate Chaos Scotland, the STUC and many more people across Scotland.

I move amendment 113.

Mark Ruskell

Amendment 113A is part of a set of amendments for which the framework has already been introduced. It establishes a citizens assembly, for which many hundreds of people outside Parliament today are calling, as members are aware. It is about the heart of democracy and ensuring that we will take people with us on the very difficult journey that we will have to make, with massive behavioural change and controversial decisions to be made about our society.

Excellent work has been done in Scotland to engage with the wider population. This committee engaged with recent citizens jury work, which has been very positive—I am sure that it will report in due course. A citizens assembly will be extremely important, by taking some of the harder choices that we will have to make out to ordinary people, so that they can consider the options and think about how to make the changes.

We do not want a response to climate crisis that will result in a gilets jaunes-type movement. We have to take people with us—workers, communities and citizens more widely. The concept of a citizens assembly is good; the First Minister has reflected on it with regard to our future constitutional decisions in Scotland and it is being used in many other global contexts. For the climate crisis, we need to understand the views of citizens and how they may react to some of the hard choices that will be required.

Amendments 145 and 146 are to ensure that the climate plan covers the just transition issue, so that it would be integral to the way in which we plan and report on our progress on tackling the climate emergency.

I move amendment 113A.

Roseanna Cunningham

I will begin by describing the Government’s amendments to place internationally recognised just transition principles in the bill. Scotland’s transition to net zero must be just and fair to everyone. To ensure that the concept of just transition will be at the heart of future climate change plans, I have lodged amendments 75, 83 and 86.

Amendment 83 sets out the just transition principles. Although there is not a universally accepted single definition of “just transition”, the principles that are contained in the amendment are an accurate reflection of International Labour Organization principles as they apply in the Scottish context. Such principles were, of course, agreed by the Parliament as the right ones for Scotland following January’s debate on just transition.

13:15  

Ministers may modify the principles by secondary legislation as provided for in amendment 83. The regulations will be subject to the affirmative procedure, so Parliament will have to explicitly agree any changes.

It is important that the just transition principles have a clear application in practice. Amendment 75 therefore requires ministers to have regard to the principles in preparing climate change plans. It also imposes a duty on ministers to set out how the just transition principles were taken into account in preparing the plan.

Finally, amendment 86 is a minor amendment to insert the definition of principles into the interpretation section of the 2009 act.

I now turn to Claudia Beamish’s suite of amendments to establish a statutory just transition commission. At the outset, I emphasise that there is already an active non-statutory commission, to which others have referred, undertaking this important work in Scotland. The commission will be providing practical advice by early 2021.

The Government has been carefully considering the establishment of a just transition commission on a statutory footing, and exploring ideas with stakeholders. However, it remains unclear what additional value would be gained by establishing a body on a statutory basis.

Although the committee will not be voting on amendments 113 and 114 today, I thought that it would be worth setting out my position on the set of proposals for a statutory commission. First, I am not persuaded that a commission would need body corporate status to be effective. I further note that such an approach has likely been a factor in the significant cost estimates that the Parliament has arrived at.

The Parliament’s estimates and our estimates are not exactly the same, but I need to make members understand that those are annual costs. The cost is not for a one-off set-up; it is the annual cost for running a statutorily-based just transition commission. The estimated annual cost is significantly greater than the current Scottish Government contribution to the CCC’s costs.

Secondly, I am not sure that I see the value of adding a specific duty for the commission to consult a citizens assembly. The current commission is already working across the country, engaging with those who are likely to affect and be affected by the transition. We have ensured that dialogue and engagement are crucial to the current commission’s remit. Amendment 113 would provide for an extremely broad role for the proposed commission, including functions that are already delivered by the CCC and others that are delivered by the Government or the Parliament.

I hope that Claudia Beamish will not move the other amendments in the group that are directly associated with the establishment of the proposed commission, given that it cannot be voted on today.

I see merit in amendment 141, in the name of Claudia Beamish, to require climate change plans to include assessments of how the policies and proposals to reduce emissions will affect matters relating to a just transition. There is a degree of overlap between it and amendment 75. I have some concerns about aspects of amendment 141 as drafted, but I appreciate the desire for more specific reporting requirements in this space. If Claudia Beamish would be content not to move amendment 141, I would be pleased to work with her over the summer to bring back some elements of it in a revised form for stage 3. However, I could not support the amendment if she moved it now.

Similarly, I see merit in amendments 145 and 146, in the name of Mark Ruskell, to require climate change plan monitoring reports to include an assessment of progress towards a just transition, as defined by a set of just transition principles. My only substantial difficulty with those amendments is that there are, of course, now multiple sets of principles being discussed around the various amendments. I therefore also invite Mark Ruskell not to move the amendments at this time, on the understanding that the Government will support amendments with the same intention at stage 3.

There is no doubt about the importance of ensuring that Scotland’s journey to net zero emissions is a just one. My amendments place these matters squarely in the bill and will ensure that they are embedded in policies developed through climate change plans. I am open to working with members to further refine these approaches in advance of stage 3.

Stewart Stevenson

It is worth saying that there are more words in the amendments than those said when we discussed the just transition commission at stage 1. I come from the viewpoint that, if we required something of this scale and complexity to establish the just transition commission, it should have a bill of its own with a proper consultation to come up with a result. However, that is for another day.

My calculation of the cost is between £3 million and £5 million per annum, because around 50 civil servants will be required to deliver the workload. I have run groups with fewer responsibilities, so I am using personal experience to come up with that. However, that is only a guess and it is nothing like the final word on it.

Turning to the detail of the amendments in front of us, I note that paragraph 2 of proposed schedule 3 in amendment 114 says:

“In performing its functions, the Commission is not subject to the direction or control of any member of the Scottish Government.”

That seems to run against the Scottish Government being able to ask for advice, because that is a form of direction or control. I am not terribly clear how paragraph 2 works in relation to other parts of the proposed schedule.

Paragraph 4, under the “Resources” heading, states:

“The Scottish Ministers are to provide the Commission with such staff and other resources as it requires to carry out its functions.”

That seems to suggest that the commission itself would be in control of staff and resources, which represents a blank cheque. We might find that the commission required 100 civil servants, rather than 50, yet the legislation would require the Government to provide them.

In paragraph 3(2), under the “Membership” heading, I do not in any sense object to representation by

“a nominee of the trade union movement”,

but I am not entirely clear why there is not a nominee from, for example, farming, academia, young people or business. I have no objection whatsoever to the trade unions being represented on the commission, as they are in the present commission. Incidentally, the convener and I had lunch yesterday with a young member of the existing commission—I am sure that she is making an excellent contribution.

Claudia Beamish

I appreciate that amendment 113 will not be voted on today and paragraph 3(2), under “Membership”, could be developed if there was a will to take it forward. I particularly wanted to include

“a nominee of the trade union movement”

and

“a representative with experience and knowledge of ecological and environmental matters”,

because those are the groups that have pushed this forward and are at the heart of where we are going. Sometimes the trade unions, in particular, are left out, so I wanted to ensure that they were included.

Stewart Stevenson

I will briefly pick up on that. When I was the Minister for Transport, Infrastructure and Climate Change, the first group that I went to speak to in 2007 was the Confederation of British Industry, which, with 80 people in the room, was very enthusiastic. Members should not imagine that other parts of Scotland are not deeply interested in this subject.

Claudia Beamish

I am talking about who I worked with.

Stewart Stevenson

We are not disagreeing on the subject or, at least, I am not seeking to disagree.

I am quite content about the list of people who would be disqualified from being on the commission, except for the significant omission of members of the House of Lords. Much as George Foulkes would be welcomed back to decision making in Scotland, he and other members of the House of Lords are lawmakers and their role as such would conflict with their being on the commission.

The way in which insolvency and company director or charity trustee disqualification is dealt with in amendment 114 is unfortunate, because it says

“is or has been insolvent”

and

“is or has been disqualified”.

Therefore, even if someone’s insolvency was discharged or their disqualification as a company director had been dealt with, they would still be barred.

More fundamentally, paragraph 6(2)(c) includes those who have

“been disqualified ... anywhere in the world”,

but I am extremely uncertain how it would be possible to know about that with any reliability. A similar issue exists with the appearance of the phrase “anywhere in the world” elsewhere in the amendment.

Amendment 114 states that members of the commission can resign to the Presiding Officer of the Scottish Parliament, even though the Presiding Officer has no role in appointing members, which I found baffling. I am only dipping into my wide range of concerns about the way in which it is drafted. I am not seeking to engage the broad principle, because I strongly support a just transition commission. However, I am certain that what is in front of us is not the way to do it.

John Scott

Although I support the work of the just transition commission, I believe that it should not be on a statutory basis. I welcome the Scottish Government’s offer to look further at that at stage 3. I hope that the Government will look at putting it on a voluntary basis. I support most of what Stewart Stevenson said, although I am not sure what he said about his friend and mine George Foulkes.

Claudia Beamish

I will comment on what Stewart Stevenson has said, although not on the detail. Setting up the new commission is a complex matter. I think that this bill is the place to do it. If a financial resolution is published over the summer, with the agreement of the Scottish Government, the issues that have been raised can be refined.

I turn to amendment 113A, in the name of Mark Ruskell. I hope that none of the consequential amendments to amendment 113 will be pressed to a vote today, because, if we go forward with it, it would be helpful if the issues to do with how a just transition commission is crafted could be looked at together by all those who have shown a strong interest and support for it, such as Mark Ruskell.

 

I have one concern about extinction rebellion’s declaration and request, but extinction rebellion is not the only group that is asking for a citizens assembly on climate change. The concern is that one of the group’s aims is that politicians should be led by a citizens assembly but, in a parliamentary democracy, we should be inspired, informed, and encouraged but not led by the citizens. At the moment, some clarification is needed on that. I am not against the idea and I am keenly aware that, whether or not, under the auspices of the Scottish Government, the commission proceeds as a wider issue, there is to be public engagement by the Scottish Government over the summer. Therefore, it might be appropriate for the Scottish Government and the cabinet secretary to consider more detachment from the Scottish Government in that process, such as happened with the citizens jury of 12 people, which was connected with our committee and which I found interesting and important. One of the most important aspects of it, which I have not highlighted in my remarks, is behaviour change across not only affected workers and communities but society.

I support the cabinet secretary’s principles for a just transition. If the amendments are moved, I will support them today but I am wary that they will become an alternative that is not good enough, and that, as we drive forward one of the most challenging issues of our day, if not the most challenging global and Scotland-wide issue, that this approach will replace the commission rather than run in parallel with it. I am wary of doing it but I will support the principles because I believe in them.

When it comes to the reporting requirements, I am pleased to have the offer from the cabinet secretary to discuss the issues in relation to amendment 141 over the summer.

I have written a note about the House of Lords. I started off with Stewart Stevenson’s comments. Despite my respect for George Foulkes, I had no intention that members of the House of Lords should be part of this.

13:30  

The Convener

I invite Mark Ruskell to wind up and to press or withdraw amendment 113A.

Mark Ruskell

I do not have much more to say. I agree with what Claudia Beamish said about how a citizens assembly would work. I think that we in this Parliament have a clear role as decision makers, and there will be some extremely tough decisions for us and our successors to make in the decades to come. However, that process must be informed by the lived experiences of people out there. That is the critical lesson from the gilets jaunes movement in France, where the Government did not listen to what the people had to say about the impact on them.

It is hugely important that we reach beyond the individuals in this room and that we go beyond conventional forms of consulting people, such as through the use of email and so on. We need to go to affected communities, bring back information on people’s lived experiences and use it to inform the decisions that we take as elected politicians. I think that that is the right way round to do it, which differs from what the extinction rebellion movement is calling for. It is critical that we involve the citizenry in the decisions that we take.

I have one last point. Whatever the Government decides to do—it looks as though it is minded not to put the just transition commission on a statutory basis—we must learn the history of what has happened to similar commissions, particularly at Westminster, where the coalition Government abolished the Sustainable Development Commission. The Sustainable Development Commission could have been extremely useful in providing advice on the bill and looking at the biodiversity crisis. That Government decision resulted in the loss of a hugely important part of our advisory infrastructure, and I do not want the same thing to happen to the just transition commission. I suspect that that would not happen under the present Scottish Government, but I worry about a future Government coming in and just wiping away the commission.

Amendment 113A, by agreement, withdrawn.

The Convener

I remind members that I cannot put the question on amendment 113, for the reasons that I have already given.

I invite Claudia Beamish to move or not move amendment 114.

Claudia Beamish

Am I allowed to move it? I do not understand.

The Convener

Yes, you can move it, but we are not voting on it.

Claudia Beamish

In that case, I will move amendment 114.

The Convener

Are members—

Claudia Beamish

I am sorry—I will not move it, because of the comments that have been made by some members. I am very committed to the just transition commission being put on a statutory basis, but I do not want to move amendment 114 at this stage.

Amendment 114 not moved.

Section 16—Reports on emissions reduction targets

Amendment 66 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

The Convener

Amendment 67, in the name of Stewart Stevenson, is in a group on its own.

Stewart Stevenson

I lodged amendment 67 to remove the wording

“in so far as reasonably practicable”

from section 33(3)(a) of the 2009 act, as substituted by section 16 of the bill. The section in question relates to the methods that the Scottish ministers must use when they report targets, which must be in line with

“target-relevant international carbon reporting practice”.

In other words, it relates to the technical implementation of the inventory freeze calculation that was recommended by the Committee on Climate Change in December 2017.

One of the provisions in the bill as introduced was that such calculations should be done

“in a manner as would be, in so far as reasonably practicable, consistent with the most up-to-date advice provided by the relevant body”—

in other words, the Committee on Climate Change. In our stage 1 report, we noted the concern that the Government might not use the calculation method that was specified by the CCC.

The cabinet secretary stated in her response to our stage 1 report that the Government’s intention was always to follow the method recommended by the Committee on Climate Change and that the bill provision represented “a standard failsafe”. However, my amendment will put that beyond doubt by removing the wording

“in so far as reasonably practicable”,

which will have the effect that the Scottish ministers must follow the calculation method set out by independent expert advisers fully and exactly. That is consistent with my comments on group 2 on taking the Committee on Climate Change’s advice. That provides assurance that this important but relatively complex aspect of the bill target framework is entirely objective in its implementation.

I move amendment 67.

Roseanna Cunningham

I am happy to support amendment 67, which relates to the technical calculation methods that are used for the purpose of reporting target outcomes under the inventory freeze method advised by the CCC in its December 2017 report. I thought that it would be helpful if I briefly set out the Government’s position, although that might mean that I cover some of the ground already covered by Stewart Stevenson.

In its stage 1 report, the committee raised concerns about section 16 that suggested that the Government might choose to follow an alternative calculation methodology for applying the inventory freeze method from the one advised by the relevant body, the CCC. Our intention was always to use the calculation methodology that has been advised by the CCC for these matters.

The inclusion of the reference to doing so

“in so far as reasonably practicable”

in new section 33(3)(a) of the 2009 act was intended as a safeguard in the very unlikely event that the CCC recommended in future an alternative method that was technically impossible to deliver, for example due to data availability considerations. However, given the very low magnitude of that risk and the committee’s desire for assurance on these matters, I am content to support amendment 67. That will mean that the calculation methodology used will always be exactly as recommended by the CCC. Until such time as the CCC may update its advice on the method, it will be the one that was set out in the CCC’s December 2017 report, a worked example of which was provided to the committee in my response to the stage 1 report.

Nothing that I have said leads in any way to my agreeing with the pronunciation of “inventory” suggested by Stewart Stevenson.

The Convener

That is noted.

Amendment 67 agreed to.

Amendment 115 not moved.

Section 16, as amended, agreed to.

Section 17—Reports on emissions reduction targets: further content

Amendments 68 to 71 moved—Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Section 17, as amended, agreed to.

The Convener

Thank you, everyone. That concludes the committee’s business for today. At our next meeting on 25 June, the committee will continue its consideration of amendments to the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill at stage 2.

Meeting closed at 13:38.  

18 June 2019

Second meeting on amendments

Documents with the amendments considered at this meeting held on 25 June 2019:

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Second meeting on amendments transcript

The Convener (Gillian Martin)

Welcome to the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee’s 22nd meeting of 2019. Before we move to the first item on the agenda, I remind everyone to switch off their mobile phones or to put them in silent mode because they might affect the broadcasting system.

The first agenda item is consideration of amendments to the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill, at stage 2. This is our second day of considering amendments. We will be joined by Maurice Golden and Liam McArthur, who will move their amendments.

I welcome Roseanna Cunningham, the Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform, and her officials: Tom Russon is the bill manager, Karen Clyde is the deputy bill manager, Heather Wortley is from the parliamentary counsel’s office, and Norman Munro is from the Scottish Government’s legal directorate. Good morning to you all. I note that officials are not allowed to speak on the record in these proceedings.

Before we begin our consideration of the bill, I advise the committee that I intend to suspend the meeting for a comfort break at an appropriate point.

After section 17

The Convener

Amendment 116, in the name of Mark Ruskell, is grouped with amendments 117 to 119, 126 and 47.

Mark Ruskell (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

I thank the Government for its assistance with this set of amendments, the purpose of which is to reinstate section 36 of the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009, which deals with what happens when annual targets are not met.

Section 36(2) of the 2009 act requires ministers to set out

“proposals and policies to compensate ... for the excess emissions”

as soon as is reasonably practicable following an annual target being missed. The bill will repeal section 36 of the 2009 act without providing an adequate replacement; it proposes only that plans in relation to missed emissions targets be included as part of the climate change plans. Non-governmental organisations and a number of stakeholders have raised concerns that that could leave a seven-year time lag between the year in which a target was missed and publication of the next climate change plan.

The amendments in the group will ensure that ministers report to Parliament on what policies they will introduce to curb excess emissions soon after reporting on the annual target, and well before new climate plans are compiled.

I move amendment 116.

The Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform (Roseanna Cunningham)

I would like to take the opportunity to briefly recognise and celebrate the fact that yesterday marked the 10-year anniversary of Parliament unanimously passing the 2009 act. Over those 10 years, much progress has been made: emissions have been almost halved over the long term, some annual targets have been met, some have been missed and three climate change plans have been produced.

The Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill builds on the 2009 act’s already very strong and world-leading framework, and the decisions that the committee makes today will be important in that respect. As part of that process, I am happy to support all Mark Ruskell’s amendments in group 1.

The bill contains a range of proposals that are intended to improve the provisions in the 2009 act that relate to the target framework and reporting on targets. One of those involves replacing section 36 of the 2009 act with an alternative catch-up duty, such that Governments must set out how they will compensate for the excess emissions following any missed targets, as part of the next climate change plan.

I am aware that various organisations are unhappy with the proposals. Having listened carefully to their concerns, I am happy to support reinstatement of section 36 of the 2009 act via amendment 47. That will ensure that ministers will continue to be required to set out their additional policies and proposals

“As soon as reasonably practicable”

after any missed target is reported, rather than to a fixed timeframe. The remaining amendments in the group are sensible measures to ensure consistency across provisions, so I also support them.

Amendment 116 agreed to.

Section 18—Provision of further information to the Scottish Parliament

Amendments 117 to 119 moved—[Mark Ruskell]—and agreed to.

Section 18, as amended, agreed to.

After section 18

The Convener

Amendment 122, in the name of Mark Ruskell, is in a group on its own.

Mark Ruskell

Amendment 122 seeks to improve the reporting requirements for greenhouse gas emissions arising from Scottish consumption of goods and services. The 2009 act established a requirement to produce a carbon footprint report on emissions attributable to Scotland’s consumption, which is also a national performance framework indicator. Crucially, that includes emissions that are associated with importing of goods and services from overseas, which are not accounted for in greenhouse gas emissions reports.

The carbon footprint report tells us a slightly different story to the story in reports on our annual targets. Although Scotland’s domestic production emissions have been falling, emissions that are embedded in imported goods and services have been increasing. The United Kingdom Committee on Climate Change’s “Net Zero: The UK’s contribution to stopping global warming” report noted that trend and stated that

“actions that the UK can take to reduce its consumption emissions could be as effective in tackling climate change as actions to reduce territorial emissions.”

Our consumption emissions declined by only 8.5 per cent from 1998 to 2014. We are a rich country and our consumption emissions are far higher than those of the poorest countries, which stand to lose the most from climate change. We cannot focus solely on emissions that arise within our borders; we must consider the impact that our consumption is having on global greenhouse gas levels.

Stewart Stevenson (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

I am very sympathetic to Mark Ruskell’s words. However, proposed new subparagraph (b)(c) of section 37(2) would insert the words

“state the actions taken by the Scottish Ministers to reduce”

emissions in this area. Does the member agree with me that, in relation to Scottish ministers’ ability to take such actions, it is rather unfortunate that we have no control over import duties or excise duties, which might be significant contributors to effective action on controlling the flow of carbon-intensive goods into Scotland?

Mark Ruskell

I agree that if Scotland had all the powers of a normal country or state, we would have more levers. However, we can take action on an intranational basis and on a supranational basis, within the UK and within the European Union, respectively.

In order to understand better what is driving Scotland’s consumption emissions and how to tackle them, more useful information needs to be presented in carbon footprint reports, and ministers should be obliged to act on that information. Amendment 122 would require that that report list the most significant categories of goods and services that are driving the trend in Scottish consumption emissions. By knowing the main sources, we could implement policies to curb those emissions.

The cabinet secretary has often referred to unintended consequences in relation to offshoring emissions; amendment 122 is a way for us to get a handle on those potential unintended impacts. It is done in Sweden—we all like Sweden, don’t we? Following pressure from NGOs, the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency was instructed in 2017 to develop targets and indicators for consumption-based emissions. I advise members to look at the policy-relevant indicators for national consumption and environment—PRINCE—project that Sweden has established, which looks at 59 categories across 48 countries. Food and construction are the product groups that involve the highest level of emissions. There are many other such product groups, including textiles, chemicals and electronics. We import many such products into Scotland.

Amendment 122 would also require ministers to make a statement to Parliament alongside the carbon footprint report, which would pay greater attention to this area of our emissions and detail the actions that we can take to reduce consumption emissions.

I move amendment 122.

Roseanna Cunningham

I have considerable sympathy with the intentions of Mark Ruskell’s amendment 122, for reasons that he outlined. The Scottish Government recognises that the official statistics on Scotland’s carbon footprint provide a valuable measure that is complementary to the territorial statistics on which targets are based.

However, I do not think that amendment 122 is necessary, because the “Code of Practice for Statistics” ensures that Government analysts respond to any expression of user interest in there being additional specific content in a statistics bulletin. Nevertheless, I do not see any harm in placing the additional content requirements in the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009, if that provides assurance to Mark Ruskell and others.

I invite Mark Ruskell to not press amendment 122, however, because there is scope for it to be improved in advance of stage 3. In particular, adding a timing frequency requirement to the reporting duty might be welcome. I also have concerns, which I would like to discuss with Mark Ruskell, that a separate statement in relation to consumption statistics might be disproportionate. We must bear it in mind that international reporting practice is based on territorial rather than consumption-based emissions, and that there are substantial uncertainties around the data and methods that are involved in the latter.

If Mark Ruskell is prepared not to press amendment 122, I am happy to meet him to discuss those issues further, and to bring back a similar amendment for stage 3.

Mark Ruskell

I welcome the commitment from the cabinet secretary. We need to leave no stone unturned in our fight against climate change, and consumption emissions are an important part of that picture. I will welcome discussion on that and other topics over the summer to see whether we can bring back something more elegant for stage 3.

Amendment 122, by agreement, withdrawn.

Amendment 120 not moved.

Amendment 121 not moved.

Amendment 123 moved—[Claudia Beamish].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 123 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

Against

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 2, Against 5, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 123 disagreed to.

Amendments 124 and 125 not moved.

Section 19—Climate Change Plan

The Convener

Amendment 46, in the name of Mark Ruskell, is grouped with amendments 78, 82 and 48.

Mark Ruskell

This group of amendments deals with the timing of the climate change plans. My amendments 46 and 48 would set in legislation a requirement for ministers to publish an updated climate change plan within six months of the bill receiving royal assent. As has already been discussed, I welcome the Government’s previous assurances to committee members that it will do so. My amendment would simply place the requirement in law.

I move amendment 46.

09:45  

Roseanna Cunningham

First, I will speak to the two Government amendments in the group, both of which are in direct response to recommendations by the committee in its stage 1 report.

Amendment 78 will increase from 90 to 120 the minimum number of days that a draft version of the climate change plan must be laid before Parliament. Although the committee expressed an interest in there being an open-ended scrutiny period, it heard in evidence a clear desire from stakeholders that there be a time limit to ensure that, in the words of a panel member, the process for climate change plans

“does not drift on open-endedly.”—[Official Report, Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee, 20 November 2018; c 28.]

The bill was already increasing the period from 60 to 90 days, because 90 days was the most popular length of time in the consultation. However, 120 days was also popular, so given the committee’s feedback, it represents a sensible compromise that will allow a significant and increased period for parliamentary scrutiny, and will ensure that the process of developing and finalising plans keeps moving.

Amendment 82 will bring forward the timing of the annual publication of climate change plan monitoring reports so that they must be laid before 31 May of each relevant year. The previous timing requirement was by 31 October. That will give Parliament, its committees and stakeholders more time to consider the monitoring reports as part of the new all-year-round budget process. I hope that that satisfies the committee’s recommendation.

The Convener

Thank you. I do not think that any other member wishes to speak to the group.

Roseanna Cunningham

I am sorry—I need to speak to Mark Ruskell’s amendments.

The Convener

Ah, yes.

Roseanna Cunningham

Thanks.

I turn to amendments 46 and 48 and the timing of the next climate change plan. I strongly urge the committee to reject the amendments because they are entirely impracticable. I listened to what Mark Ruskell had to say, and I am not sure that he is aware that his amendments, as drafted, call for a full climate change plan—not simply an updated climate change plan—and process to be completed within six months of royal assent. There might be an issue with that. Obviously, that proposition is significantly different from the committee’s recommendation that there be an update to the current plan within that same period, which the Government has accepted.

Extensive statutory requirements govern a full climate change plan process. A draft version of the plan would need to be laid and scrutinised by Parliament within Mark Ruskell’s proposed six-month window. If the amendments that I have lodged in response to the committee’s recommendations on the length of that period are accepted, the scrutiny period will occupy at least four months of that six-month period. That would leave the Government with less than two months to design the plan, which is clearly untenable.

Several statutory assessment and advisory duties relating to plans would also be undeliverable in that timescale. Draft plans are subject to strategic environmental assessment, which has statutory minimum timescales attached to it. Amendments in a later group that I lodged in response to other committee recommendations, which we will discuss, will require that the CCC’s views on draft plans be sought. It is unclear whether that would be possible within the window that is offered by Mark Ruskell’s amendments 46 and 48. It seems that that window would also leave no time for effective engagement with stakeholders during the plan preparation period.

There is a global climate emergency, and meaningful targeted action is needed in response. The current climate change plan was published less than 18 months ago, following its scrutiny by the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee and other committees. The committee called for an updated plan, and the First Minister and I have made clear commitments to delivering that. Delivering such an update within the timescale will be extraordinarily challenging for the Government, but we are committed to doing so.

I recognise that, in lodging amendments that go far beyond what the committee recommended, Mark Ruskell might, in their drafting, have gone far further than even he intended. To be absolutely clear, amendments 46 and 48 pose the real risk that a less effective set of policies and proposals will be brought forward over the next year, because of the sheer impracticality of the time that would be available to the Government. I urge the committee in the strongest possible terms to resist the amendments. If I am correct that Mark Ruskell did not intend what the amendments would do, I urge him not to press them.

Mark Ruskell

I shall reflect on those comments. I seek to withdraw amendment 46.

Amendment 46, by agreement, withdrawn.

Amendment 126 moved—[Mark Ruskell]—and agreed to.

Amendments 127 and 128 not moved.

Amendment 72 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Amendment 129 not moved.

Amendment 73 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham].

Amendment 73A not moved.

Amendment 73 agreed to.

Amendments 35 and 74 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

The Convener

Amendment 138, in the name of Liam McArthur, is grouped with amendments 139, 100, 130, 134, 140, 101, 136, 102, 133, 137, 131, 132, 135, 49, 49A, 49B, 148 and 149.

Liam McArthur (Orkney Islands) (LD)

I am conscious of the time pressure, so I will speak to the purpose and case for my amendments and perhaps touch on other amendments in closing.

Section 19 details the way in which climate change plans will be set out. The purpose of climate change plans is to provide

“strategic summaries of policies across all sectors of the economy that relate to decarbonisation.”

However, as it stands, the bill fails to require the inclusion of any specific policies, even those that we know will be pivotal going forward. Ambitious targets are not, in themselves, enough. The targets that are contained in the bill mean little without ambitious policies to back them up. To date, we have not seen the sort of clear, radical initiatives that are needed to achieve those targets. My amendments seek to get us closer to that point.

Amendment 138 would require the climate change plan to include details of how it will encourage the use of low-carbon heat in new buildings. Although I appreciate that that must be combined with a commitment to reducing the energy demands of any given property, it can help to ensure that the plan addresses what Scottish Renewables described as

“the next frontier for emissions reduction.”

Chris Stark said:

“If there is a test of whether we are serious, it is on heating. We have an extraordinarily useful energy system delivering heat to every home in ... the UK at the moment and it works extremely well. Sadly, it is based on fossil fuels in the main. It is not going to be easy to change that, but it is necessary that we do so.”—[Official Report, Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee, 14 May 2019; c 22.]

My amendment is not overly rigid, recognising that different solutions will be appropriate in different situations and will include a mix of existing and future technologies, but it makes clear the intent and the urgency.

Amendment 139 makes a similar provision for district heating in relation to new developments. I appreciate that, in part due to the extent of the reliance on gas in the existing network, the transition to low-carbon alternatives is not straightforward. However, that is an area in which other countries have been leading the way for some time now and Scotland needs to up its game.

If amendments 138 and 139 are agreed to, future climate change plans will include an assessment of the implementation of those policies. Amendment 148 would strengthen that further by requiring the annual progress reports to assess the extent to which low-carbon heating policies have contributed towards climate change targets.

Turning to amendments 134 and 149, if heat is the new frontier in our fight to cut emissions, transport remains the unfinished frontier. As the cabinet secretary’s recent statement in the chamber highlighted, progress in that sector has been poor. Emissions remain broadly in line with 1990 levels, and some aspects of Government policy appear to be at odds with turning that round. Solutions will need to be broad ranging, but electrification will be crucial.

Amendment 134 would require the climate change plan to set out proposals for public procurement of ultra-low-emission vehicles, which have been stuck in the slow lane. The public sector should take a lead—there are laudable examples of that, including some in my Orkney constituency, but the approach has been patchy and falls well short of where we need to be.

Amendment 149 would strengthen accountability by requiring the Government to report on levels of investment and providing an impetus for increasing investment over time. The UKCCC was clear about how quickly the shift to ULEVs needs to take place; it also noted the cost, air quality and competitive advantages of an earlier switchover. I welcome Maurice Golden’s similar amendments, but I suggest that my amendments are more robust.

I look forward to the debate and I move amendment 138.

Maurice Golden (West Scotland) (Con)

I will set out the scenarios and the position in which the amendments in the group sit. The view could be taken that no amendments should be made to the provisions on the climate change plan, because that would be too prescriptive and too onerous for this and future Scottish Governments, or the view could be taken that anything can be included, because that would bind this and future Scottish Governments to a variety of tactics.

Our view, which is a bit more nuanced, is in the middle of the two views that I have described. It is that members should be willing to consider amendments that would feed into and help with meeting existing commitments and targets. The specific wording can be looked at but, in general, amendments that would facilitate the achievement of existing commitments should be considered and are in scope.

I, too, am conscious of the time. Amendment 100 would require the Scottish ministers to include the public procurement of electric vehicles in the climate change plan. That would make a lot of sense, given the Scottish Government’s commitment on electric vehicles. Amendment 130 would promote the provision of electric vehicle charging stations for those who live in tenements, which looks to solve a weakness in our infrastructure.

Amendment 137 covers the agricultural sector’s requirement to receive support for measures that will help us to meet our targets. Amendment 131 recognises that we will have to develop technology and do research and development work to find ways of improving our overall academic backdrop and our ability to deliver more sustainable energy. The amendment suggests the establishment of a sustainable energy innovation centre.

My final amendment in the group is amendment 132, which would set out a requirement in the climate change plan for the Scottish ministers to increase funding for energy efficiency measures. Such a provision would help us to meet existing targets and is not a deviation from the current approach or too prescriptive for current or future Scottish ministers.

10:00  

Claudia Beamish (South Scotland) (Lab)

I will try to keep my remarks brief—I want to speak to one or two other amendments in addition to my own. I will speak to my colleague David Stewart’s probing amendment 140, as he is unable to be here because he is at a funeral.

Amendment 140 seeks to put in the bill a target to tackle transport emissions by banning fossil fuel cars and vans from city centres by 2030. That sounds like a radical idea, but it is well established in individual cities around the world. It could be a significant intervention to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and improve air quality, and it would go further than the Transport (Scotland) Bill’s LEZ section. As we know, transport emissions are on the increase, and road transport is the biggest source of emissions. Poor air quality hits the most vulnerable—the oldest, the youngest, and those with various co-morbid health conditions—the hardest. There is also the issue of socioeconomic bias; I will not go into more detail on that just now. I know that David Stewart would welcome comments from the cabinet secretary on how road transport emissions are being considered in the bill and in the plan.

I move on to Mark Ruskell’s amendment 136, which I will support today. As members may know, I have for some time had an interest in bettering our understanding, protection and enhancement of blue carbon. Our environment’s ability to sequester carbon is a key requirement in achieving net zero by 2045, and blue carbon should be receiving much more focus given its significant potential impact on our emissions targets if there is appropriate and sustainable management.

In 2011, a report that was commissioned by Scottish Natural Heritage—I would not have highlighted it if Mark Ruskell had spoken before me, but I think that it is important—found that marine sediments alone equate to 52 per cent of Scotland’s 2011 carbon emissions. Unlike many other marine and terrestrial habitats, marine sediments can lock up carbon for many thousands of years. There were two info boxes that referred to blue carbon possibilities in the two most recent climate change plans—the first was supported in particular by the then Minister for Environment and Climate Change, Paul Wheelhouse. We have abundant sea grass and kelp beds around our coasts. The time for action is in the next plan and in successive plans, in the same way that peat research was developed and action then followed. That would send a clear signal of the importance of blue carbon, and I ask members to support amendment 136 today.

I lodged amendment 133, on land use, to establish a new duty on ministers to set out, within one year of the bill receiving royal assent, policies and proposals for the creation of regional land use partnerships and frameworks. The amendment seeks to strengthen the mandate of the land use strategy and facilitate its delivery on the ground. When the land use strategy was first published in 2011, it was world leading in its recognition of the important role that land can play in climate mitigation and adaptation. However, since the strategy was revised in 2016, little progress has been made. Although there have been two pilot schemes, there has been no roll-out of regional land use frameworks.

One of the challenges with the current legislation is that no duty to deliver the policies and proposals exists in the land use strategy; there is only a duty to produce and revise the strategy itself. As a result, the strategy has been sidelined and overlooked, despite the crucial role that it could play in addressing the climate emergency and shaping future rural policy. The CCC has highlighted the key role that land use will play in greenhouse gas removal, and regional frameworks could provide a mechanism to deliver that. They would also aid the targeting of future rural support to activities and areas that contribute most to our climate ambitions. Regional land use frameworks should identify opportunities to prioritise land use and management practices that optimise greenhouse gas removal. The Scottish Government’s plan for the rural funding transition, “Stability and Simplicity: proposals for a rural funding transition period”, runs to 2024, and I feel that the amendment’s provisions fit well with it. We need to act fast in order to contribute meaningfully and usefully to that transition.

I have listened to Maurice Golden’s comments and I will not—although I could—go into detail on those because of time.

Members well know that there is a strong mandate for Mark Ruskell’s amendment 135 on fracking, as the Parliament has agreed to prohibit fracking in Scotland. I have been joining campaigners across Scotland for a number of years now, pushing the Government and considering all pathways to block those damaging techniques and give peace of mind to communities once and for all.

I urge the cabinet secretary to clear up her Government’s intentions and be crystal clear, given that we are currently on the third Government public consultation on fracking—the fourth if we include my member’s bill. Agreeing to Mark Ruskell’s amendment would further indicate the Scottish Government’s determination to prohibit onshore fracking in Scotland by enshrining the commitment to address it in each climate change plan as we progress. Fracking is not a transition fuel and we should take every opportunity to say no to it for the sustainable future of our communities, our industries and the jobs that they will bring without that inappropriate destructive distraction, and, of course, for the future of our very planet.

I support amendment 49 but, again, I will not go into the details as Mark Ruskell will highlight those himself. I have lodged amendments 49A and 49B.

Amendment 49A is on carbon sequestration. The Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill legislated for a target of net zero greenhouse gas emissions, and the “net” part of that is fundamental if we are to reach that target. In its advice on net zero targets, the UK Committee on Climate Change states that it is confident that Scotland could feasibly achieve the higher target than the rest of the UK because of its greater sequestration capabilities. With increasing global recognition of the need for carbon reductions from land use activities, this addition to Mark Ruskell’s amendment 49 offers a relatively straightforward and cost-effective opportunity to address the issue in the public interest. The process of carbon sequestration will also contribute significantly to our biodiversity targets and to the tackling of flood mitigation.

The committee has often discussed the complexities of reducing farming sector emissions at a greater speed, with only a 1.9 per cent decrease between 2016 and 2017. Such a holistic approach is right. Sequestration of carbon is a very important part of the role of farmers as the custodians of our land, and I am aware that farmers can feel as though their hard work in sequestration often goes unrecognised. It is essential that that is rectified, and that we all understand the significant contributions that can be made.

Agroforestry, which is the subject of amendment 49B, is proven to make a significant contribution to addressing the challenges of climate change. Agroforestry can be implemented in a number of ways. However, it is important to note that approaches can be designed in a way that avoids a trade-off between food provision and other ecosystem services. Trees can be planted along riverbanks and the edges of fields, and rows can be planted among arable crops, on separate parcels of land, and integrated with livestock and woodland pasture systems.

Among co-benefits, beyond the sequestration of carbon, is shelter from more extreme temperatures. Trees can be sun shades in summer and wind, rain or snow breaks in winter, which is valuable for our beasts. Browsing the low branches and the overhangs of tall native hedges can provide them with a range of nutrients and minerals.

Last week, I visited Whitmuir Organic Farm near Lamancha to see an inspiring and successful range of methods for myself, accompanied by owner Pete Ritchie and supported by the Woodland Trust. Adding agroforestry to Mark Ruskell’s amendment 49 will focus minds on the value of that method of farming.

Support is need for percentage capital payments, design advice, planting advice and at least partial funding through a scheme. In the climate and environment emergency, we all have a responsibility to contribute as best we can.

John Scott (Ayr) (Con)

I declare an interest as a farmer and landowner.

Amendment 101 is a probing amendment that seeks to create a new class of land that will identify and group types of land that have a particularly beneficial effect on climate change mitigation. In time, I would expect to create a hierarchy of land capability for the existing storage of carbon and active sequestration.

Peat bogs would be at the top of that hierarchy, which would work down to deep peat, forestry and landscapes capable of renewable energy production, through to grasslands managed for the sequestration of carbon. That would allow that type of land to be targeted for the attention or support of Government when using public money for the delivery of public good. Such a classification might also attract a new type of investor in land to Scotland, such as pension funds that want to hold and maintain land with the ability to store or sequester carbon to offset other less carbon-friendly assets in their portfolio.

Private finance for the delivery of natural capital is a concept that is supported by the Scottish Wildlife Trust, the Scottish Environment Protection Agency, the Edinburgh centre for carbon innovation, Crown Estate Scotland, Highlands and Islands Enterprise, Scottish Water and Virgin Money, and which already has a name—the Scottish conservation finance project. The £1 billion challenge to deliver on that concept was launched at the Royal Society in London on 28 February 2019.

My probing amendment would give a name to the type of land that many agree needs to be supported.

Mark Ruskell

I will speak to amendment 136, in my name, as well as amendments 135 and 49, and others.

Picking up on Maurice Golden’s comments, I note that perhaps all the amendments deal with a number of weaknesses that exist in the climate change plan. They attempt to put in place policy frameworks to drive progress and, in some areas, break new ground.

That leads to amendment 136 on blue carbon. I recognise that Claudia Beamish has demonstrated leadership in this area. We have needed to take a leap of faith with blue carbon, but the evidence base on it is now building up. Amendment 136 seeks to increase the requirement on ministers to consider the role of marine carbon stores, such as kelp forests and salt marshes, in reducing Scotland’s emissions. Those blue carbon features not only process and store atmospheric carbon but play a physical role in helping us to adapt to the effects of carbon change such as the rise of sea levels and, by buffering coastlines, storm events.

The recently reviewed climate change plan briefly refers to blue carbon and indicates that evidence on which action could be based is lacking. I welcome the fact that the Scottish Government has set up a blue carbon forum and is prioritising research in that field, but it is important that that research translates into meaningful policy action when the time is right.

Amendment 136 would require ministers to state their policies and proposals for mitigating greenhouse gas emissions through the good management of blue carbon features in marine areas.

Amendment 135 is on unconventional oil and gas. The debate on fracking of recent years is familiar to us all and I will not reopen arguments on that today—we could spend weeks on it.

The Government has announced an indefinite moratorium on fracking and coal-bed methane extraction in Scotland. That prohibition or moratorium—let us be careful which words we use—takes the form of statements in the national planning framework and energy strategy that rule out the development of operations in Scotland. Amendment 135 would require a similar statement to be included in the climate change plan to ensure that Scotland’s opposition to fracking was embedded across the Government’s full suite of policies.

It is important that there is a reference to unconventional oil and gas in the climate change plan, given that much of the context for the Scottish Government’s policy position on it has come out of concerns about climate change and fugitive emissions, among other associated issues. Detailed scientific studies and other work have been done on that so, given the science base behind the Government’s position, it is appropriate that it is reflected in some way in the climate change plan.

Amendment 49 is on what I am calling a whole-farm climate action plan, which the Government would be required to produce. It would be separate from but embedded in the main climate change plan.

Members are well aware of the discussions and evidence that we have had on this issue. I appreciate that John Scott’s amendment is similar. The system that is used to calculate Scotland’s climate change emissions separates agriculture from land use, which often means that farming gets credited with emissions that come from agriculture but not with the positive sequestering effect of good land management and forestry that also take place on our farms. The action plan that would be required under amendment 49 would bring those two areas together for the first time and would give a net figure for the impacts that our farms have as a whole on climate change.

10:15  

The provisions that the amendment would introduce would require a plan to be set out for how emissions reductions from our farms will progress, taking account of a range of areas. My intention is to bring forward a framework. It would be tempting to have targets for this and that, but the framework that I have set out will be familiar to many members. We have spoken about the importance of research, knowledge transfer, advice, land management accreditation and nutrient resource budgeting. I do not want to set exact policy prescriptions in the bill, which would have to stay there for ever; I want to ensure that good, joined-up action is being taken by the Government to bring those elements together in a sector plan that is focused and turns agriculture from being, perhaps, one of the problems that we have with climate change to one of the strong solutions.

Amendment 101, in the name of John Scott, is very similar to amendment 49—we are almost on the same page. However, I do not believe that putting a requirement into the climate change plan does what is necessary. There are already elements in the climate change plan that could be said to address the area of whole-farm emissions, but that does not deal with many of the concerns that we have had in committee about the joined-up nature of the policies that we need. I think that a separate plan needs to be built out from the main climate change plan that goes into the detail of how we are joining up that work.

I am happy to accept amendments 49A and 49B, which highlight the importance of sequestration and of agroforestry, which is massively undervalued with respect to climate change and how we make agricultural systems more resilient in the face of climate change and its impacts.

Amendment 101 would create a separate land category, using the idea of “mitigation land”. I know that John Scott is keen on that, and there is a lot of merit in what he talks about, but I would be a bit concerned about what would in effect be unintended consequences if we created a climate change set-aside. That could have impacts on biodiversity. Part of the solution lies in integrating land management, for example by integrating carbon sequestration into how we graze pasture through mob grazing techniques. That is not about setting aside land and telling people that they cannot grow anything on it any more, because that is the climate change bit; it means ensuring that agricultural management as a whole delivers carbon sequestration. There may be scope to have peat bogs and particular habitats that are set aside for climate sequestration. However, the proposals are more integrated and more holistic, to use John Scott’s word from the stage 1 debate. That is what we are trying to get out of this process.

Turning to the other amendments in the group, I would say that heat is the big issue here. It was a huge issue in 2009, and an amendment was made to the bill then to require a heat target. I do not think that we have seen enough progress as a result of that. At the time, the industry believed that a target around heat would be enough to drive things, but I do not think that that has happened at a sufficient level. We now require to get more specificity and focus through the bill, as we have not had as much progress as we thought we would get.

As regards the focus on electric or ultra-low-emission vehicles, we must move quickly on that in a very short period of time. There are big issues there, and a focus on that in the bill would be welcome and beneficial.

The Convener

John Scott wishes to speak to amendment 102.

John Scott

Thank you, convener. I should have spoken to amendment 102 earlier—forgive me.

The intention behind the amendment is to give recognition, now and in the future, to farmers and land managers who are taking a whole-farm or whole-holdings approach to climate change and greenhouse gas reductions. Currently, farmers, crofters and estate owners get little or no credit for maintaining or restoring peat bogs or planting trees as part of agriculture’s contribution on climate change.

That needs to be better understood and recognised, perhaps by a scheme that would run in parallel with Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change measurement practices. Amendment 102 would also allow for the delivery of public or private funding to support, enhance and record the measures that are taken by managers or owners of farms and estates, so that they would be recognised for their actions and how much farmers are part of the solution to the climate change challenge would be demonstrated. The amendment is in response to recommendations 405 and 406 in the stage 1 report.

I agree with the sentiment of amendment 49, but it is too prescriptive. It introduces a sectoral approach that we were not in favour of previously, so we will not be supporting it. Notwithstanding that, I agree that the issue will need to be addressed in future, probably in a similar way to Mark Ruskell’s proposal.

Stewart Stevenson

I am not entirely clear that amendment 136, in the name of Mark Ruskell, can cover the things that we want to cover. In particular, proposed new section 19(4B) refers to

“protection and enhancement of areas within the Scottish marine area appropriate long-term storage of carbon.”

I assume that that includes pipelines and drilling platforms, because new holes would need to be drilled into the geology if we are to put carbon dioxide or carbonic acid down into the rocks. However, there appears to be a specific retention of power in schedule 5(D2)(c) to the Scotland Act 1998 that relates to “offshore installations and pipelines” and may mean that we would not be able to legislate, if that is the intention—I am not clear whether it is. That is a wee technical point.

My other point may simply reflect an inefficiency in my reading. I am not sure what “carbon” means in legal terms. The 2009 act includes “carbon units”, which include all the greenhouse gases in the definition—not simply carbon dioxide; “carbon dioxide”, which is self-defining; and “carbon accounting”, which again includes not simply carbon but carbon equivalents including all the greenhouse gases. I know what the amendment is trying to say but I am not absolutely sure whether the use of the word “carbon” is sufficiently precise. The storage in the Scottish marine area would be carbon dioxide or, in its liquid form, carbonic acid, rather than other greenhouse gases, which are probably not suitable for storing in that area. I hasten to add that I strongly support storing carbon dioxide.

On amendment 49, again in the name of Mark Ruskell, I am strongly in favour of sectoral plans but strongly against sectoral targets—members will have heard me say that before. In some ways, we are sneaking up on sector targets by the way in which the amendment is constructed. For example, I do not know at this moment whether we need to do anything in agriculture. Instinctively and logically, I feel that we do, but scientifically, I do not know whether we need to do anything, because we might—this is an extreme view—be able to do all that is required to get to a carbon-neutral Scotland by doing it all in energy. I simply do not know, so I am reluctant to travel with this—

Mark Ruskell

Will the member give way?

Stewart Stevenson

I will just say one more thing. Mark Ruskell used the words

“the importance of research and advice”.

I agree with him about that.

Mark Ruskell

Can you point out anything in amendment 49 that would require ministers to set targets? I agree that targets might be necessary, but surely it is the actions that underpin targets that are important, which is why I did not seek to set yet more targets in the bill. You might be right; it could indeed be the case that agriculture is making a wonderful contribution and we do not need to set a target to drive further action.

Stewart Stevenson

Let me say, for the avoidance of doubt, that what amendment 49 provides for approaches being a target; it is not directly a target. However, it is so prescriptive, in the advance of our having the scientific advice to inform us, that I am reluctant to support it. I will leave it at that.

Roseanna Cunningham

Of necessity, it will take a few moments to speak to the amendments in this group.

I have no doubt that the vast majority of the amendments reflect well-intentioned desires to see particular policy priorities reflected in the next climate change plan. However, I am firmly of the view that placing such requirements in primary legislation is the wrong approach.

The purpose of climate change plans is to set out, across all sectors of the economy, an overall package of policies and proposals for meeting future targets. The development of that overall package represents a key function of the Scottish ministers. The Parliament already has substantial input to the process, through scrutiny of a draft version of the plan.

Amendments that I lodged in response to committee recommendations, which we will debate in a later group, will make more transparent the role of independent, expert advice from the CCC in the plan process.

It is absolutely right that Parliament and the CCC have a strong role. It is also necessary, given the strategic and cross-portfolio nature of plans, for ministers to be able freely to consider the full range of policy options available to them in setting out an overall package that works best for the climate and for the people of Scotland.

The amendments in this group would have the effect of prescribing a set of policy areas that must be set out in all future plans. Such an approach would significantly restrict the process for preparing plans, making it unwieldy and less effective.

The proposed approach also raises fundamental questions, including of a legal nature, about whether there would then be a hierarchy of policy options, with those that were chosen to be set out in the primary legislation taking precedence over all others. Climate change plans are statutory in nature and their content requirements are subject to legal interpretation. The placing of a set of particular policies in the bill now could well be taken to imply that ministers must give priority to those matters over others, regardless of changing circumstances, expert advice or indeed a future Parliament’s changing priorities. That could lead to a situation in which ministers in the future are compelled to prepare plans that provide neither the most beneficial nor the most cost-effective overall package of measures.

The placing of a particular set of policies in the bill also poses the risk of sending unclear signals. Although I am sure that this is not the intention of members, I worry that stakeholders, including businesses, might interpret such a legislative step as a signal that all other policy options are less favoured by the Parliament—or even, in the extreme case, as a signal that no other options will be needed to meet future targets. Such unintended signalling could undermine the Government’s current message, which is that, in the light of the global climate emergency, all policy options need to be kept under review, to see where more can be done.

In considering those risks, I invite members to reflect on the fact that the proposed amendments would bind the content of all future climate change plans from now until the 2040s. They would not bind just the update to the current plan that will be prepared immediately after the bill’s passage.

I appreciate that there are entirely legitimate particular interests at this time around support for electric vehicles, energy efficiency and low-carbon heat, which are reflected in amendments 134, 138 and 139, from Liam McArthur, amendments 100, 130 and 132, from Maurice Golden and amendment 140, from David Stewart. I assure members that policies and proposals on all those matters will feature in the updated plan. However, it is not unreasonable to suppose that other priorities and key issues will have emerged by the time of the next plan in five years’ time, or certainly by the time of the one after that.

10:30  

The amendments may be overly restrictive in the context of the long-term nature of the statutory framework on climate change. They carry the risk that ministers and Parliaments during the 2020s, 2030s and 2040s would be compelled to focus their efforts on matters that are no longer pressing, at the expense of those that are. If that list of priorities is placed in primary legislation, it would be difficult to update or amend.

In light of those general points, I urge members to not press—

Claudia Beamish

Will the cabinet secretary take an intervention?

Roseanna Cunningham

Yes, of course.

Claudia Beamish

From my perspective, the reason for not going for targets—to be frank, there has been a lot of encouragement from people and organisations outwith the Parliament to have targets—is that things should be more fluid than that. However, frankly, we are dismal on all the areas that the cabinet secretary mentioned. I did not mention Liam McArthur’s amendment on heating, but we are far behind the curve on renewable district heating compared to what is happening in Europe.

My understanding is that the purpose of the amendments is to set down markers, to focus minds in Government and to send messages to industry and others. Nobody is saying what has to be done on any of the areas covered by the amendments; nobody has proposed a target for any of them. However, if the amendments are accepted today, which I still hope very much that they will be, those issues would have to be considered.

If in 2040 we are so brilliant on district heating or we have found other methods of heating that mean that we do not need to take action on heating any more, it would be quite straightforward to justify that. However, that is where we are, and that is where we need to be.

Roseanna Cunningham

That is not what would happen if the amendments were to go into primary legislation. There is a fundamental misunderstanding of the purpose and the effect of primary legislation. The effect is really important. You say that in 2040, we could choose to say, “That’s already done; we don’t have to develop that in the climate change plan, because we’ve been so good.” That is not what the legislation would say. It would say that you would have to do that, even in those circumstances. That is the difficulty of the reality of primary legislation, as opposed to anything else.

I return to my comments on the generality of this group of amendments. I reiterate that there is a risk that ministers in the 2020s, 2030s and 2040s would be compelled by law to focus efforts on matters that might no longer be pressing, at the expense of those that are pressing, that might become pressing or that we might not be able to anticipate at this point. If we place that list of priorities in primary legislation, it would be difficult to update or amend.

In the light of those general points, I urge members not to press any of their amendments in this group.

Although those general points have guided my approach to responding to this group, I offer further remarks on aspects of certain amendments. Most of my comments are on those amendments relating to land use matters, and I will begin there.

I am sympathetic to the underlying intention of Claudia Beamish’s amendment 133, which is on regional land use partnerships and frameworks to support better land use decisions. However, I have concerns about the practical implications and the timing requirements set out in the amendment, as they do not reflect current uncertainties to do with EU exit.

The Scottish Government remains committed to the vision, objectives and principles of the second land use strategy, “Getting the best from our land: A Land Use Strategy for Scotland 2016-2021”. We are making progress on a number of its policies and proposals, including through publishing in 2017 the “Scottish Land Rights and Responsibilities Statement”, which is the world’s first such statement, and publishing “Scotland’s Forestry Strategy 2019-2029”. In part because of the critical relationship between land use and our ability to meet our climate change targets—which we all accept—the Government has just established a new directorate to drive forward development of integrated, sustainable land use policy.

Crucially, the land use strategy was published just before the 2016 EU exit referendum. It is important that we take stock of its proposals, including those to encourage regional land use partnerships and frameworks, to identify actions that will best contribute to the strategy’s vision.

Previous land use strategy pilot projects in the Borders and Aberdeenshire demonstrated that there is no one-size-fits-all approach to developing regional land use frameworks or partnerships. It is therefore not clear that legislating for a regional land use approach will achieve better outcomes.

It is essential to allow sufficient time to consider and test the implications of a regional land use approach for local communities and the development of future rural policy after any EU exit. Introducing a timescale whereby ministers would have to publish their policies and proposals on regional land use partnerships and frameworks within a year of royal assent would not create space for the considered approach that is needed.

In relation to Mark Ruskell’s amendment 49 that would require the laying of an additional

“whole farm climate action plan”,

I have concerns about that pre-empting on-going data development work in this area. I also have concerns about the general approach of singling out one sector—in this case, agriculture—for more detailed reporting and planning. To be clear, the first of those concerns is not about the principle of trying to provide a better statistical representation of all that farmers do to reduce emissions across their farms, including in ways that are not credited to the agriculture sector in the greenhouse gas inventory—of course, the inventory is not an invention of ours; it is something to which we are bound. When I wrote to the committee on 2 May and when I gave evidence on 21 May, I set out our current position on such matters, and I think that it might be helpful to do so again.

I explained that the Scottish Government is currently exploring alternative methods to provide further estimates of emissions from the wider agriculture sector. I also undertook to report to the committee on potential approaches to reporting and the likely accuracy of estimates as soon as we have progressed the work so that it is sufficiently substantial. I am happy to reaffirm that the Government is committed to that on-going work, and I note that John Scott’s amendment 102 reflects a more measured approach to the matters in question than Mark Ruskell’s amendment 49.

Agreeing a statutory requirement for what exactly should be reported at this time, before the landscape of data availability and quality is even understood, runs a high risk of not ending up with the best possible information. Amendment 49 also seems likely to lead to reporting that would substantially duplicate the policy information that is already set out in the agriculture chapter of the climate change plans, albeit in a different format. It is not clear to me why the agriculture sector should be singled out for additional reporting and planning in the way that Mark Ruskell proposes.

I urge members to allow the current work to develop the evidence base on whole farm emissions reporting to continue to take its course. I assure members that I recognise the importance that they attach to such matters—indeed, I frequently discuss the issue in my speeches and conversations—and to the reduction of emissions from agriculture in general, which is reflected in John Scott’s amendment 102 and Maurice Golden’s amendment 137. I will provide further updates to the committee on the analytical work in this area as soon as possible, and I would be happy to meet any interested members directly to discuss these matters in more detail.

Remaining with land use matters, I am interested in John Scott’s amendment 101 on establishing a new land class related to climate change mitigation. I do not think that the bill is the right place for that, in part because I note that existing classifications are not statutory in nature. However, I would be happy to ask my officials to look into the idea further. I would also be happy to meet John Scott to discuss it further once that work has been done. I urge him not to move amendment 101 at this time, as it is simply too early to be making decisions on an idea that has been so little explored.

I also have sympathy for what I think might be the intentions of Mark Ruskell’s amendment 136 on marine carbon storage, which I have taken to be in reference to what is commonly known as “blue carbon”. Although the IPCC’s emission reporting guidelines—and, therefore, the Scottish GHG inventory and climate targets—do not currently include blue carbon, that does not mean that it is not important. The Scottish Government recognises the important role of our oceans in mitigating climate change. Indeed, our current climate change plan contains a section that sets out the Scottish Government’s approach to such matters. If I recall correctly, that was a late addition to the final plan, because the information had not been available when the draft climate change plan was produced. I assure Mark Ruskell and other interested members that blue carbon will continue to feature in the updated plan. I am happy to meet with any member to discuss the progress of work to develop the evidence base in the area.

Claudia Beamish

Will the cabinet secretary take a brief intervention?

Roseanna Cunningham

If it is brief.

Claudia Beamish

Well, obviously, it is—I said “brief”. I need clarification, so I hope that it is acceptable to ask for an intervention.

On amendment 133, in relation to land use, which is an important issue that Scottish Environment LINK and a number of other groups have raised with me, the cabinet secretary said that a period of a year from royal assent would not give time to enable the issues to be taken forward. Will she consider meeting me to discuss the possibility of making the period three or four years from royal assent and bringing a proposal back at stage 3?

Roseanna Cunningham

I am always happy to continue to have those conversations. The substantial point that I was making is that we do not have enough information right now to be able to establish a fixed way forward. I am happy to have that conversation with the member in the intervening couple of months.

Claudia Beamish

Thank you.

Roseanna Cunningham

On Maurice Golden’s amendment 131, which is on a sustainable energy innovation centre, I am unclear how that would be expected to interact with the various innovation centres that already support the renewable energy and low-carbon sector in Scotland.

As an aside, I point out that we usually hear from Conservative members about cutting down on duplication of effort. I will list some of the various innovation centres that currently exist. They include the energy technology partnership, which is funded by the Scottish Government directly; the Construction Scotland Innovation Centre, which gets Scottish Further and Higher Education Funding Council and enterprise agency money; the Edinburgh centre for carbon innovation; the centre for energy policy at the University of Strathclyde international public policy institute; the Industrial Biotechnology Innovation Centre; the Oil & Gas Innovation Centre; and the Scottish Aquaculture Innovation Centre. It might have been helpful to have understood how the sustainable energy innovation centre would fit into all of that. Again, I am happy to discuss the issue with the member if he thinks that there genuinely is a role for another centre. We could perhaps have a conversation about how that might be reflected.

Remaining with energy matters, the Scottish Government cannot accept Mark Ruskell’s amendment 135, which would require ministers to set out proposals and policies regarding the prohibition of the extraction of onshore unconventional oil and gas reserves in all future climate change plans. The Scottish Government’s preferred policy position is that it does not support onshore unconventional oil and gas development in Scotland. Scottish ministers are entering the final stages of the policy-making process on that important issue. The preferred policy position is subject to a statutory strategic environmental assessment and other assessments before any policy can be adopted.

In the meantime, it is important to stress that, under the terms of the moratorium, no local authority can grant planning permission for any proposed fracking or coal-bed methane project without advising ministers, which then permits ministers to call in the application. The Scottish ministers would defer any decision on any planning application that came forward until the policy-making process on their preferred position is completed. The practical effect of the current moratorium and the policy-making process that is under way to finalise our position is that no fracking or other unconventional oil and gas activity can take place in Scotland at this time.

Mark Ruskell

Can the cabinet secretary confirm that the outcome of that preferred policy-making process will be reflected in the next climate change plan?

Roseanna Cunningham

I expect that it would be. Whatever the current state of it is—I am constrained in what I can say about it—I see no reason why it should not be. We should remember that the climate change plans subsist for a considerable period, and all that we can do is reflect our current position.

I turn to amendments 148 and 149 from Liam McArthur, who has been waiting patiently to have his amendments addressed. They relate to requirements for specific content within climate change plan monitoring reports rather than within plans, so this is a slightly different aspect. The purpose of the annual monitoring reports is to set out information on progress to delivery across all areas of whatever plan is current at the time.

Singling out specific policy areas for particular assessment could create the perception that it is less important to monitor progress in other areas. That goes back to the issue that I raised at the start of my comments. I have already assured Liam McArthur that the upcoming update to the current plan will include policies and proposals on both low-carbon heat and electric vehicles. I can further assure him that those will be monitored, using appropriate indicators, in the subsequent monitoring reports.

10:45  

To conclude, my view is that it is vitally important that the statutory climate change plan process continues to effectively support the delivery of Scotland’s ever more challenging climate targets. Seeking to pre-determine the content of future plans by placing particular delivery policies in the bill now runs the risk of leading to a process that is overly restrictive and outcomes that are less cost effective. It also risks creating legal hierarchies among policy options and sending unintended signals that will result in some options being prioritised at the expense of others.

I ask members to allow the effective approach to long-term delivery planning established by this Parliament’s 2009 act to continue. Placing a particular set of current delivery priorities, however well intentioned, in primary legislation risks fundamentally undermining that approach. As such, I reiterate my call for members not to press any of their amendments in the group. If they wish to press them, I will not be able to support them.

Liam McArthur

It has been a useful and interesting debate. At its root is the principle of finding a balance between prescription and the necessary flexibility to ensure that the legislation is future proofed. There is not necessarily any disagreement about the need to get that balance right, for a whole host of reasons. Mark Ruskell and Maurice Golden both pointed to the need for a policy framework to drive forward action. Simply assuming that action will take place is perhaps dangerous or naive. The only exception was in relation to fracking, where the amendment was less about enabling it and more about underpinning the concern that a number of us share about the state of the current prohibition of that.

I thank Claudia Beamish and Mark Ruskell for their strong support of my amendments on heat and transport. It is inconceivable that there can be any let-up in action on heat and transport for the duration of future climate change plans, not least given where we are starting from. There will be a continuing need to keep that under review, and I suspect that the public sector will continue to be required to take the lead and drive forward progress in both instances.

Stewart Stevenson made some interesting points about clarity in the amendment on blue carbon. Some of what we know about that is less perfect than we would like, but it is, again, inconceivable that blue carbon will not play a key part in the delivery of our climate change ambitions over the duration of the plans.

One of the debates that I found most interesting was on agriculture and land management. It was reassuring to hear people agree that, although agriculture has, to date, been misconstrued and misrepresented as simply part of the problem, it is a sector that presents opportunities as well as areas in which progress will need to be made. The various amendments seek to capture those points.

The situation boils down to whether we can assume, given the way that the bill is currently drafted, that the necessary action will be taken in those areas, or whether the effort to drive forward that action will be enhanced and buttressed by some of the amendments that my colleagues and I have lodged. I think that more detail could usefully be put into the bill, and on that basis I will press amendment 138.

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 138 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

Against

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 2, Against 5, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 138 disagreed to.

Amendment 139 moved—[Liam McArthur].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 139 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)

Against

MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 4, Against 3, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 139 agreed to.

Amendment 100 moved—[Maurice Golden].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 100 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)

Against

MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 4, Against 3, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 100 agreed to.

Amendment 130 moved—[Maurice Golden].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 130 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)

Against

MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 4, Against 3, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 130 agreed to.

Amendment 134 moved—[Liam McArthur].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 134 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)

Against

MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 4, Against 3, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 134 agreed to.

Amendments 140 and 101 not moved.

Amendment 136 moved—[Mark Ruskell].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 136 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

Against

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 2, Against 5, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 136 disagreed to.

Amendments 102 and 133 not moved.

Amendment 137 moved—[Maurice Golden].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 137 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)

Against

MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

Abstentions

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 2, Against 3, Abstentions 2.

Amendment 137 disagreed to.

Amendment 131 not moved.

Amendment 132 moved—[Maurice Golden].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 132 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)

Against

MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

Abstentions

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 2, Against 3, Abstentions 2.

Amendment 132 disagreed to.

Amendment 135 moved—[Mark Ruskell].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 135 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

Against

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

Abstentions

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 1, Against 5, Abstentions 1.

Amendment 135 disagreed to.

Amendment 141 not moved.

The Convener

Having finished that marathon, we will have a short suspension.

10:59 Meeting suspended.  

11:10 On resuming—  

The Convener

Amendment 76, in the name of John Scott, is grouped with amendments 142 and 147.

John Scott

Amendment 76 seeks to amend section 19, which makes provision in relation to climate change plans and seeks to add a requirement that each plan that is prepared by the Scottish ministers

“must set out an estimate of the costs and benefits associated with the policies set out in the plan.”

It would also allow both the Government and the public to better understand the costs and benefits—as they could best be calculated and estimated—before each new plan was undertaken. The amendment responds to the recommendation in paragraph 656 in the stage 1 report.

I move amendment 76.

Maurice Golden

Amendment 142 would introduce a requirement for impact assessment within the climate change plan and would require the Scottish ministers to consider

“how the proposals and policies set out in the plan are expected to affect”

various groups including “island communities” and “local authorities”.

Mark Ruskell

Amendment 147 would require the annual progress reports on the climate change plan to include information on the level of spending that would be put towards the plans, policies and proposals. It picks up on a stage 1 report recommendation on the annual monitoring reports. They are of benefit to the pre-budget scrutiny process, but, without the associated financial information, not as much as they should be.

I will listen to the cabinet secretary. We had a conversation on budgets last week, and she offered more discussion on budget mechanisms, but I am inclined to move amendment 147, because it would be an obvious improvement.

Stewart Stevenson

Amendment 76 is so obvious that I doubt it will take long to make the decision to support it.

I am not sure that amendment 147 would add anything to it.

I want to pick up on Maurice Golden’s list in amendment 142. I do not know what is meant by “indigenous peoples”. In Scotland, we have had so many waves of migration over the years that I do not know whether any of us is indigenous in any meaningful sense. Certainly, my DNA suggests an extremely mongrel ancestry—as would that of most people, I suspect. I also do not know what “migrants” means. Does it mean immigrants or emigrants—in other words, people arriving or people leaving? Or are we talking about the old convention by which one migrated when one moved within the Commonwealth and one immigrated or emigrated when one moved into or away from the Commonwealth? I am not entirely clear what “migrants” are.

I know what “persons in vulnerable situations” is likely to mean, but is the amendment trying to refer to people with protected characteristics, or are they an omission from the list? If we must have a list—and I am not clear that we do—this is not one with which I feel comfortable.

11:15  

Roseanna Cunningham

I support John Scott’s amendment 76. I know that the committee was keen for there to be greater information about the costs and benefits that are associated with climate change plans. It would create a proportionate duty that would ensure that the plans were required to set out useful information on the estimated costs and benefits of policies to reduce emissions.

I have sympathy for the intentions behind Mark Ruskell’s amendment 147, which would require annual climate change plan monitoring reports to include assessments of expenditure during the delivery of the plan. As the committee is aware, through my responses to the committee’s reports, I have already welcomed further engagement with the Parliament on those matters. In the debate on the grouping of amendments on budget-related matters, the Scottish Government offered to work with the Parliament and stakeholders to review the current processes and outputs around budget information as it relates to climate change, including the roles of section 94 of the 2009 act and the climate change plan monitoring reports. I am happy that Mark Ruskell accepted the offer of a joint review process. Given the importance of that discussion, I hope that he will not move amendment 147, so that the process can proceed in the way that will be most helpful.

I cannot support Maurice Golden’s amendment 142, which seeks to require that plans include an assessment of their impacts on a range of groups, communities and organisations. Although I have no doubt that the amendment is well intentioned, it would be duplicative of existing impact assessment requirements—notably the statutory duties around equality impact assessments, children’s wellbeing impact assessments, socioeconomic assessments, the new islands impact assessment and business and regulatory impact assessments. In addition, I will be a little mischievous and take the opposite position to that of my colleague Stewart Stevenson. His view is that none of us is indigenous; however, I regard us to be the indigenous people of Scotland. That said, I was also a little puzzled by the amendment’s reference to “indigenous peoples”, because I cannot really work out what that would mean.

Stewart Stevenson’s point about the category of “migrants” was well made. In addition, there is no time bracket around it, and it is not in any way specific to particular groups of migrants. For 16 years of my life, I was a migrant—I just did not happen to be a migrant in this country. There are one or two issues around language, given the necessity to make absolutely clear in legislation exactly what is being discussed. There might be some other issues in and around that point as well.

For the reasons that I have flagged—particularly the variety of existing impact assessments that are required—I do not regard the amendment as being at all necessary. Even leaving aside the question marks over some of the categories in the list, amendment 142 would add a further administrative burden to the process of preparing climate change plans with very little—if any—added value. I therefore urge Maurice Golden not to press the amendment. If he does, I urge the committee to reject it.

John Scott

I am grateful for the cabinet secretary’s consideration of the need for analysis of the costs and benefits, which the committee discussed at length. I press amendment 76.

Amendment 76 agreed to.

Amendment 75 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Amendment 142 not moved.

Amendment 103 moved—[Claudia Beamish].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 103 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

Against

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 2, Against 5, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 103 disagreed to.

Amendment 143 moved—[Claudia Beamish].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 143 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

Against

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 2, Against 5, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 143 disagreed to.

Amendment 77 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Amendment 49 moved—[Mark Ruskell].

Amendment 49A moved—[Claudia Beamish].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 49A be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

Against

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 2, Against 5, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 49A disagreed to.

Amendment 49B moved—[Claudia Beamish].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 49B be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

Against

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 2, Against 5, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 49B disagreed to.

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 49 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

Against

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 2, Against 5, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 49 disagreed to.

Amendment 78 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

The Convener

Amendment 79, in the name of the cabinet secretary, is grouped with amendments 80, 81 and 84.

Roseanna Cunningham

These amendments bring clarity and transparency to the role of independent, expert advice from the relevant body—which is the CCC—in the preparation of climate change plans. They represent a sensible and proportionate response to the recommendations in the committee’s stage 1 report.

Currently, the CCC provides its views on any draft climate change plan through its annual reports on Scottish progress in reducing emissions, which are provided for under section 9 of the 2009 act. The current legislation already requires that ministers must have regard to any representations, resolutions or reports from Parliament on the draft plan. In addition, ministers must publish a statement alongside the final version of the plan, detailing those representations, resolutions and reports as well as any change that is made in response to them. The amendments build on those arrangements.

Amendment 84 will insert into section 9 of the 2009 act a duty on ministers to request the CCC’s views on any draft climate change plan that has been laid in the previous 12 months. As the CCC’s independent progress reports are annual but are not tied to a fixed date in the year, that will ensure that the CCC is requested to set out its views on each new draft plan promptly.

Amendment 79 will require ministers to have regard to any views from the CCC on a draft plan before laying the final version of the plan before Parliament. Amendment 80 will ensure that ministers must set out the detail of any views that have been received from the CCC in the statement that accompanies the final plan. Amendment 81 will ensure that ministers must set out in that statement any changes that they have made in response to the CCC’s views, similarly to how they must set out what is required in response to any representation, resolutions or reports from the Parliament.

The amendments serve to make clearer the CCC’s independent advisory role in the climate change plan process. They will ensure that the CCC’s views on delivery planning are sought and taken into account in an effective, proportionate and transparent manner.

I move amendment 79.

Amendment 79 agreed to.

Amendment 144 moved—[Claudia Beamish].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 144 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

Against

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 2, Against 5, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 144 disagreed to.

Amendments 80 and 81 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Amendments 145 to 149 not moved.

Amendment 150 moved—[Claudia Beamish].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 150 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

Against

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 2, Against 5, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 150 disagreed to.

Amendment 82 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Amendment 151 moved—[Claudia Beamish].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 151 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

Against

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 2, Against 5, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 151 disagreed to.

Amendments 83 and 84 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Section 19, as amended, agreed to.

After section 19

Amendment 152 moved—[Claudia Beamish]—and agreed to.

Amendment 153 not moved.

11:30  

Section 20—Meaning of certain terms

Amendments 36, 85, 86 and 37 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Section 20, as amended, agreed to.

Section 21 agreed to.

Schedule—Modifications of the 2009 Act

Amendments 38 and 87 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Amendment 47 moved—[Mark Ruskell]—and agreed to.

Amendments 88 to 90 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Schedule, as amended, agreed to.

Sections 22 and 23 agreed to.

Section 24—Commencement

Amendment 48 moved—[Mark Ruskell].

The Convener

The question is, that amendment 48 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Convener

There will be a division.

For

Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

Against

Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Scott, John (Ayr) (Con)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

The Convener

The result of the division is: For 2, Against 5, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 48 disagreed to.

Sections 24 and 25 agreed to.

Long Title

Amendment 50 moved—[Stewart Stevenson]—and agreed to.

Amendment 154 not moved.

Long title, as amended, agreed to.

The Convener

That ends stage 2 consideration of the bill and concludes the committee’s business in public today. The next meeting of the committee will take place on 3 September.

11:34 Meeting continued in private until 12:28.  

25 June 2019

Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee Stage 2 report

This report was published on 5 June 2019.

Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill with Stage 2 amendments

Stage 3 - Final amendments and vote

MSPs can propose further amendments to the Bill and then vote on each of these. Finally, they vote on whether the Bill should become law.

Debate on the proposed amendments

MSPs get the chance to present their proposed amendments to the Chamber. They vote on whether each amendments should be added to the Bill. 

Documents with the amendments considered in the Chamber on 25 September 2019:

Video Thumbnail Preview PNG

Debate on proposed amendments transcript 

The Presiding Officer (Ken Macintosh)

The next item of business is stage 3 proceedings on the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill.

In dealing with the amendments, members should have: the bill as amended at stage 2; the marshalled list; the supplement to the marshalled list; and the groupings of amendments.

I remind members that the division bell will sound and proceedings will be suspended for five minutes for the first division of the afternoon. The period of voting for the first division will be 30 seconds. Thereafter, I will allow a voting period of one minute for the first division after a debate. A member who wishes to speak in the debate on any group of amendments should press their request-to-speak button as soon as possible after I call the group.

Members should now refer to the marshalled list of amendments.

Section 3—The interim targets

The Presiding Officer

Group 1 is minor and technical amendments. Amendment 2, in the name of the cabinet secretary, is grouped with amendment 5.

The Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform (Roseanna Cunningham)

This group contains two very minor technical amendments, which need little explanation. Amendment 2 will fix a duplicative section heading in the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009. Amendment 5 will ensure wording consistency between the provisions on calculating annual targets.

I move amendment 2.

Amendment 2 agreed to.

The Presiding Officer

Group 2 is on interim targets. Amendment 17, in the name of Claudia Beamish, is grouped with amendment 18.

I remind members that amendments 17 and 18 are direct alternatives. “Direct alternatives” means two or more amendments that seek to replace the same text in a bill with alternative approaches. A vote will be taken on both amendments 17 and 18 in the order in which they appear in the marshalled list. If both amendments are agreed to, the second amendment—that is, amendment 18—will succeed the first, and amendment 17 will cease to have effect.

Claudia Beamish (South Scotland) (Lab)

At stage 2, it was momentous to see the cross-party consensus that a net zero target is right for Scotland. I am whole-heartedly delighted that that consensus has continued in relation to the setting of an interim target, to set our trajectory for the new decade. That is a measure of the bill’s strength and this Parliament’s success in stepping up to the climate emergency.

We are 10 years on from the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009, and we are armed with a wealth of new research and improved understanding of the task ahead. The Parliament well knows that the United Nations says that we have 11 years to stop irreparable climate damage and that what happens in the next decade is crucial.

The Opposition parties came to agree that the Scottish National Party’s proposal for a 2030 emissions target of 70 per cent lower than the baseline—only a little up from what was set for that date back in 2009—was not good enough. The evidence base for that decision came from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the climate catastrophes that we have witnessed and the public mandate from the brilliant climate strikers. It is a political decision, but it is based on science.

In amendment 17, I propose a 75 per cent target, in the hope that we can find a consensus on the mid-point of the fair shares calculation—Scottish Labour has come down from our initial position of 77 per cent. I am delighted that our approach has been successful and that all parties have come to agree on it.

I am proud of the energy and vision that were shown at United Kingdom Labour’s conference this week and of the motion that was agreed to on the green new deal.

Labour is sympathetic to amendment 18, but we will abstain in the vote on the amendment. We look forward to consulting on a unique Scottish position, including on how we can take action to deliver more than 75 per cent by 2030, the interim target year.

14:45  

Across the parties, there is a clear grasp of the challenges that the agriculture and land use sectors face in relation to the need for funding and advisory support in a just transition. Many also acknowledge that the carbon accounting system for farms must be altered to recognise peat restoration and tree planting.

We have all received significant numbers of emails that call for bolder interim targets. Many of us have been in dialogue with extinction rebellion members about their radical, brave demands.

I also expect that members from across the parties were at the climate strike last Friday, and I hope that the demonstrators’ enthusiasm, frustration and unity rocked us all. Above all, the interim target is about justice for those young people. If we set a business-as-usual target, we will shake their trust in this Parliament—another of the institutions that, so far and for too long, have failed to take the issue seriously. I do not want this Parliament to shake its head and turn its back on those brilliant young people, on the generations to come and on the global south.

I urge members to support a stronger interim target for Scotland, to show that we are world leaders and to go on from there.

I move amendment 17.

Mark Ruskell (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

We have 10 years left—just two parliamentary sessions—in which to tackle the climate emergency. That is the challenge that has been laid down by the scientists and by the thousands of young people who are protesting on our streets. The emergency is the debt that we carry from our industrial history and it demands that we do our fair and equitable share. If we do not come out of today with a bill that rises to that challenge, we will have spectacularly failed ourselves, the young and future generations.

The Greens have led the call to strengthen the 2030 targets in the bill. Eighty per cent by 2030 would dramatically improve our chances of keeping the world within 1.5° of warming. That would give us the best hope that we can survive extinction. A lower target and the advice from the United Kingdom Committee on Climate Change are based on a gamble—a 50:50 chance of keeping the world safely within 1.5° of warming. Presiding Officer, would you gamble your children’s future on the flip of a coin? I would not.

In its stage 1 evidence, the UK Committee on Climate Change was clear that ramping up action now in areas such as tree planting, agriculture, housing and energy means that we can go much faster. Many of the amendments that we will consider later today will drive that greater ambition.

Parliament is waiting for the Scottish Government to fully review all policies and propose new actions. We cannot wait for yet more delay and years of analysis of our options. We know what needs to be done. We know that a Scottish Green new deal, using every lever available to transition to a zero carbon economy, is the transformational change that we need.

Labour proposed a moderate increase—to 75 per cent—to the 2030 target. I welcome that and the commitment from the SNP today, but it is not enough. We need a clear and bold direction today: to do what is necessary and fair; to reduce the risk; to send the strongest signal that the climate emergency demands an emergency response—the only response. It starts here, by raising that ambition to 80 per cent by 2030.

Maurice Golden (West Scotland) (Con)

Business as usual will only make worse the dangers presented by the climate emergency declared earlier this year by the UK and Scottish Governments. That is why the Scottish Conservatives supported the Scottish Government’s commitment to setting a more ambitious emissions target for 2045 and, earlier this year, voted in favour of amendments to bring forward interim targets. We recognise that urgent action is needed to tackle the climate emergency and to make real progress on reducing emissions. Today, we will vote for the more ambitious interim target of 75 per cent by 2030.

Stewart Stevenson (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

My five years as the climate change minister fundamentally changed my life. When we set a 2050 target, I told colleagues that I hoped to be 104 years old then. I am very grateful that we have brought the target forward by five years—I will be only 99 years old in 2045. In 2030, I hope to be 84. That tells members that this is not about a wrinkly old soul such as me, but about the generations who will follow.

I admire unambiguously and without reservation the efforts of youngsters. At the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee, we had a primary-age school student come to talk to us. She was a most impressive person. We owe it to her and to all the youngsters who have been campaigning to set targets that are realistic, that are founded in science and that will be hard for us to deliver on.

Initially, I had reservations about the 75 per cent target. The 70 per cent figure is already a world-leading target, but a 75 per cent target would entrench Scotland’s position as a world leader in climate change. However, there is nothing good about being a world leader if we do not use that leadership to persuade others, because we produce but one seven hundredth of the world’s emissions.

I hope that the Parliament will unite, because, at the end of the day, if we have a unanimous view, we will have the credibility to persuade others. We must do that to support future generations.

Liam McArthur (Orkney Islands) (LD)

I rise to support amendment 17, in the name of Claudia Beamish, which I was delighted to co-sign. I commend her on her shuttle-diplomacy efforts over recent days, which I think have reaped rewards.

It is widely recognised that we face a climate emergency. Some reached that conclusion earlier than others, but we must now use that general acceptance as a platform from which to launch a more ambitious response to the challenges that we face.

Scottish Liberal Democrats welcome the fact that, during its scrutiny of the bill, Parliament has already chosen to adopt a target of net zero emissions by 2045. That represents an important step forward in ambition and urgency, and it is supported by the UKCCC’s advice.

However, setting such a target is largely symbolic unless we also commit to greater ambition and urgency in the early stages—that is, over the next decade. The IPCC report in 2018 could not have been clearer when it said that

“Limiting global warming to 1.5°C would require rapid, far-reaching and unprecedented changes in all aspects of society”.

It also said that

“What happens between now and 2030 is crucial”.

In response to that advice, setting a target of a 70 per cent reduction in emissions by 2030 is inadequate. It represents only a marginal increase in what we set in the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009, and, as the UKCCC has itself acknowledged, it emerged from the approach of simply

“drawing a straight line from emissions in 2020 to the date of net-zero”.

Setting a more ambitious target for 2030 still needs to be based on what is realistic and achievable. If nothing else, that will allow us to take people with us, to ensure that they can and will play their part in the necessary transition.

There has been much discussion with colleagues across the parties about what an appropriate figure might be, and I welcome the cross-party engagement that has characterised the scrutiny of the bill. I believe that 75 per cent sets the right balance. It is stretching—it will be extremely challenging—but it is achievable and sets us on course for net zero emissions by 2045.

Of course there should be scope in the bill for targets to be reviewed as evidence and opportunities change, but to go beyond 75 per cent at this stage would lack credibility. I support the amendment in Claudia Beamish’s name.

Roseanna Cunningham

Throughout the bill process, the Government has remained committed to following the independent expert advice of the Committee on Climate Change on what constitutes the most ambitious, yet credible, targets.

We immediately lodged amendments at stage 2 to put the CCC’s recommended targets, including net zero by 2045 and a 70 per cent reduction by 2030, into the bill. The approach of following the CCC’s advice is also what the ECCLR Committee called for in its stage 2 report on the bill.

One of the key strengths of Scotland’s approach to emissions reductions—and one of the reasons why it has been so successful to date—is the reliance on an evidence-based approach that is based on the best available scientific advice. The Government remains committed to maintaining that link between the evidence and the pathway that we place Scotland on for the years to come.

The CCC has set out the most robust scientific assessment of the right targets for Scotland and the UK. It is clear that our 2045 net zero target is correct and the most ambitious scientifically feasible. The CCC has also set out that there is a gap in its detailed analysis of the path for emissions in the years up to 2045. In the absence of that detailed work, which the CCC has committed to undertake, its initial analysis suggested that the right target for Scotland for 2030 was 70 per cent. The CCC explicitly said that it had chosen a “prudent” target of 70 per cent, and we have always been clear that we believe that that meets the requirements of the Paris climate agreement.

Mark Ruskell

Will the cabinet secretary reflect on whether it is credible to seek advice that is based on only a 50 per cent chance of keeping global temperatures within 1.5°? Is that not selling out future generations?

Roseanna Cunningham

I will ensure that the Committee on Climate Change is aware of Mark Ruskell’s views of its expertise.

It is clear that now is the time for even greater ambition in tackling the world’s climate emergency and that signals matter. That is why we will commit, today, to going further and will adopt a target of a 75 per cent reduction in Scotland’s greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 by supporting Labour’s amendment 17. However, we will also commit to seeking further, more detailed, advice from the CCC next year on that new 2030 target. A reduction of 70 per cent and a reduction of 75 per cent both more than meet what the IPCC special report says is needed globally over the next decade to prevent warming of more than 1.5°.

All parties supporting amendment 17 must understand how enormously challenging a 75 per cent target will be and must be prepared to join us in making the difficult delivery decisions that will follow. In agreeing to what is by far the most ambitious statutory target for 2030 of any country anywhere in the world, Parliament is committing itself to supporting the pathway that is set out in the bill and the tough policies that that pathway requires.

Let me say clearly to the Opposition parties that when recent proposals have been put forward to tackle emissions—the introduction of a workplace parking levy, for example—they have been met with fierce opposition. For us to have any hope of achieving a higher target for 2030, the parties that call for that higher target and claim to be serious about tackling climate change will need to back such assertions with action. If Parliament sets a higher target, it is no longer an option for any party to stand in the way of the measures that we need to take to tackle climate change.

The 75 per cent target also represents a clear challenge to the UK Government to step up and match Scotland’s high ambition. The current UK target for 2030 of a 57 per cent reduction will not support the delivery of a 75 per cent reduction here in Scotland. I invite members to note that the CCC’s recommended 70 per cent target—let alone a 75 per cent target—for 2030 would be the most ambitious target in law of any country in the world. I have already referred to the UK’s current target of 57 per cent; the EU’s current target is 40 per cent, and Sweden’s main target for that year, which applies to some sectors only, is 63 per cent. I therefore urge members to reject the Green Party’s amendment 18.

The Presiding Officer

I call Claudia Beamish to wind up and to press or withdraw amendment 17.

Claudia Beamish

I thank Liam McArthur and the Tories for supporting the Scottish Labour amendment. I recognise that the Greens have gone further today, and Scottish Labour will consult on an 80 per cent target, partly in view of what happened at the Labour Party conference yesterday in relation to the green jobs revolution. We will see where we go with that. It is imperative that, across the chamber, we all continue to assess whether we can go further than we will go today. However, I have listened to what the cabinet secretary said. We have to do this in a way that supports communities, workers and the global south. That is important.

Stewart Stevenson highlighted that we call ourselves world leaders—I certainly think that we are up there.

Very excitingly, next year, the COP—the conference of the parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change—will be coming to Glasgow. We should all push forward as hard as we can to ensure that we are the very best so that we are a strong example to the world. As a developed country, we must ensure that we do not impact heavily or, if possible, that we do not impact at all on the global south.

I am sitting next to Sarah Boyack, who was involved in the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009, as was Stewart Stevenson. I recognise their work and the work of others who introduced that law. I recognise how far we have come, but I also recognise how far we have to go. Sarah Boyack has just reminded me we will have three sessions of Parliament before the targets come to fruition, as we hope and expect they will. Which of us will be here? In a sense, that does not really matter. What matters is that our children and our children’s children will be more likely to have a real future and real quality of life, and that children across the world will be less likely to be climate migrants. We hope that, wherever they are, they will be able to stay there and have a good quality of life.

Let us be sure that we reach the targets in an equitable way. I press amendment 17.

Amendment 17 agreed to.

Amendment 18 moved—[Mark Ruskell].

The Presiding Officer

The question is, that amendment 18 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Presiding Officer

There will be a division. As it is the first division of the afternoon, I will suspend the Parliament for five minutes while I summon members to the chamber.

15:01 Meeting suspended.  

15:06 On resuming—  

The Presiding Officer

We will proceed with the division on amendment 18.

For

Finnie, John (Highlands and Islands) (Green)
Greer, Ross (West Scotland) (Green)
Harvie, Patrick (Glasgow) (Green)
Johnstone, Alison (Lothian) (Green)
McDonald, Mark (Aberdeen Donside) (Ind)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Wightman, Andy (Lothian) (Green)

Against

Adam, George (Paisley) (SNP)
Adamson, Clare (Motherwell and Wishaw) (SNP)
Allan, Alasdair (Na h-Eileanan an Iar) (SNP)
Arthur, Tom (Renfrewshire South) (SNP)
Balfour, Jeremy (Lothian) (Con)
Ballantyne, Michelle (South Scotland) (Con)
Beattie, Colin (Midlothian North and Musselburgh) (SNP)
Bowman, Bill (North East Scotland) (Con)
Briggs, Miles (Lothian) (Con)
Brown, Keith (Clackmannanshire and Dunblane) (SNP)
Burnett, Alexander (Aberdeenshire West) (Con)
Cameron, Donald (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Campbell, Aileen (Clydesdale) (SNP)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Chapman, Peter (North East Scotland) (Con)
Coffey, Willie (Kilmarnock and Irvine Valley) (SNP)
Cole-Hamilton, Alex (Edinburgh Western) (LD)
Constance, Angela (Almond Valley) (SNP)
Corry, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Crawford, Bruce (Stirling) (SNP)
Cunningham, Roseanna (Perthshire South and Kinross-shire) (SNP)
Davidson, Ruth (Edinburgh Central) (Con)
Denham, Ash (Edinburgh Eastern) (SNP)
Dey, Graeme (Angus South) (SNP)
Doris, Bob (Glasgow Maryhill and Springburn) (SNP)
Dornan, James (Glasgow Cathcart) (SNP)
Ewing, Annabelle (Cowdenbeath) (SNP)
Ewing, Fergus (Inverness and Nairn) (SNP)
Fabiani, Linda (East Kilbride) (SNP)
FitzPatrick, Joe (Dundee City West) (SNP)
Forbes, Kate (Skye, Lochaber and Badenoch) (SNP)
Fraser, Murdo (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Freeman, Jeane (Carrick, Cumnock and Doon Valley) (SNP)
Gibson, Kenneth (Cunninghame North) (SNP)
Gilruth, Jenny (Mid Fife and Glenrothes) (SNP)
Golden, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Gougeon, Mairi (Angus North and Mearns) (SNP)
Grahame, Christine (Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale) (SNP)
Greene, Jamie (West Scotland) (Con)
Halcro Johnston, Jamie (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Hamilton, Rachael (Ettrick, Roxburgh and Berwickshire) (Con)
Harper, Emma (South Scotland) (SNP)
Harris, Alison (Central Scotland) (Con)
Haughey, Clare (Rutherglen) (SNP)
Hepburn, Jamie (Cumbernauld and Kilsyth) (SNP)
Hyslop, Fiona (Linlithgow) (SNP)
Kerr, Liam (North East Scotland) (Con)
Kidd, Bill (Glasgow Anniesland) (SNP)
Lindhurst, Gordon (Lothian) (Con)
Lochhead, Richard (Moray) (SNP)
Lockhart, Dean (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Lyle, Richard (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
MacDonald, Gordon (Edinburgh Pentlands) (SNP)
MacGregor, Fulton (Coatbridge and Chryston) (SNP)
Mackay, Derek (Renfrewshire North and West) (SNP)
Mackay, Rona (Strathkelvin and Bearsden) (SNP)
Macpherson, Ben (Edinburgh Northern and Leith) (SNP)
Maguire, Ruth (Cunninghame South) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Mason, John (Glasgow Shettleston) (SNP)
Mason, Tom (North East Scotland) (Con)
Matheson, Michael (Falkirk West) (SNP)
McAlpine, Joan (South Scotland) (SNP)
McArthur, Liam (Orkney Islands) (LD)
McKelvie, Christina (Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse) (SNP)
Mountain, Edward (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Mundell, Oliver (Dumfriesshire) (Con)
Neil, Alex (Airdrie and Shotts) (SNP)
Paterson, Gil (Clydebank and Milngavie) (SNP)
Rennie, Willie (North East Fife) (LD)
Robison, Shona (Dundee City East) (SNP)
Ross, Gail (Caithness, Sutherland and Ross) (SNP)
Rumbles, Mike (North East Scotland) (LD)
Russell, Michael (Argyll and Bute) (SNP)
Simpson, Graham (Central Scotland) (Con)
Smith, Liz (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Somerville, Shirley-Anne (Dunfermline) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)
Stewart, Alexander (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Stewart, Kevin (Aberdeen Central) (SNP)
Sturgeon, Nicola (Glasgow Southside) (SNP)
Todd, Maree (Highlands and Islands) (SNP)
Tomkins, Adam (Glasgow) (Con)
Torrance, David (Kirkcaldy) (SNP)
Watt, Maureen (Aberdeen South and North Kincardine) (SNP)
Wells, Annie (Glasgow) (Con)
Wheelhouse, Paul (South Scotland) (SNP)
White, Sandra (Glasgow Kelvin) (SNP)
Whittle, Brian (South Scotland) (Con)
Wishart, Beatrice (Shetland Islands) (LD)
Yousaf, Humza (Glasgow Pollok) (SNP)

Abstentions

Baillie, Jackie (Dumbarton) (Lab)
Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Bibby, Neil (West Scotland) (Lab)
Boyack, Sarah (Lothian) (Lab)
Fee, Mary (West Scotland) (Lab)
Findlay, Neil (Lothian) (Lab)
Grant, Rhoda (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Gray, Iain (East Lothian) (Lab)
Griffin, Mark (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Johnson, Daniel (Edinburgh Southern) (Lab)
Kelly, James (Glasgow) (Lab)
Lennon, Monica (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Macdonald, Lewis (North East Scotland) (Lab)
Marra, Jenny (North East Scotland) (Lab)
McNeill, Pauline (Glasgow) (Lab)
Rowley, Alex (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Sarwar, Anas (Glasgow) (Lab)
Smith, Elaine (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Stewart, David (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)

The Presiding Officer

The result of the division is: For 7, Against 92, Abstentions 19.

Amendment 18 disagreed to.

Section 5—The target-setting criteria

The Presiding Officer

Group 3 is on sustainable development and climate justice. Amendment 19, in the name of Claudia Beamish, is grouped with amendments 3, 20, 4, 1, 6, 9, 10 to 12, 12A, 14, 14A and 16.

Claudia Beamish

Are we on group 3, Presiding Officer?

The Presiding Officer

Yes.

Claudia Beamish

Thank you. I am sorry—I am feeling overwhelmed, already. Okay. On we go.

My amendments in group 3 are designed to ensure that Scotland stands up for climate justice, and that ministers act with respect to Scotland’s historically high emissions and support the global south in its climate action. Members will recall that I lodged amendments that covered those issues at stage 2, so I thank the Government for the dialogue that we had over the summer.

We must play our part and do no further harm. Amendment 10 seeks to add to the bill a “climate justice principle”, which the amendment defines as

“the importance of”

mitigation and adaptation to climate change

“in ways which ... support ... people who are most affected by climate change but who have done the least to cause it and are the least equipped to adapt to its effects, and ... help to address inequality.”

Amendment 10 is significant: the importance of adding that principle to the bill cannot be overstated. Climate change is inextricably linked to human rights, and it exacerbates inequality by disproportionately affecting people who are already marginalised. In the global south especially, people’s lives, health, housing, sanitation, food and water are all put on the line by developed countries dragging their feet and making decisions that suit themselves.

Amendment 10 would add the climate justice principle, which would mean that ministers would have to have regard to it when preparing climate change plans. That would be welcome, so I urge all members to support it today.

I also urge members to support amendment 19, which would add reference to the principle to the target-setting criteria. That would be a much more meaningful way to deliver climate justice—by including it in the approach to the overall ambition and speed of tackling climate change, rather than just in our domestic emissions reduction plan.

Amendment 4 would further amend the definition of

“fair and safe Scottish emissions budget”,

which is already in the bill, to include reference to article 3 of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, which includes extremely worthy principles, including

“equity ... common but differentiated responsibilities ... special circumstances of developing country Parties”,

the precautionary principle, sustainable development and support for sustainable economic growth.

Amendment 20, however, goes somewhat further than amendment 4, and I hope that there will be support for it from across the chamber. It makes explicit reference to the principles of

“equity and ... common but differentiated responsibilities”.

Those principles are the essence of ensuring the “fair” part of a “fair and safe ... budget”. I understand that the cabinet secretary has concerns about competing hierarchies, but without amendment 20, those vital aspects will be absent from the face of the bill, and will exist only in a reference.

Amendment 6 is also a result of dialogue with the cabinet secretary following stage 2, and would add

“supporting ... action in developing countries”

to tackle climate change to the scope of climate change plans. It would specifically require ministers to set out how they will do that

“by the sharing of expertise and technology”.

That is more in line with Scotland’s delivery of climate justice, on which we have a strong record, led by the Scottish Government, and with supporting those who are least equipped to deal with a crisis that is not of their own making.

Finally, I have in group 3 a number of amendments relating to sustainable development. Amendment 3 would add sustainable development considerations, including the UN sustainable development goals, to the target-setting criteria.

Amendment 12 would require that climate change plans set out how they are expected to contribute to achieving sustainable development goals, and amendment 14 would add reference to those goals to the general duty in relation to sustainable development in section 92 of the 2009 act.

Amendments 12A and 14A would add the stipulation that considerations should be given to ensuring that Scotland’s actions

“do not negatively impact on the ability of other countries to achieve sustainable development.”

The amendments would add a much stronger duty to properly account for the “do no harm” principle, which, in reality, is “do no more harm.”

Amendments 9 and 11 are minor consequential amendments, and amendment 16 includes a definition of the UN sustainable development goals.

I will also support Angus MacDonald’s amendment 1, which makes important reference to the 1.5°C limit, under which we must all stay if we are to have a safe and prosperous world in the future.

I urge members to agree to the amendments in group 3 to show the world that Scotland is a member of the global community and is taking a moral approach to the climate emergency.

I move amendment 19.

Angus MacDonald (Falkirk East) (SNP)

Amendment 1 is similar to amendment 97, which I lodged at stage 2. I thank the Government for its assistance in refining the amendment.

Amendment 1 will ensure that regular independent expert advice will be sought and published on how Scotland’s targets relate to global efforts to limit warming to 1.5°C. Needless to say, I am pleased that the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee and the Scottish Government have recognised the importance of the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s special report “Global Warming of 1.5°C”. The UKCCC describes its subsequent target recommendations for Scotland, which are reflected in the bill, as being

“towards the high end of the estimated range of necessary reductions for a limit of 1.5°C”.

Therefore, it is incredibly important that the targets continue to be kept under regular review in the light of further developments in science, and progress through efforts that are made in other countries.

15:15  

The bill will ensure that updated advice from the Committee on Climate Change is sought at least every five years. Those requests for advice will include requests for the CCC’s views on the appropriate level for the fair and safe emissions budget for Scotland, which is defined in relation to the internationally agreed global temperature aim that is set out in the Paris agreement. That aim references “well below” 2°C, as well as 1.5°C.

In effect, amendment 1 will provide a way to ensure that expert advice on how Scotland’s targets relate to the 1.5°C limit in the Paris agreement will continue to be sought and made available.

I urge members to support amendment 1.

Mark Ruskell

I thank Claudia Beamish and Angus MacDonald for their amendments. The bill is a response to the Paris agreement, and the spirit and substance of that agreement must be delivered in the heart of the bill.

Our industrial revolution created a huge climate debt that has been passed on to communities around the world, including ones that have barely begun their own development journeys. We have to allow countries in the developing world the room to breathe in the climate emergency. Our target setting must be equitable, and we have to be mindful of the climate injustice and suffering that is happening with just 1°C warming, let alone what might come in the decades ahead. Our role must also be to smooth the path to sustainable development for all countries, and not put barriers in their way through our actions at home.

For those reasons, Greens strongly back all the amendments in group 3.

Sarah Boyack (Lothian) (Lab)

I support all the amendments in group 3 because they are about cross-cutting and global action. The key issue with the UN sustainable development goals is that there is no one policy lever. We have to ensure that climate action cuts right across all the relevant issues around the world—housing, transport, energy, economy, biodiversity, flooding and equalities. All the SDGs must be acted on.

At the forefront, we need the concept of global justice, so that when we work, through the United Nations, on support for the global south, we acknowledge that it is already facing huge poverty issues and inequalities. Action must be factored into all our trade, aid and business policies.

I thank the Scottish Catholic International Aid Fund for the work that it has done in promoting amendments. I am thankful for the work that many of our charities do in supporting countries and people who are already experiencing what climate change will eventually be like all around the globe. Groups including Oxfam, Tearfund and Christian Aid do essential work.

As sea levels rise, people will be shifted from their countries. We already see the impact of rising sea levels in places such as Bangladesh, and there are already climate refugees. This year is being seen as one of the worst and most disastrous in memory with regard to the number of people who have had to leave their homes because of climate change. We need to focus on that. Floods, landslides, tornadoes and other natural disasters are not all direct results of our climate emergency, but they give us an insight into what the future holds if we do not act.

Let us all support the amendments in group 3. I hope that colleagues in every party will support them, because they are practical and they are ethical. They are what we need to do. If we are going to say that we are one of the most radical countries in the world in terms of tackling the climate emergency, we have to follow through in all our policy delivery and Government actions.

Maurice Golden

Conservatives support the principles of international environmental law and the intention behind many of the amendments in group 3. I am not fully convinced that codification in the bill of international environmental law is necessary or required, but we are sympathetic to many of the amendments in group 3, nonetheless.

However, we have grave concerns that amendments 12A and 14A, which seek to “not negatively impact” the sustainable development of other countries could create a legal precedent, whereby Scottish ministers and the Scottish Government would be unable to make necessary changes to tackle climate change and instigate the creation of new sectors, industries or jobs, because those changes might have an impact on other countries. I do not want the bill to lead to further legal disputes or constrain our ability to tackle climate change. On that basis, we will not support the amendments.

Roseanna Cunningham

I am happy to support amendment 1 from Angus MacDonald, which represents a sensible way to further reflect in the bill the importance of limiting global warming to 1.5°C. The Scottish Government has accepted the vital message of the IPCC’s special report on 1.5°C, and is committed to contributing to global efforts to reach that goal.

We must, however, be realistic about what one small country can do to affect global emissions levels. The statutory framework around targets needs to reflect that reality, as well as Scotland’s leadership. At stage 2, we amended the bill to explicitly link the definition of Scotland’s fair and safe emissions budget to the Paris agreement global temperature goal, which is to limit warming to “well below 2 °C” and to pursue

“efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5 °C”.

Angus MacDonald’s amendment provides a useful and complementary addition to the target framework, by requiring ministers to regularly ask the CCC for additional advice on how Scotland’s targets will contribute to global efforts on the 1.5°C aspect of the Paris goal in particular.

I turn to the suite of amendments from Claudia Beamish, with whom there was constructive engagement over the summer. I was, however, just a little disappointed to see that she had lodged further amendments that undermine some of the areas in which I thought that we had established consensus.

I am sympathetic to the underlying purpose of this group of amendments. Climate change is a global challenge and it is right that that is clearly reflected in our domestic legislation, including through recognising the interactions between actions to reduce emissions and sustainable development. Scotland is a responsible global citizen and we recognise our moral obligation to contribute to the challenge of climate change, and to influence others to do the same.

I am content to support Claudia Beamish’s amendments where they will work to reflect those considerations in the target framework of the bill in a workable and appropriate way. The Scottish Government’s national performance framework is Scotland’s way to localise and implement the UN sustainable development goals. The framework has a focus on tackling inequalities so that no one in Scotland is left behind as we work together to achieve the goals.

Amendments 3, 11, 12, 14 and 16 from Claudia Beamish provide a strong package to reflect the importance of that policy coherence around sustainable development at the heart of our climate change legislation.

Amendment 6 ensures that climate change plans will include a section on action to support developing countries on tackling climate change, as well as the actions to reduce emissions here in Scotland.

Amendments 9 and 10 place Scotland’s proven commitment to climate justice on the face of the bill, recognising that those who have done least to cause climate change are often the ones who suffer the most from its effects. As I have said, tackling inequalities must be central to our approach and these amendments further recognise that.

Amendment 4 updates the definition of Scotland’s fair and safe emissions budget, the level of which is recommended independently by the Committee on Climate Change, to link to the internationally agreed set of principles that are set out by the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change.

Those amendments will significantly strengthen the role of sustainable development and climate justice in Scotland’s climate change legislation. However, I cannot support amendments 20, 19, 12A or 14A and I urge members to reject them. Amendment 20 seeks to further amend the definition of the fair and safe emissions budget to highlight specific and selective wording from the UNFCCC principles. That approach risks creating presentational and legal hierarchies, by suggesting that those elements of the principles are more important than others. It also fails to recognise all aspects of article 3.1 of the UNFCCC, in which those principles are outlined, which sets out that developed countries should lead action to tackle climate change—precisely what Scotland is doing.

As I have indicated, I urge members to support Claudia Beamish’s amendment 4, which refers to the UNFCCC principles in the round, and to reject amendment 20. The two amendments cannot both be sensibly agreed to.

Amendment 19 is unnecessary and potentially counterproductive. It seeks to add the climate justice principle to the target-setting criteria. Although I am supportive of the principle, I consider that that ground is sufficiently well covered by the existing set of criteria and that adding further principles to that would at best add no value and could at worst cause confusion.

The statutory target-setting criteria already include economic circumstances, including a particular requirement to consider jobs and employment opportunities; social circumstances, in particular the likely impact on those who live in poorer or more deprived communities; and the likely impact on those who live in remote rural and island communities. If amendment 4 is agreed to, the UNFCCC principles will also be referred to within the criteria through the fair and safe emissions budget.

I invite members to consider that the statutory just transition principles, which we will discuss further in a later group, do not form part of the criteria. It would seem inconsistent to highlight one of our climate change plan principles over the other ones in the way that is proposed.

Amendments 12A and 14A, which seek to directly amend Claudia Beamish’s own amendments, are entirely impractical. I cannot support proposals that would require, in law, assessments to be made of the impact of Scottish policies on the ability of other countries to achieve sustainable development outcomes. It is entirely unclear from the amendments how such assessments could robustly and meaningfully be undertaken. For example, it is unclear whether that duty should apply to all other countries and, if not, to which ones it should apply. Amendment 6 requires ministers to set out the positive actions that they are taking to support developing countries in tackling climate change, and we think that that is the right way forward.

To be clear, I could not support amendment 12 or amendment 14—which are otherwise positive measures—if amendments 12A and 14A were to be agreed to.

In summary, I urge members to support all the amendments in the group other than amendments 20, 19, 12A and 14A, which risk undermining the positive effects that will be achieved by the other amendments.

Claudia Beamish

I was, indeed, pleased to work with the cabinet secretary over the summer on the amendments. We went as far as it was possible to go together. However, in discussion with SCIAF and other groups, we decided that we wanted to go further, and the Parliament will have to decide whether it wants to join us in supporting the global south in what we see as the most robust way possible.

As Sarah Boyack highlighted, the sustainable development goals have no single policy lever. Climate justice encompasses all our actions and policies, and as a developed country our actions should be judged against those.

I was puzzled by what Maurice Golden said about being prevented from supporting our amendment because it would affect the global south negatively. However, he gave no examples of what he meant. If he wants to clarify that in any way, I would be happy to listen.

The Presiding Officer

Briefly, please—we are running out of time.

Maurice Golden

I can give the member an example. If a new circular economy product is produced in Scotland, that could clearly have an impact on other countries that might be producing a similar product. Therefore, putting the principle in statute could be counterproductive.

Claudia Beamish

I thank Maurice Golden for that explanation, but I still do not agree with him. I do not think that creating a product that is similar to an existing one will prevent anyone else from producing that existing one. The idea of global climate justice is not that we seek not to impact on people by producing a product that they might want to produce, but that we do not impact on them by doing things that will affect them negatively in terms of climate change. We have a global responsibility to ensure that we do not impact negatively on the ability of other countries to act.

I disagree with the cabinet secretary regarding the UNFCCC principles that she mentioned. Those principles are so important that we should highlight them in the bill.

It is fundamentally important that we recognise the issue of climate justice in the setting of every target, so I hope that members will support the provisions that I have proposed on that, as well as all my other amendments in the group.

15:30  

The Presiding Officer

The question is, that amendment 19 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Presiding Officer

There will be a division.

For

Baillie, Jackie (Dumbarton) (Lab)
Baker, Claire (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Bibby, Neil (West Scotland) (Lab)
Boyack, Sarah (Lothian) (Lab)
Cole-Hamilton, Alex (Edinburgh Western) (LD)
Fee, Mary (West Scotland) (Lab)
Findlay, Neil (Lothian) (Lab)
Finnie, John (Highlands and Islands) (Green)
Grant, Rhoda (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Gray, Iain (East Lothian) (Lab)
Greer, Ross (West Scotland) (Green)
Griffin, Mark (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Harvie, Patrick (Glasgow) (Green)
Johnson, Daniel (Edinburgh Southern) (Lab)
Johnstone, Alison (Lothian) (Green)
Kelly, James (Glasgow) (Lab)
Lennon, Monica (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Leonard, Richard (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Macdonald, Lewis (North East Scotland) (Lab)
Marra, Jenny (North East Scotland) (Lab)
McArthur, Liam (Orkney Islands) (LD)
McDonald, Mark (Aberdeen Donside) (Ind)
McNeill, Pauline (Glasgow) (Lab)
Rennie, Willie (North East Fife) (LD)
Rowley, Alex (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Rumbles, Mike (North East Scotland) (LD)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Sarwar, Anas (Glasgow) (Lab)
Smith, Elaine (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Smyth, Colin (South Scotland) (Lab)
Stewart, David (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Wightman, Andy (Lothian) (Green)
Wishart, Beatrice (Shetland Islands) (LD)

Against

Adam, George (Paisley) (SNP)
Adamson, Clare (Motherwell and Wishaw) (SNP)
Allan, Alasdair (Na h-Eileanan an Iar) (SNP)
Arthur, Tom (Renfrewshire South) (SNP)
Balfour, Jeremy (Lothian) (Con)
Ballantyne, Michelle (South Scotland) (Con)
Beattie, Colin (Midlothian North and Musselburgh) (SNP)
Bowman, Bill (North East Scotland) (Con)
Briggs, Miles (Lothian) (Con)
Brown, Keith (Clackmannanshire and Dunblane) (SNP)
Burnett, Alexander (Aberdeenshire West) (Con)
Cameron, Donald (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Campbell, Aileen (Clydesdale) (SNP)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Chapman, Peter (North East Scotland) (Con)
Coffey, Willie (Kilmarnock and Irvine Valley) (SNP)
Constance, Angela (Almond Valley) (SNP)
Corry, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Crawford, Bruce (Stirling) (SNP)
Cunningham, Roseanna (Perthshire South and Kinross-shire) (SNP)
Davidson, Ruth (Edinburgh Central) (Con)
Denham, Ash (Edinburgh Eastern) (SNP)
Dey, Graeme (Angus South) (SNP)
Doris, Bob (Glasgow Maryhill and Springburn) (SNP)
Dornan, James (Glasgow Cathcart) (SNP)
Ewing, Annabelle (Cowdenbeath) (SNP)
Ewing, Fergus (Inverness and Nairn) (SNP)
Fabiani, Linda (East Kilbride) (SNP)
FitzPatrick, Joe (Dundee City West) (SNP)
Forbes, Kate (Skye, Lochaber and Badenoch) (SNP)
Fraser, Murdo (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Freeman, Jeane (Carrick, Cumnock and Doon Valley) (SNP)
Gibson, Kenneth (Cunninghame North) (SNP)
Gilruth, Jenny (Mid Fife and Glenrothes) (SNP)
Golden, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Gougeon, Mairi (Angus North and Mearns) (SNP)
Grahame, Christine (Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale) (SNP)
Greene, Jamie (West Scotland) (Con)
Halcro Johnston, Jamie (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Hamilton, Rachael (Ettrick, Roxburgh and Berwickshire) (Con)
Harper, Emma (South Scotland) (SNP)
Harris, Alison (Central Scotland) (Con)
Haughey, Clare (Rutherglen) (SNP)
Hepburn, Jamie (Cumbernauld and Kilsyth) (SNP)
Hyslop, Fiona (Linlithgow) (SNP)
Kerr, Liam (North East Scotland) (Con)
Kidd, Bill (Glasgow Anniesland) (SNP)
Lindhurst, Gordon (Lothian) (Con)
Lochhead, Richard (Moray) (SNP)
Lockhart, Dean (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Lyle, Richard (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
MacDonald, Gordon (Edinburgh Pentlands) (SNP)
MacGregor, Fulton (Coatbridge and Chryston) (SNP)
Mackay, Derek (Renfrewshire North and West) (SNP)
Mackay, Rona (Strathkelvin and Bearsden) (SNP)
Macpherson, Ben (Edinburgh Northern and Leith) (SNP)
Maguire, Ruth (Cunninghame South) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Mason, John (Glasgow Shettleston) (SNP)
Mason, Tom (North East Scotland) (Con)
Matheson, Michael (Falkirk West) (SNP)
McAlpine, Joan (South Scotland) (SNP)
McKelvie, Christina (Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse) (SNP)
Mountain, Edward (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Mundell, Oliver (Dumfriesshire) (Con)
Neil, Alex (Airdrie and Shotts) (SNP)
Paterson, Gil (Clydebank and Milngavie) (SNP)
Robison, Shona (Dundee City East) (SNP)
Ross, Gail (Caithness, Sutherland and Ross) (SNP)
Russell, Michael (Argyll and Bute) (SNP)
Simpson, Graham (Central Scotland) (Con)
Smith, Liz (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Somerville, Shirley-Anne (Dunfermline) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)
Stewart, Alexander (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Stewart, Kevin (Aberdeen Central) (SNP)
Sturgeon, Nicola (Glasgow Southside) (SNP)
Todd, Maree (Highlands and Islands) (SNP)
Tomkins, Adam (Glasgow) (Con)
Torrance, David (Kirkcaldy) (SNP)
Watt, Maureen (Aberdeen South and North Kincardine) (SNP)
Wells, Annie (Glasgow) (Con)
Wheelhouse, Paul (South Scotland) (SNP)
White, Sandra (Glasgow Kelvin) (SNP)
Whittle, Brian (South Scotland) (Con)
Yousaf, Humza (Glasgow Pollok) (SNP)

The Presiding Officer

The result of the division is: For 34, Against 87, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 19 disagreed to.

Amendment 3 moved—[Claudia Beamish]—and agreed to.

Amendment 20 moved—[Claudia Beamish].

The Presiding Officer

The question is, that amendment 20 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Presiding Officer

There will be a division.

For

Baillie, Jackie (Dumbarton) (Lab)
Baker, Claire (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Bibby, Neil (West Scotland) (Lab)
Boyack, Sarah (Lothian) (Lab)
Cole-Hamilton, Alex (Edinburgh Western) (LD)
Fee, Mary (West Scotland) (Lab)
Findlay, Neil (Lothian) (Lab)
Finnie, John (Highlands and Islands) (Green)
Grant, Rhoda (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Gray, Iain (East Lothian) (Lab)
Greer, Ross (West Scotland) (Green)
Griffin, Mark (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Harvie, Patrick (Glasgow) (Green)
Johnson, Daniel (Edinburgh Southern) (Lab)
Johnstone, Alison (Lothian) (Green)
Kelly, James (Glasgow) (Lab)
Lennon, Monica (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Leonard, Richard (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Macdonald, Lewis (North East Scotland) (Lab)
Marra, Jenny (North East Scotland) (Lab)
McArthur, Liam (Orkney Islands) (LD)
McDonald, Mark (Aberdeen Donside) (Ind)
McNeill, Pauline (Glasgow) (Lab)
Rennie, Willie (North East Fife) (LD)
Rowley, Alex (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Rumbles, Mike (North East Scotland) (LD)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Sarwar, Anas (Glasgow) (Lab)
Smith, Elaine (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Smyth, Colin (South Scotland) (Lab)
Stewart, David (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Wightman, Andy (Lothian) (Green)
Wishart, Beatrice (Shetland Islands) (LD)

Against

Adam, George (Paisley) (SNP)
Adamson, Clare (Motherwell and Wishaw) (SNP)
Allan, Alasdair (Na h-Eileanan an Iar) (SNP)
Arthur, Tom (Renfrewshire South) (SNP)
Balfour, Jeremy (Lothian) (Con)
Ballantyne, Michelle (South Scotland) (Con)
Beattie, Colin (Midlothian North and Musselburgh) (SNP)
Bowman, Bill (North East Scotland) (Con)
Briggs, Miles (Lothian) (Con)
Brown, Keith (Clackmannanshire and Dunblane) (SNP)
Burnett, Alexander (Aberdeenshire West) (Con)
Cameron, Donald (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Campbell, Aileen (Clydesdale) (SNP)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Coffey, Willie (Kilmarnock and Irvine Valley) (SNP)
Constance, Angela (Almond Valley) (SNP)
Corry, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Crawford, Bruce (Stirling) (SNP)
Cunningham, Roseanna (Perthshire South and Kinross-shire) (SNP)
Davidson, Ruth (Edinburgh Central) (Con)
Denham, Ash (Edinburgh Eastern) (SNP)
Dey, Graeme (Angus South) (SNP)
Doris, Bob (Glasgow Maryhill and Springburn) (SNP)
Dornan, James (Glasgow Cathcart) (SNP)
Ewing, Annabelle (Cowdenbeath) (SNP)
Ewing, Fergus (Inverness and Nairn) (SNP)
Fabiani, Linda (East Kilbride) (SNP)
FitzPatrick, Joe (Dundee City West) (SNP)
Forbes, Kate (Skye, Lochaber and Badenoch) (SNP)
Fraser, Murdo (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Freeman, Jeane (Carrick, Cumnock and Doon Valley) (SNP)
Gibson, Kenneth (Cunninghame North) (SNP)
Gilruth, Jenny (Mid Fife and Glenrothes) (SNP)
Golden, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Gougeon, Mairi (Angus North and Mearns) (SNP)
Grahame, Christine (Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale) (SNP)
Greene, Jamie (West Scotland) (Con)
Halcro Johnston, Jamie (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Hamilton, Rachael (Ettrick, Roxburgh and Berwickshire) (Con)
Harper, Emma (South Scotland) (SNP)
Harris, Alison (Central Scotland) (Con)
Haughey, Clare (Rutherglen) (SNP)
Hepburn, Jamie (Cumbernauld and Kilsyth) (SNP)
Hyslop, Fiona (Linlithgow) (SNP)
Kerr, Liam (North East Scotland) (Con)
Kidd, Bill (Glasgow Anniesland) (SNP)
Lindhurst, Gordon (Lothian) (Con)
Lochhead, Richard (Moray) (SNP)
Lockhart, Dean (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Lyle, Richard (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
MacDonald, Gordon (Edinburgh Pentlands) (SNP)
MacGregor, Fulton (Coatbridge and Chryston) (SNP)
Mackay, Derek (Renfrewshire North and West) (SNP)
Mackay, Rona (Strathkelvin and Bearsden) (SNP)
Macpherson, Ben (Edinburgh Northern and Leith) (SNP)
Maguire, Ruth (Cunninghame South) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Mason, John (Glasgow Shettleston) (SNP)
Mason, Tom (North East Scotland) (Con)
Matheson, Michael (Falkirk West) (SNP)
McAlpine, Joan (South Scotland) (SNP)
McKelvie, Christina (Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse) (SNP)
Mountain, Edward (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Mundell, Oliver (Dumfriesshire) (Con)
Neil, Alex (Airdrie and Shotts) (SNP)
Paterson, Gil (Clydebank and Milngavie) (SNP)
Robison, Shona (Dundee City East) (SNP)
Ross, Gail (Caithness, Sutherland and Ross) (SNP)
Russell, Michael (Argyll and Bute) (SNP)
Simpson, Graham (Central Scotland) (Con)
Smith, Liz (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Somerville, Shirley-Anne (Dunfermline) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)
Stewart, Alexander (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Stewart, Kevin (Aberdeen Central) (SNP)
Sturgeon, Nicola (Glasgow Southside) (SNP)
Todd, Maree (Highlands and Islands) (SNP)
Tomkins, Adam (Glasgow) (Con)
Torrance, David (Kirkcaldy) (SNP)
Watt, Maureen (Aberdeen South and North Kincardine) (SNP)
Wells, Annie (Glasgow) (Con)
Wheelhouse, Paul (South Scotland) (SNP)
White, Sandra (Glasgow Kelvin) (SNP)
Whittle, Brian (South Scotland) (Con)
Yousaf, Humza (Glasgow Pollok) (SNP)

The Presiding Officer

The result of the division is: For 34, Against 86, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 20 disagreed to.

Amendment 4 moved—[Claudia Beamish]—and agreed to.

Section 6—Duty to seek advice from the relevant body

The Presiding Officer

I call amendment 1, in the name of Angus MacDonald.

Angus MacDonald

Firmly pressed, Presiding Officer.

Amendment 1 moved—[Angus MacDonald]—and agreed to.

The Presiding Officer

It is passed, Mr MacDonald.

After section 8

The Presiding Officer

Group 4 is on a citizens assembly. Amendment 21, in the name of Mark Ruskell, is the only amendment in the group.

Mark Ruskell

Angus MacDonald’s amendment 1 was indeed firmly pressed—I could hear it from here.

I am pleased to be moving amendment 21 on the establishment of a climate citizens assembly. I welcome the cross-portfolio discussions that have been taking place, which have involved Patrick Harvie, Michael Russell, Roseanna Cunningham and me. I thank activists from outside the Parliament—some of whom might be inside the Parliament today—who have pushed hard for such an assembly to be set up.

It is clear that we will face unprecedented societal change in the years ahead. How we take people with us in designing and preparing for hard choices will be critical. A citizens assembly is essential if we are to understand the issues, set agendas and test the solutions that will go beyond our current thinking on what is possible.

The Irish Citizens’ Assembly’s work on climate should be a strong inspiration for our own. By feeding its work to ministers and Parliament, it set in train new actions for Ireland’s climate action plan, and it was able to consider issues such as tax policy that were too thorny at first for the politicians to consider, although they eventually caught up on that.

I look forward to the establishment of Scotland’s first-ever climate citizens assembly, and I hope that it will light the path to tackling the climate emergency.

I move amendment 21.

Liam McArthur

I thank Mark Ruskell for lodging amendment 21 and for setting out very clearly the case for a citizens assembly. The Scottish Liberal Democrats very much support the amendment. The circumstances are precisely the sort in which the use of a citizens assembly is justified. As Mark Ruskell has said, such assemblies can make a real contribution in identifying ways of achieving a genuinely shared objective. Perhaps the circumstances are in contrast to other instances in which such assemblies are currently being proposed.

How such citizens assemblies would interact with other sources of advice, evidence and expertise is an obvious question. However, there seems to be nothing in what Mark Ruskell has proposed that would preclude that from happening in ways that would inform and support the citizens assembly’s work and ensure that ministers are able to draw on the advice that they will continue to need when they need it.

I look forward to hearing the cabinet secretary’s comments, but I very much welcome Mark Ruskell’s amendment.

Claudia Beamish

In the climate emergency, a climate citizens assembly is a necessary step to be inclusive and in terms of behaviour change. It will help people to connect with the Parliament.

We invited young people into the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee, and that was really effective. Sometimes, people do not feel that they can come to the Parliament, so we need to take a further step to allow people to have such discussions beyond the Parliament. We therefore support the proposal.

I want to look back to the Supreme Court’s decision on parliamentary sovereignty on Tuesday, which is not far back. I feel uncomfortable about the view of some people who have approached us in relation to a citizens assembly on climate change: they would like the Scottish Parliament to be bound by its deliberations. We cannot possibly support that in a parliamentary democracy. We can be inspired and influenced by a citizens assembly, but in a parliamentary democracy we cannot be bound by it. I simply wanted to highlight that point. However, we will support the proposal.

Roseanna Cunningham

The Scottish Government supports the use of deliberative democracy in Scotland. When a problem requires a longer-term approach, a change of perspective or a development in the way that we as a country discuss the issue, involving the people of Scotland directly in the debate is the right thing to do. We will not solve the most challenging issues of the day if we do not listen to one another and hear and understand what the experts have to say and what the people are most concerned about, or if we do not as a country commit ourselves to a more respectful, balanced and informed dialogue.

The Cabinet Secretary for Government Business and Constitutional Relations set out the case for citizens assemblies generally in a recent debate in the chamber. There was support from across the parties for assemblies to look at the most challenging issues of our day, including support for an assembly on climate change.

Climate change is an issue that is well suited to a citizens assembly. It is certainly one of the most challenging issues of our day. It requires difficult decisions to be made, and it affects the daily lives and futures of every one of us.

I am happy to support the amendment to mandate the establishment of a Scottish citizens assembly on climate change. Assemblies work when they are independent, and the amendment requires that. More than anything else, citizens assemblies need to be established with a strong commitment by a country’s Government and Parliament that they will take seriously the evidence that the assemblies have gathered and the recommendations that they have produced. The amendment guarantees that, too. It requires the assembly to lay its report before Parliament and to provide the Scottish ministers with a copy, to which they must respond.

I therefore support the amendment and look forward to working with parties across the Parliament to establish Scotland’s citizens assembly on climate change during the remainder of this parliamentary session.

Mark Ruskell

I thank members across parties for their support for the amendment.

We are seeing deliberative democracy really taking off in Scotland. There is participatory budgeting and, in the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee, we have held our own citizens jury on the future of agricultural subsidies. The approach is genuinely engaging. It accesses views that we would not otherwise hear and brings new voices into decision making and thinking, which is hugely important.

When such initiatives are established, there is sometimes a danger of expectations running incredibly high. In this case, the expectations of the citizens assembly are very clear. It will not be a decision-making body; it will produce reports, advice and thinking that the Government and committees of Parliament will then be able to consider. I do not believe that the citizens assembly should have the responsibility of taking decisions; that responsibility rightly lies with us in Parliament. However, we should actively engage with and consider the results and work of the citizens assembly through our business in Parliament.

Amendment 21 agreed to.

Section 9—Annual targets: 2021 to year before net-zero year

Amendment 5 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

After section 12

The Presiding Officer

Group 5 is on the approval of relevant public body budgets. Amendment 22, in the name of Mark Ruskell, is the only amendment in the group.

Mark Ruskell

Last year, I think, the national grid noticed a sudden huge drop in electricity consumption in Dundee. It took the national grid a while to work out that it was due to something happening at Ninewells hospital. A few phone calls later, there was confirmation that the hospital was okay. There was no problem, but the hospital had had its new energy system switched on, which immediately had a massive impact on the grid.

The decisions that public bodies make, particularly in relation to their infrastructure, are significant in how we tackle climate change. Such decisions can either lock in emissions for decades or make big emissions savings, which can deliver equally big financial savings. Tackling the climate emergency means getting every institution’s actions and spending going in the right direction. We need to understand how public bodies contribute to the solution through both the capital and revenue sides of their budgets. Amendment 22 will drive the conversation between public bodies and Government in support of delivery of the targets in the bill.

I move amendment 22.

Sarah Boyack

We support amendment 22, because every single one of our public bodies should, as a matter of course, be mainstreaming action on climate change. That should be agreed before their budgets are agreed. It is about leadership, culture and thinking proactively about public procurement, so that there is consideration of the impact on climate change of every investment and expenditure decision, whether it is about resilience to climate change or lowering carbon emissions.

We very much support amendment 22. It is a short amendment, but it could have a big impact on leadership and delivery on the ground.

Roseanna Cunningham

Although I have sympathy for the motivation behind amendment 22, I cannot support it, because a better way forward is not only available but already in train.

The Scottish Government is consulting on the role of public sector bodies in tackling climate change. That work includes asking a specific question about whether such bodies should report annually on how they use their resources to contribute to reducing emissions. Once the consultation is complete, the Scottish Government will introduce secondary legislation to update the statutory reporting duties under the 2009 act.

There are several reasons why taking that approach, rather than the one in amendment 22, is the right way to progress the entirely legitimate questions about how the public sector supports emissions reductions. First, the review covers the full range of public sector bodies in Scotland. In contrast, amendment 22 would exclude many significant players by being framed in terms of only those bodies for which ministers must approve

“proposals for the use of resources”.

Secondly, amendment 22 would not capture any United Kingdom public bodies that operate in Scotland, such as Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs and the Department for Work and Pensions. Just yesterday, I wrote to the UK Government to ask it to decarbonise its estates and operations in Scotland in time to allow our net zero date of 2045 to be met, rather than its target date of 2050.

Sarah Boyack

How does the cabinet secretary think that the Scottish Parliament can legislate to instruct UK Government agencies to do something? We can influence them, but it is up to them to decide.

Roseanna Cunningham

Perhaps the member should listen to what I have said. I have written to the Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, at Westminster, to ask the UK Government to agree to what we will discuss in relation to public sector bodies. Of course we cannot legislate for UK public sector bodies, but their emissions will add to our emissions stats. I am asking the UK Government to come on board with what we are doing.

15:45  

My point is that there is a group of public sector bodies that do not submit their budgets to us. Amendment 22 would not even capture all public bodies in the devolved arena—it would exclude those such as Scottish local authorities, health boards and Crown Estate Scotland, whose budgets are their own to set. In contrast, all such bodies are captured by the public sector reporting duty, so pursuing that route forward would be substantially more effective.

For those reasons, I urge members to reject amendment 22.

Mark Ruskell

I feel as though I have been listening to this debate for some time now. Sarah Boyack has talked about mainstreaming and public procurement, which we talked about in the second session of the Scottish Parliament, yet the Government is still not taking significant action to crack the issue. The bill was the Government’s opportunity to put in provisions around public bodies and in a raft of other areas in which action needs to be taken to ensure that all institutions in the country work together to tackle the climate emergency.

The opposition to my amendment is disappointing. We had a discussion on the matter over the summer. I respect the fact that consultations are under way, but this is the moment to put something into legislation. Amendment 22 might not capture absolutely all public bodies, but it would move the situation forward significantly. The committee received evidence from the national health service in particular about the importance of reducing energy use, tackling climate change and improving the financial bottom line of many of our public institutions. We should be driving that forward right now. Just because amendment 22 is not complete in its scope does not mean that we cannot agree to it now and then consult on other areas that are not covered by it with a view to improving action over time.

I press amendment 22.

The Presiding Officer

The question is, that amendment 22 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Presiding Officer

There will be a division.

For

Baillie, Jackie (Dumbarton) (Lab)
Baker, Claire (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Bibby, Neil (West Scotland) (Lab)
Boyack, Sarah (Lothian) (Lab)
Fee, Mary (West Scotland) (Lab)
Findlay, Neil (Lothian) (Lab)
Finnie, John (Highlands and Islands) (Green)
Grant, Rhoda (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Gray, Iain (East Lothian) (Lab)
Greer, Ross (West Scotland) (Green)
Griffin, Mark (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Harvie, Patrick (Glasgow) (Green)
Johnson, Daniel (Edinburgh Southern) (Lab)
Johnstone, Alison (Lothian) (Green)
Kelly, James (Glasgow) (Lab)
Lennon, Monica (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Leonard, Richard (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Macdonald, Lewis (North East Scotland) (Lab)
Marra, Jenny (North East Scotland) (Lab)
McNeill, Pauline (Glasgow) (Lab)
Rowley, Alex (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Sarwar, Anas (Glasgow) (Lab)
Smith, Elaine (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Smyth, Colin (South Scotland) (Lab)
Stewart, David (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Wightman, Andy (Lothian) (Green)

Against

Adam, George (Paisley) (SNP)
Adamson, Clare (Motherwell and Wishaw) (SNP)
Allan, Alasdair (Na h-Eileanan an Iar) (SNP)
Arthur, Tom (Renfrewshire South) (SNP)
Balfour, Jeremy (Lothian) (Con)
Ballantyne, Michelle (South Scotland) (Con)
Beattie, Colin (Midlothian North and Musselburgh) (SNP)
Bowman, Bill (North East Scotland) (Con)
Briggs, Miles (Lothian) (Con)
Brown, Keith (Clackmannanshire and Dunblane) (SNP)
Burnett, Alexander (Aberdeenshire West) (Con)
Cameron, Donald (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Campbell, Aileen (Clydesdale) (SNP)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Chapman, Peter (North East Scotland) (Con)
Coffey, Willie (Kilmarnock and Irvine Valley) (SNP)
Cole-Hamilton, Alex (Edinburgh Western) (LD)
Constance, Angela (Almond Valley) (SNP)
Corry, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Crawford, Bruce (Stirling) (SNP)
Cunningham, Roseanna (Perthshire South and Kinross-shire) (SNP)
Davidson, Ruth (Edinburgh Central) (Con)
Denham, Ash (Edinburgh Eastern) (SNP)
Dey, Graeme (Angus South) (SNP)
Doris, Bob (Glasgow Maryhill and Springburn) (SNP)
Dornan, James (Glasgow Cathcart) (SNP)
Ewing, Annabelle (Cowdenbeath) (SNP)
Ewing, Fergus (Inverness and Nairn) (SNP)
Fabiani, Linda (East Kilbride) (SNP)
FitzPatrick, Joe (Dundee City West) (SNP)
Forbes, Kate (Skye, Lochaber and Badenoch) (SNP)
Fraser, Murdo (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Freeman, Jeane (Carrick, Cumnock and Doon Valley) (SNP)
Gibson, Kenneth (Cunninghame North) (SNP)
Gilruth, Jenny (Mid Fife and Glenrothes) (SNP)
Golden, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Gougeon, Mairi (Angus North and Mearns) (SNP)
Grahame, Christine (Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale) (SNP)
Greene, Jamie (West Scotland) (Con)
Halcro Johnston, Jamie (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Hamilton, Rachael (Ettrick, Roxburgh and Berwickshire) (Con)
Harper, Emma (South Scotland) (SNP)
Harris, Alison (Central Scotland) (Con)
Haughey, Clare (Rutherglen) (SNP)
Hepburn, Jamie (Cumbernauld and Kilsyth) (SNP)
Hyslop, Fiona (Linlithgow) (SNP)
Kerr, Liam (North East Scotland) (Con)
Kidd, Bill (Glasgow Anniesland) (SNP)
Lindhurst, Gordon (Lothian) (Con)
Lochhead, Richard (Moray) (SNP)
Lockhart, Dean (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Lyle, Richard (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
MacDonald, Gordon (Edinburgh Pentlands) (SNP)
MacGregor, Fulton (Coatbridge and Chryston) (SNP)
Mackay, Derek (Renfrewshire North and West) (SNP)
Mackay, Rona (Strathkelvin and Bearsden) (SNP)
Macpherson, Ben (Edinburgh Northern and Leith) (SNP)
Maguire, Ruth (Cunninghame South) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Mason, John (Glasgow Shettleston) (SNP)
Mason, Tom (North East Scotland) (Con)
Matheson, Michael (Falkirk West) (SNP)
McAlpine, Joan (South Scotland) (SNP)
McArthur, Liam (Orkney Islands) (LD)
McDonald, Mark (Aberdeen Donside) (Ind)
McKelvie, Christina (Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse) (SNP)
Mountain, Edward (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Mundell, Oliver (Dumfriesshire) (Con)
Neil, Alex (Airdrie and Shotts) (SNP)
Paterson, Gil (Clydebank and Milngavie) (SNP)
Rennie, Willie (North East Fife) (LD)
Robison, Shona (Dundee City East) (SNP)
Ross, Gail (Caithness, Sutherland and Ross) (SNP)
Rumbles, Mike (North East Scotland) (LD)
Russell, Michael (Argyll and Bute) (SNP)
Simpson, Graham (Central Scotland) (Con)
Smith, Liz (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Somerville, Shirley-Anne (Dunfermline) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)
Stewart, Alexander (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Stewart, Kevin (Aberdeen Central) (SNP)
Sturgeon, Nicola (Glasgow Southside) (SNP)
Todd, Maree (Highlands and Islands) (SNP)
Tomkins, Adam (Glasgow) (Con)
Torrance, David (Kirkcaldy) (SNP)
Watt, Maureen (Aberdeen South and North Kincardine) (SNP)
Wells, Annie (Glasgow) (Con)
Wheelhouse, Paul (South Scotland) (SNP)
White, Sandra (Glasgow Kelvin) (SNP)
Whittle, Brian (South Scotland) (Con)
Wishart, Beatrice (Shetland Islands) (LD)
Yousaf, Humza (Glasgow Pollok) (SNP)

The Presiding Officer

The result of the division is: For 28, Against 93, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 22 disagreed to.

After section 15

The Presiding Officer

Group 6 is on a nitrogen balance sheet. Amendment 23, in the name of Maurice Golden, is grouped with manuscript amendment 23A.

Maurice Golden

Amendments 23 and 23A seek to introduce a requirement on the Scottish ministers to create a balance sheet to measure nitrogen flows across all sectors and media in Scotland within 18 months of the bill being passed. I thank the Presiding Officer for accepting my manuscript amendment, which seeks to change the relevant timescale from 12 to 18 months. I think that a period of 18 months is more appropriate, as it will allow more time for research, modelling and consultation.

Nitrogen balance sheets are an established technique for understanding nitrogen flows across all sectors of the economy. A nitrogen balance sheet would allow us to calculate nitrogen use efficiency across Scotland and to develop a baseline figure for it, as well as showing areas where nitrogen should be used more efficiently. That would help us to develop fair and evidence-based policies to identify and tackle nitrogen loss across the whole of the economy, and to ensure that nitrogen efficiency is monitored and reported on, so that policy always reflects practice.

In this year’s programme for government, the Scottish Government committed to developing a national nitrogen balance sheet. I hope that we have support for these amendments from not just the SNP, but members across the chamber.

I move amendments 23 and 23A.

Stewart Stevenson

I very much welcome amendments 23 and 23A. In particular, I welcome the change to 18 months. It is worth saying that in committee, John Scott and I have been concerned about the way that the international greenhouse gas inventory works in relation to agriculture. The inventory is very unfair in reflecting the cost and benefit of agriculture, because it does not attribute to agriculture things such as forestry and renewable energy.

The balance sheet will play its own part in giving us a better understanding of the positive impact that agriculture—and, for that matter, agroforestry—can have on this particular agenda. Outwith this chamber, there has been too much lazy commentary—to put it bluntly—which has not considered the full facts relating to agriculture. I am happy to support Maurice Golden’s proposal on that basis, and for many other reasons as well.

Mark Ruskell

I welcome the amendments. The case for a nitrogen budget for Scotland has been building for several years, and this approach will cut pollution, waste and energy usage while saving money—especially for farmers.

Our fields are currently drenched with a staggering excess of 87kg of nitrogen per hectare. Not only is that an expensive waste of inputs; the subsequent costs of pollution and clean-ups of water and air are then, of course, borne by taxpayers.

I hope that the starting point of the budget will be compulsory soil testing, which is one of the recommendations of the UK Committee on Climate Change that the Scottish Government has not yet adopted. It should also lead to innovation and new technologies that value nitrogen as the important resource that it is.

Claudia Beamish

I will speak very briefly in support of Maurice Golden’s important amendments. I identify myself with the remarks of other members who have highlighted the issues. It is a challenge for farmers when a lot of what they do is not recognised, and the nitrogen balance sheet will help. Of course, the issue affects other sectors as well.

For quite a time in committee, in this parliamentary session and in the previous one, we have grappled with nitrogen. It is not before time that we are able to support these amendments, and I really hope that they are agreed to.

Liam McArthur

Like others, I rise to speak in support of the amendments. The manuscript amendment is very welcome in that it buys a little bit more time. Although there seem to be concerns around flexibility over the longer term, none of them are insurmountable.

As Stewart Stevenson rightly pointed out, the issue of providing greater balance in relation to the pros and cons of the role that agriculture plays in helping us to meet our climate change challenges is—in part—addressed through the amendments. Therefore, I very much welcome them, and confirm that the Liberal Democrats will support them.

Roseanna Cunningham

As indicated by Maurice Golden, the Scottish Government committed in the programme for government to preparing a nationwide nitrogen balance sheet. We recognise the value that such information can have in relation to better understanding Scotland’s nitrogen cycle and allowing us to take a systemic approach to improving nitrogen use efficiency, and reducing nitrogen waste throughout the entire economy.

The first stage of the work to create a balance sheet is, necessarily, research to explore the available evidence, which will, if it is to be done well, take some time. The amendment as it was originally lodged posed some technical difficulties, as it would have meant that the Government had substantially less time to undertake the necessary initial research. I am, therefore, very grateful to Maurice Golden for being willing to listen to those concerns and lodging a manuscript amendment to make the timing requirement more realistic. On that basis, I have no reservation in supporting the amendments.

Maurice Golden

I welcome members’ comments and press amendments 23 and 23A.

Amendment 23A agreed to.

Amendment 23, as amended, agreed to.

After section 17A

The Presiding Officer

Group 7 is on emissions attributable to consumption of goods and services: reports and proposals and policies. Amendment 24, in the name of Mark Ruskell, is grouped with amendment 34.

Mark Ruskell

It would be blinkered of us to focus solely on cutting emissions at home while increasing emissions through the consumption of products that are made abroad. It is unfortunate that the picture in that regard is worsening. We live in a consumer society. Consumption emissions are not falling fast enough, and those that are embedded in imported goods and services are rising.

If we are to get a grip on that picture, we need consumption emissions to be reported by sector and we then need to consider how those emissions can be cut, addressing the matter through the climate change plan.

I welcome the constructive discussions with the Government on consumption and I thank the Government for its support for amendments 24 and 34.

I move amendment 24.

Roseanna Cunningham

I am content to support amendments 24 and 34 and I am grateful to Mark Ruskell for working with the Government on the amendments over the summer.

Consumption-based emissions associated with imported goods and services—commonly referred to as our carbon footprint—form an important part of the wider climate change picture. Scotland is already a leader in that it is one of the very few countries that publish regular official statistics on their carbon footprint. One of the national indicators is based on the metric.

It is appropriate that the bill should strengthen reporting duties, as is provided for in amendment 24, and that it ensures that measures to reduce consumption-based emissions are included in the scope of climate change plans, as is provided for in amendment 34.

We must remember that international practice, including under the Paris agreement, is to report emissions on a territorial basis, in part because doing so avoids risks of double counting. Reducing territorial emissions—that is, those from sources located here in Scotland—needs to remain the main focus of our target framework and efforts.

Amendments 24 and 34 strike a sensible balance between those considerations. They will strengthen the complementary role for carbon footprint reporting without jeopardising the necessary focus on reducing emissions at source.

Amendment 24 agreed to.

The Presiding Officer

Group 8 is on land use strategy. Amendment 25, in the name of Claudia Beamish, is grouped with amendment 27.

Claudia Beamish

Amendments 25 and 27 are designed to better align our land use strategy with climate change action. I am pleased that they have the support of a number of non-governmental organisations, including WWF Scotland, Scottish Land & Estates, NFU Scotland and Nourish Scotland.

A key part of the 2009 act was the recognition of the key role that land use plays in climate mitigation and adaptation. However, there has been little progress on policy delivery. There has been no reporting since 2016, and in our view the issue is underresourced. The Government has not taken seriously enough the need for the land use principles to underpin planning.

However, we welcomed the commitment in this year’s programme for government to develop proposals to establish land use partnerships by 2021 and task them with the creation of frameworks by 2023. The amendments in my name support that commitment, and I will be confused if the Scottish Government does not support them.

Amendment 25 would strengthen the mandate of the land use strategy to facilitate delivery of climate change targets. Amendment 27 would require the Scottish ministers to set out, in the climate change plan, proposals and policies on the establishment, support and resourcing of regional land use partnerships and frameworks.

Regional land use partnerships and frameworks are key to the identification of land use priorities, in partnership with landowners and communities, to bring multiple carbon dioxide benefits, through targeted public spending to support delivery. An appropriate land use strategy would support climate action and the transition to a carbon-positive rural landscape as well as the development of the important role of carbon sequestration, as the UK Committee on Climate Change has highlighted.

I move amendment 25.

16:00  

Roseanna Cunningham

The programme for government commits us to establishing regional land use partnerships and frameworks by 2023. Amendments 25 and 27 are broadly in line with those commitments, and I am content to accept them.

The development of regional land use partnerships and frameworks is likely to be complicated, and that is reflected in the phased approach that the programme for government sets out. To ensure that we get it right, it is important that we maintain that phased approach, so that regional partnerships and frameworks are as effective as possible in contributing to tackling climate change.

I am content that amendment 27 provides a reasonable way to ensure that progress on delivering those commitments is reflected in future climate change plans.

On amendment 25, in relation to annual reporting on progress on the land use strategy, I have concerns that such reporting might prove to duplicate what will be set out, in any case, in the monitoring reports on the climate change plan. Nonetheless, I recognise the desire for regular reporting on the land use strategy in its own right and, on that basis, I am prepared to support amendment 25.

Claudia Beamish

This has been a long time in the coming. I am delighted that the cabinet secretary is supporting the amendments and I hope that members across the chamber will do the same. As we go forward, it is vital that tackling climate change is at the heart of our land use strategies and regional partnerships. To have that commitment in the bill is significant.

Amendment 25 agreed to.

Section 19—Climate change plan

The Presiding Officer

Group 9 is on the timing of the first climate change plan and monitoring report. Amendment 26, in the name of Mark Ruskell, is grouped with amendment 13.

Mark Ruskell

The past few months of this climate emergency have seen everybody, including the Greens, reassess whether our proposals are fit to deliver an unprecedented rate of change. The amendments that have already been passed today lay down fresh challenges. A revised climate plan is needed. A tweak here and there to a revised plan will not cut it. It has to be a priority for Government to deliver a fresh plan, with fresh ambition, in the next six months.

I move amendment 26.

Roseanna Cunningham

First, I will respond to amendment 26, which I was disappointed to see lodged again after the stage 2 discussions in the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee. In line with what the committee called for in its stage 2 report, the First Minister has made a clear commitment to update the current climate change plan within six months of royal assent. Amendment 26 would instead require an entire new climate change plan process to be completed within six months. That proposition is significantly different from the committee’s recommendation and is not just unreasonable but flat-out impossible.

Extensive statutory requirements govern a full plan process. A draft version of the plan would need to be laid and scrutinised by Parliament within the proposed six-month window. Amendments that were agreed at stage 2 in response to the committee’s recommendations mean that at least four of those months must be occupied by parliamentary scrutiny. That would leave the Government with less than two months to design, prepare and consult on the plan. That is clearly untenable, particularly given the additional elements to the process that were added to the bill via amendments at stage 2.

For example, the bill requires that the CCC’s views be sought on draft plans. A reasonable amount of time would need to be given to the CCC to do that, and the Government would want to consider the CCC’s advice before laying the plan in Parliament. If we allowed a month for that process, we would be in a position where the draft plan would have to be produced, consulted on and to have all its statutory assessments completed in just one month.

The Parliament agreed to the Environmental Assessment (Scotland) Act 2005, which requires the Government to conduct strategic environmental assessments of plans and programmes that are likely to have significant environmental effects. It would not be possible to meet that statutory requirement and a statutory requirement to finalise a new climate change plan, including parliamentary scrutiny of four months, within a six-month period.

There is a global climate emergency and, in response, meaningful, swift action is needed. The current climate plan was published just over 18 months ago, following a process of parliamentary scrutiny. The ECCLR Committee called for an updated plan, and the First Minister and I have made clear commitments to delivering that. Doing so within six months will be very challenging, but that is what we are committed to.

Amendment 26 is not practicable or reasonable, and I strongly urge members to reject it. In contrast, amendment 13, in my name, represents a pragmatic adjustment to the timing of future climate change plan monitoring reports in light of the commitment to update the current climate change plan within six months.

The bill places annual reporting on a statutory footing. As recommended by the ECCLR Committee, the timing of the reports has now been moved to fall before summer recess each year. Our commitment to updating the current plan within six months of royal assent means that that can be expected in late spring next year. It would not make sense for there to be a requirement to lay a set of monitoring reports at the same time as we lay the updated plan. To avoid that scenario, under amendment 17, the first set of monitoring reports under the bill arrangements will be required in May 2021.

That does not mean that no monitoring of the current climate change plan will occur until 2021. Building from the first plan monitoring report in October 2018, I confirm today that we will publish a second annual report later this autumn. The monitoring information in that report will help to inform the process of updating the plan itself.

Maurice Golden

We will support amendment 13. However, I appreciate Mark Ruskell’s intention behind the amendment for a new climate change plan. The Conservatives agree that there should be a new plan. There is a requirement on the Government to set out and chart our progress towards the new targets that we have agreed to today. However, the associated timescale of six months is just too stretching. As the Opposition, we want to put as much pressure on the Government as possible, but we also want to be fair and reasonable. Amendment 26 does not meet that test.

Claudia Beamish

Anything new that comes forward in relation to the climate emergency can be put into an updated plan with the agreement of the ECCLR Committee and Parliament. Having reflected on what the cabinet secretary has said today—I understood her to say that there will be an updated plan within six months—we will abstain on amendment 26 and support amendment 13. I see that she is nodding in agreement—I thank the cabinet secretary.

Mark Ruskell

I welcome the cabinet secretary’s clarification about the Government’s plans for the process. We have to ensure that the revision to the climate change plan is meaningful and that there is enough time and involvement from committees to scrutinise what comes out of the bill. We are making big changes today, and the bill will have big implications.

I welcome Opposition parties’ support for the intention behind amendment 26 but, having reflected on the cabinet secretary’s contribution and her reassurances, I will not press it.

Amendment 26, by agreement, withdrawn.

Amendment 27 moved—[Claudia Beamish].

The Presiding Officer

The question is, that amendment 27 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

For

Adam, George (Paisley) (SNP)
Adamson, Clare (Motherwell and Wishaw) (SNP)
Allan, Alasdair (Na h-Eileanan an Iar) (SNP)
Arthur, Tom (Renfrewshire South) (SNP)
Baillie, Jackie (Dumbarton) (Lab)
Baker, Claire (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Beattie, Colin (Midlothian North and Musselburgh) (SNP)
Bibby, Neil (West Scotland) (Lab)
Boyack, Sarah (Lothian) (Lab)
Brown, Keith (Clackmannanshire and Dunblane) (SNP)
Campbell, Aileen (Clydesdale) (SNP)
Coffey, Willie (Kilmarnock and Irvine Valley) (SNP)
Cole-Hamilton, Alex (Edinburgh Western) (LD)
Constance, Angela (Almond Valley) (SNP)
Crawford, Bruce (Stirling) (SNP)
Cunningham, Roseanna (Perthshire South and Kinross-shire) (SNP)
Denham, Ash (Edinburgh Eastern) (SNP)
Dey, Graeme (Angus South) (SNP)
Doris, Bob (Glasgow Maryhill and Springburn) (SNP)
Dornan, James (Glasgow Cathcart) (SNP)
Ewing, Annabelle (Cowdenbeath) (SNP)
Ewing, Fergus (Inverness and Nairn) (SNP)
Fabiani, Linda (East Kilbride) (SNP)
Fee, Mary (West Scotland) (Lab)
Findlay, Neil (Lothian) (Lab)
Finnie, John (Highlands and Islands) (Green)
FitzPatrick, Joe (Dundee City West) (SNP)
Forbes, Kate (Skye, Lochaber and Badenoch) (SNP)
Freeman, Jeane (Carrick, Cumnock and Doon Valley) (SNP)
Gibson, Kenneth (Cunninghame North) (SNP)
Gilruth, Jenny (Mid Fife and Glenrothes) (SNP)
Gougeon, Mairi (Angus North and Mearns) (SNP)
Grahame, Christine (Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale) (SNP)
Grant, Rhoda (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Gray, Iain (East Lothian) (Lab)
Greer, Ross (West Scotland) (Green)
Griffin, Mark (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Harper, Emma (South Scotland) (SNP)
Harvie, Patrick (Glasgow) (Green)
Haughey, Clare (Rutherglen) (SNP)
Hepburn, Jamie (Cumbernauld and Kilsyth) (SNP)
Hyslop, Fiona (Linlithgow) (SNP)
Johnson, Daniel (Edinburgh Southern) (Lab)
Johnstone, Alison (Lothian) (Green)
Kelly, James (Glasgow) (Lab)
Kidd, Bill (Glasgow Anniesland) (SNP)
Lennon, Monica (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Leonard, Richard (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Lochhead, Richard (Moray) (SNP)
Lyle, Richard (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
MacDonald, Gordon (Edinburgh Pentlands) (SNP)
Macdonald, Lewis (North East Scotland) (Lab)
MacGregor, Fulton (Coatbridge and Chryston) (SNP)
Mackay, Derek (Renfrewshire North and West) (SNP)
Mackay, Rona (Strathkelvin and Bearsden) (SNP)
Macpherson, Ben (Edinburgh Northern and Leith) (SNP)
Maguire, Ruth (Cunninghame South) (SNP)
Marra, Jenny (North East Scotland) (Lab)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Mason, John (Glasgow Shettleston) (SNP)
Matheson, Michael (Falkirk West) (SNP)
McAlpine, Joan (South Scotland) (SNP)
McArthur, Liam (Orkney Islands) (LD)
McDonald, Mark (Aberdeen Donside) (Ind)
McKelvie, Christina (Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse) (SNP)
Neil, Alex (Airdrie and Shotts) (SNP)
Paterson, Gil (Clydebank and Milngavie) (SNP)
Rennie, Willie (North East Fife) (LD)
Robison, Shona (Dundee City East) (SNP)
Ross, Gail (Caithness, Sutherland and Ross) (SNP)
Rowley, Alex (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Rumbles, Mike (North East Scotland) (LD)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Russell, Michael (Argyll and Bute) (SNP)
Sarwar, Anas (Glasgow) (Lab)
Smith, Elaine (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Smyth, Colin (South Scotland) (Lab)
Somerville, Shirley-Anne (Dunfermline) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)
Stewart, David (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Stewart, Kevin (Aberdeen Central) (SNP)
Sturgeon, Nicola (Glasgow Southside) (SNP)
Todd, Maree (Highlands and Islands) (SNP)
Torrance, David (Kirkcaldy) (SNP)
Watt, Maureen (Aberdeen South and North Kincardine) (SNP)
Wheelhouse, Paul (South Scotland) (SNP)
White, Sandra (Glasgow Kelvin) (SNP)
Wightman, Andy (Lothian) (Green)
Wishart, Beatrice (Shetland Islands) (LD)
Yousaf, Humza (Glasgow Pollok) (SNP)

Abstentions

Balfour, Jeremy (Lothian) (Con)
Ballantyne, Michelle (South Scotland) (Con)
Bowman, Bill (North East Scotland) (Con)
Briggs, Miles (Lothian) (Con)
Burnett, Alexander (Aberdeenshire West) (Con)
Cameron, Donald (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Chapman, Peter (North East Scotland) (Con)
Corry, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Davidson, Ruth (Edinburgh Central) (Con)
Fraser, Murdo (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Golden, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Greene, Jamie (West Scotland) (Con)
Halcro Johnston, Jamie (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Hamilton, Rachael (Ettrick, Roxburgh and Berwickshire) (Con)
Harris, Alison (Central Scotland) (Con)
Kerr, Liam (North East Scotland) (Con)
Lockhart, Dean (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Mason, Tom (North East Scotland) (Con)
Mountain, Edward (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Mundell, Oliver (Dumfriesshire) (Con)
Simpson, Graham (Central Scotland) (Con)
Smith, Liz (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Stewart, Alexander (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Tomkins, Adam (Glasgow) (Con)
Wells, Annie (Glasgow) (Con)
Whittle, Brian (South Scotland) (Con)

The Presiding Officer

The result of the division is: For 92, Against 0, Abstentions 27.

Amendment 27 agreed to.

The Presiding Officer

Group 10 is on climate change plan: proposals and policies. Amendment 28, in the name of Mark Ruskell, is grouped with amendments 29 to 31, 31A, 31B, 32 and 33.

Mark Ruskell

There is a frustration among Opposition parties in the Parliament. For years now, we have continually highlighted what we see as poor ambition on climate change, especially in the areas of housing and farming. Stronger action, as called for by the UK Committee on Climate Change, should have been embedded in the climate change plan, but it was not and so we needed to take action through this legislation.

I will start with the amendments on farming in this group, all of which we accept. It is clear that, while countries such as France have forged ahead, creating ambitious agro-ecology action plans to cover emissions, restore biodiversity and support farm businesses, in Scotland we remain stuck in preserving the status quo. We know how to change, as we have excellent, if underfunded, research institutes. We can restore our soil by integrating trees into farm systems and we can expand organic production. We can design advice and financial support to drive the farming transition, while recognising the whole contribution that farm holdings can make to the nation’s carbon balance sheet.

On housing, draughty, cold homes are dragging down our efforts to cut household emissions, which need a fresh focus alongside a determination to end the disgrace of fuel poverty. A tolerable standard of energy performance certificate ratings of at least C must be the norm for the vast majority of households in Scotland. We can learn from mass retrofit approaches across Europe, as well as the targeted approaches to helping people in hard-to-heat properties to access advice and financial support.

We must also be pioneering and look to new frontiers in preserving and locking up carbon. Today, the IPCC has launched its new report on the oceans, demanding that future climate plans recognise and support those ecosystems in their role as carbon sinks, as well as their ability to help us to adapt to extreme weather. Kelp has never been more important.

Finally, we need clarity from the Government on its policies for fossil fuel extraction including unconventional oil and gas. There has been a welcome change in tone from the First Minister, but while we still wait for a legally watertight fracking ban to be delivered, the Government’s policies on fossil fuels cannot exist in a silo away from the climate plans. The need for transition has to be addressed in the heart of those plans, regardless of the level of ambition. I have therefore lodged amendments across a range of policy areas.

I move amendment 28.

Maurice Golden

I start with amendment 33, on an agricultural modernisation fund. It would introduce a requirement for the Scottish ministers to set out in the climate change plan their proposals and policies for such a fund to reduce greenhouse gas emissions on Scottish farms. This year’s programme for government set out the Scottish Government’s plans to consider such funding in the budget as part of a new agricultural transformation programme. Amendment 33 would ensure that policies and proposals for any future agricultural modernisation fund are considered in the next climate change plan. Taking forward policies and proposals for funding to support climate-friendly farming practices could contribute to on-farm carbon sequestration and emissions reductions. Funding is not at present available to support farmers and the up-front costs that are associated with reducing emissions from agriculture are often prohibitive.

Amendment 31 seeks to introduce a requirement for the Scottish ministers to set out in the climate change plan their proposals and policies for a whole-farm approach to emissions accounting on Scottish farms. The amendment would require the climate change plan to set out the Scottish ministers’ proposals and policies regarding the establishment of a whole-farm approach to emissions accounting on Scottish farms and regarding the reduction of Scottish whole-farm greenhouse gas emissions through the use of, among other things, research, knowledge transfer and advice, and circular economy initiatives.

16:15  

I am pleased to have cross-party support for amendment 31. However, I will not support amendments 31A and 31B, which are amendments to my amendment, as I believe that they would make the provision that will be inserted into the bill overly prescriptive.

Amendment 32 seeks to introduce a requirement on the Scottish ministers to set out in the climate change plan their proposals and policies on the potential for capture and storage of carbon when designating marine protected areas. The amendment would encourage the Scottish Government to take account of the potential for carbon sequestration alongside biodiversity concerns when designating MPAs.

Claudia Beamish

We will support amendment 28, in the name of Mark Ruskell, which will oblige us to have a discussion on the future of our fossil fuel industry. That discussion needs to be had across the Parliament in relation to the climate emergency and a just transition. The amendment also highlights the Parliament’s position on onshore fracking.

We support amendment 29, in the name of Mark Ruskell, because research is needed to build on what we know about marine ecosystems. We need to mirror the journey from research to action that there has been on peatlands. In the climate change plan, we have teetered around providing real support for marine ecosystems and blue carbon. That should be a priority, and there should be more research into the issue.

On amendment 30, in the name of Mark Ruskell, we are positive about the possibilities for measures on housing to reduce climate change emissions and about the multiple benefits that come to communities across Scotland, particularly rural communities, and to people who are in fuel poverty. Such measures will lead to a better quality of life for people and will support the UN right to a home, which in Scotland should of course be a warm home.

Amendment 31, in the name of Maurice Golden, which is supported by Mark Ruskell, builds on Mark Ruskell’s stage 2 amendment relating to whole-farm commitments and on work by colleagues on the committee, including John Scott—I send my good wishes to him—and Finlay Carson. It is an important amendment, because agriculture is one of the heaviest and most intractable emitters of greenhouse gases. The amendment would give cause for optimism, as it would clarify robustly the range of issues in relation to the way forward. It is valuable for those issues to be set out. The inclusion of support and advice mechanisms will help with a just transition for the land use and agriculture sector.

My amendments 31A and 31B are additions to amendment 31. They would add carbon sequestration and agroforestry to the list of areas through which Scottish farms can reduce whole-farm greenhouse gas emissions.

We will support amendment 31, as it proposes a worthwhile addition to the plan that will provide a more rounded approach to the understanding of farm emissions and ministers’ support for farmers in the climate emergency.

Mike Rumbles (North East Scotland) (LD)

I am genuinely not clear about what amendment 31A on carbon sequestration by whole farms entails. Will she be a little more specific about what she is advocating?

Claudia Beamish

I will explain what I am advocating. Up until now, it has often been the case that farmers have been doing work on carbon sequestration and peatlands, but it has not been recognised or supported. It is important that amendment 31A is agreed to so that that work is recognised.

I find it disappointing that, if I understand it correctly, Maurice Golden is not going to support either my amendment on peatland restoration or my amendment on agroforestry, because those are ways forward through which farmers can contribute, and they can bring great benefits for farmers. My amendments are not overprescriptive. Peatland restoration and agroforestry are important methods of land management and they deserve attention. They should be included in the bill, and including them would bring further discussion and increase the common understanding of options for greener farming and working with nature.

Combining woodlands, tree planting and hedging for growing or grazing in agroforestry and seasonal shade and shelter as well as riparian planting to avoid erosion are only a few examples of the value that agroforestry can bring, and it should be at the heart of the bill given the climate emergency. I stress that, with the great deal of work that has been done by Nourish Scotland, my two amendments have been supported as strengthening additions to amendment 31.

Roseanna Cunningham

The amendments in group 10 all seek to constrain the content of future climate change plans by setting out policies and proposals on specific matters. Parliament already has substantial input to the design of plans through scrutiny of draft versions. The amendments in the group run the risk of overly prescribing a set of policy areas, restricting the process of plan preparation and introducing a hierarchy of policy options, with those that are chosen to be in the bill taking precedence over all others. Concerns about that remain.

Nevertheless, I have reflected on the decisions that the committee made at stage 2 and on the on-going desire for more such amendments. As such, I have looked closely at each of the amendments in group 10 with a view to supporting them when possible.

I can accept amendment 28, which will require our future climate change plans to include our policies on onshore and offshore oil and gas.

I am sympathetic to amendments 29 and 32 on blue carbon. Our oceans are vital in mitigating climate change, and Parliament’s interest in the marine environment is welcome.

However, it would not be sensible for both amendments to be agreed to. I am of the view that Maurice Golden’s amendment 32 reflects the status of the emerging and evolving evidence base better than Mark Ruskell’s amendment 29. In particular, I ask colleagues to remember that international scientific guidelines on measurement of carbon storage in marine environments do not yet support its being included in national greenhouse gas inventories.

Claudia Beamish

My understanding is that there is a vital focus on planning for and monitoring marine protected areas in Maurice Golden’s amendment 32, whereas Mark Ruskell’s amendment 29 is more widely drawn and highlights the whole marine environment and the opportunities there. That is why Scottish Labour will support both amendments.

Roseanna Cunningham

I am in the process of explaining why I think that Maurice Golden’s amendment 32 suits the present situation better. International scientific guidelines for measurement simply do not exist.

I am glad that Claudia Beamish mentioned the reference to marine protected areas in amendment 25, because it is welcome. If the MPA network needs to be adapted in the future, it is right that potential sequestration of carbon be a material consideration in site selection, designation and management. I urge members to support amendment 32 and to reject amendment 29.

I can accept amendment 30, which will require our climate change plans to set out measures that are linked to a majority of homes achieving energy performance certificate ratings of C or above, where practical, by the end of the plan period. The CCC has been clear that the Scottish Government has already put forward a strong plan for creating more energy efficient homes. We have also accepted the committee’s recommendation on heat decarbonisation, and we will publish a heat decarbonisation policy statement in the summer of 2020. We are currently developing our plan to ensure that any new build homes that are consented from 2024 will be required to use renewable or low-carbon heat.

The Scottish Government’s policy position is that, by 2040, our buildings will be warmer, greener and more efficient, so we will continue our strong delivery approach to achieving those goals as a key part of achieving net zero emissions by 2045 across Scotland’s economy as a whole. However, I make it clear that all those who support amendment 30 must also support any future necessary measures to compel homeowners to invest in the energy efficiency of their homes.

I can also accept amendment 31, and amendments 31A and 31B, on establishment of a whole-farm approach to emissions accounting. I must say, however, that I remain sceptical that legislation will deliver the best outcomes in that space. We are all eager to give proper recognition and credit to Scotland’s farmers and land managers for the wide range of activities that they undertake to tackle climate change. We are already developing a complementary reporting system of emissions accounting on a whole-farm basis. Amendment 31 would mean that such reporting would happen only every five years, with each new climate change plan. I am not sure that that is quite what stakeholders are looking for, and the Government would look to report rather more frequently than that.

Furthermore, as discussed at stage 2, members must understand that any such complementary accounting scheme cannot replace the greenhouse gas inventory, which is determined by international classifications.

Finally in group 10, I can also accept amendment 33, which is on an agricultural modernisation fund. Although there is a slight danger that that might prove to be too prescriptive in a bill that requires reporting to continue until 2045, we are content to factor that into development of the existing commitment to a long-term agricultural transformation programme, which was set out in the programme for government.

Mark Ruskell

I am sensing a good amount of consensus in many areas. I reassure the cabinet secretary and her officials that my amendments in the group are not about constraining the content of climate change plans, but about filling the very obvious gaps that have existed for years. The committee has reflected on them and is concerned that the Government has not filled them.

There is good consensus on the amendments on agriculture, particularly around the fact that our farms are a solution to climate change. We often look at them as if they are a problem, or as though farms have emissions problems, but there are also fantastic opportunities around carbon sequestration. A whole-farm approach to measuring carbon accounting is important. John Scott is not here today; his contribution to the issue in committee has been very strong.

On blue carbon and amendment 32, I am concerned that, as an alternative to my amendment 29, it focuses almost entirely on MPAs and the MPA designation process. Our kelp forests and blue carbon resources exist all around the coast of Scotland and in our seas; they are not restricted to MPAs, so I am concerned about supporting amendment 32. If it was combined with a broader strategic approach, as I propose in amendment 29, I would accept it, but not on its own. Claudia Beamish is nodding at that. The definition in amendment 32 is far too constrained.

On oil and gas, it is significant that the Labour Party and the SNP support the start of a discussion about oil and gas in the context of climate change in the climate change plan. That is not to build policies into the climate change plan for the future at this point, but to acknowledge that we need to start somewhere with the discussion. It is about the just transition, the future of that industry and taking communities with us in that transition. I welcome that.

On housing, I take the cabinet secretary’s point on board. If we are serious about delivering homes that are EPC rated C or better, there is a wider issue about budgets that will, of course, concern all parties.

16:30  

The Presiding Officer

The question is, that amendment 28 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Presiding Officer

There will be a division.

For

Adam, George (Paisley) (SNP)
Adamson, Clare (Motherwell and Wishaw) (SNP)
Allan, Alasdair (Na h-Eileanan an Iar) (SNP)
Arthur, Tom (Renfrewshire South) (SNP)
Baillie, Jackie (Dumbarton) (Lab)
Baker, Claire (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Beattie, Colin (Midlothian North and Musselburgh) (SNP)
Bibby, Neil (West Scotland) (Lab)
Boyack, Sarah (Lothian) (Lab)
Brown, Keith (Clackmannanshire and Dunblane) (SNP)
Campbell, Aileen (Clydesdale) (SNP)
Coffey, Willie (Kilmarnock and Irvine Valley) (SNP)
Cole-Hamilton, Alex (Edinburgh Western) (LD)
Constance, Angela (Almond Valley) (SNP)
Crawford, Bruce (Stirling) (SNP)
Cunningham, Roseanna (Perthshire South and Kinross-shire) (SNP)
Denham, Ash (Edinburgh Eastern) (SNP)
Dey, Graeme (Angus South) (SNP)
Doris, Bob (Glasgow Maryhill and Springburn) (SNP)
Dornan, James (Glasgow Cathcart) (SNP)
Ewing, Annabelle (Cowdenbeath) (SNP)
Ewing, Fergus (Inverness and Nairn) (SNP)
Fabiani, Linda (East Kilbride) (SNP)
Fee, Mary (West Scotland) (Lab)
Findlay, Neil (Lothian) (Lab)
Finnie, John (Highlands and Islands) (Green)
FitzPatrick, Joe (Dundee City West) (SNP)
Forbes, Kate (Skye, Lochaber and Badenoch) (SNP)
Freeman, Jeane (Carrick, Cumnock and Doon Valley) (SNP)
Gibson, Kenneth (Cunninghame North) (SNP)
Gilruth, Jenny (Mid Fife and Glenrothes) (SNP)
Gougeon, Mairi (Angus North and Mearns) (SNP)
Grahame, Christine (Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale) (SNP)
Grant, Rhoda (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Gray, Iain (East Lothian) (Lab)
Greer, Ross (West Scotland) (Green)
Griffin, Mark (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Harper, Emma (South Scotland) (SNP)
Harvie, Patrick (Glasgow) (Green)
Haughey, Clare (Rutherglen) (SNP)
Hepburn, Jamie (Cumbernauld and Kilsyth) (SNP)
Hyslop, Fiona (Linlithgow) (SNP)
Johnson, Daniel (Edinburgh Southern) (Lab)
Johnstone, Alison (Lothian) (Green)
Kelly, James (Glasgow) (Lab)
Kidd, Bill (Glasgow Anniesland) (SNP)
Lennon, Monica (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Leonard, Richard (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Lochhead, Richard (Moray) (SNP)
Lyle, Richard (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
MacDonald, Gordon (Edinburgh Pentlands) (SNP)
Macdonald, Lewis (North East Scotland) (Lab)
MacGregor, Fulton (Coatbridge and Chryston) (SNP)
Mackay, Derek (Renfrewshire North and West) (SNP)
Mackay, Rona (Strathkelvin and Bearsden) (SNP)
Macpherson, Ben (Edinburgh Northern and Leith) (SNP)
Maguire, Ruth (Cunninghame South) (SNP)
Marra, Jenny (North East Scotland) (Lab)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Mason, John (Glasgow Shettleston) (SNP)
Matheson, Michael (Falkirk West) (SNP)
McAlpine, Joan (South Scotland) (SNP)
McArthur, Liam (Orkney Islands) (LD)
McDonald, Mark (Aberdeen Donside) (Ind)
McKelvie, Christina (Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse) (SNP)
McNeill, Pauline (Glasgow) (Lab)
Neil, Alex (Airdrie and Shotts) (SNP)
Paterson, Gil (Clydebank and Milngavie) (SNP)
Rennie, Willie (North East Fife) (LD)
Robison, Shona (Dundee City East) (SNP)
Ross, Gail (Caithness, Sutherland and Ross) (SNP)
Rowley, Alex (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Rumbles, Mike (North East Scotland) (LD)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Russell, Michael (Argyll and Bute) (SNP)
Sarwar, Anas (Glasgow) (Lab)
Smith, Elaine (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Smyth, Colin (South Scotland) (Lab)
Somerville, Shirley-Anne (Dunfermline) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)
Stewart, David (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Stewart, Kevin (Aberdeen Central) (SNP)
Sturgeon, Nicola (Glasgow Southside) (SNP)
Todd, Maree (Highlands and Islands) (SNP)
Torrance, David (Kirkcaldy) (SNP)
Watt, Maureen (Aberdeen South and North Kincardine) (SNP)
Wheelhouse, Paul (South Scotland) (SNP)
White, Sandra (Glasgow Kelvin) (SNP)
Wightman, Andy (Lothian) (Green)
Wishart, Beatrice (Shetland Islands) (LD)
Yousaf, Humza (Glasgow Pollok) (SNP)

Against

Balfour, Jeremy (Lothian) (Con)
Ballantyne, Michelle (South Scotland) (Con)
Bowman, Bill (North East Scotland) (Con)
Briggs, Miles (Lothian) (Con)
Burnett, Alexander (Aberdeenshire West) (Con)
Cameron, Donald (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Chapman, Peter (North East Scotland) (Con)
Corry, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Davidson, Ruth (Edinburgh Central) (Con)
Fraser, Murdo (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Golden, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Greene, Jamie (West Scotland) (Con)
Halcro Johnston, Jamie (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Hamilton, Rachael (Ettrick, Roxburgh and Berwickshire) (Con)
Harris, Alison (Central Scotland) (Con)
Kerr, Liam (North East Scotland) (Con)
Lockhart, Dean (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Mason, Tom (North East Scotland) (Con)
Mountain, Edward (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Mundell, Oliver (Dumfriesshire) (Con)
Simpson, Graham (Central Scotland) (Con)
Smith, Liz (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Stewart, Alexander (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Tomkins, Adam (Glasgow) (Con)
Wells, Annie (Glasgow) (Con)
Whittle, Brian (South Scotland) (Con)

The Presiding Officer

The result of the division is: For 93, Against 27, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 28 agreed to.

Amendment 29 moved—[Mark Ruskell].

The Presiding Officer

The question is, that amendment 29 be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Presiding Officer

There will be a division.

For

Baillie, Jackie (Dumbarton) (Lab)
Baker, Claire (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Bibby, Neil (West Scotland) (Lab)
Boyack, Sarah (Lothian) (Lab)
Cole-Hamilton, Alex (Edinburgh Western) (LD)
Fee, Mary (West Scotland) (Lab)
Findlay, Neil (Lothian) (Lab)
Finnie, John (Highlands and Islands) (Green)
Grant, Rhoda (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Gray, Iain (East Lothian) (Lab)
Greer, Ross (West Scotland) (Green)
Griffin, Mark (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Harvie, Patrick (Glasgow) (Green)
Johnson, Daniel (Edinburgh Southern) (Lab)
Johnstone, Alison (Lothian) (Green)
Kelly, James (Glasgow) (Lab)
Lennon, Monica (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Leonard, Richard (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Macdonald, Lewis (North East Scotland) (Lab)
Marra, Jenny (North East Scotland) (Lab)
McArthur, Liam (Orkney Islands) (LD)
McDonald, Mark (Aberdeen Donside) (Ind)
McNeill, Pauline (Glasgow) (Lab)
Rennie, Willie (North East Fife) (LD)
Rowley, Alex (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Rumbles, Mike (North East Scotland) (LD)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Sarwar, Anas (Glasgow) (Lab)
Smith, Elaine (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Smyth, Colin (South Scotland) (Lab)
Stewart, David (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Wightman, Andy (Lothian) (Green)
Wishart, Beatrice (Shetland Islands) (LD)

Against

Adam, George (Paisley) (SNP)
Adamson, Clare (Motherwell and Wishaw) (SNP)
Allan, Alasdair (Na h-Eileanan an Iar) (SNP)
Arthur, Tom (Renfrewshire South) (SNP)
Balfour, Jeremy (Lothian) (Con)
Ballantyne, Michelle (South Scotland) (Con)
Beattie, Colin (Midlothian North and Musselburgh) (SNP)
Bowman, Bill (North East Scotland) (Con)
Briggs, Miles (Lothian) (Con)
Brown, Keith (Clackmannanshire and Dunblane) (SNP)
Burnett, Alexander (Aberdeenshire West) (Con)
Cameron, Donald (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Campbell, Aileen (Clydesdale) (SNP)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Chapman, Peter (North East Scotland) (Con)
Coffey, Willie (Kilmarnock and Irvine Valley) (SNP)
Constance, Angela (Almond Valley) (SNP)
Corry, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Crawford, Bruce (Stirling) (SNP)
Cunningham, Roseanna (Perthshire South and Kinross-shire) (SNP)
Davidson, Ruth (Edinburgh Central) (Con)
Denham, Ash (Edinburgh Eastern) (SNP)
Dey, Graeme (Angus South) (SNP)
Doris, Bob (Glasgow Maryhill and Springburn) (SNP)
Dornan, James (Glasgow Cathcart) (SNP)
Ewing, Annabelle (Cowdenbeath) (SNP)
Ewing, Fergus (Inverness and Nairn) (SNP)
Fabiani, Linda (East Kilbride) (SNP)
FitzPatrick, Joe (Dundee City West) (SNP)
Forbes, Kate (Skye, Lochaber and Badenoch) (SNP)
Fraser, Murdo (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Freeman, Jeane (Carrick, Cumnock and Doon Valley) (SNP)
Gibson, Kenneth (Cunninghame North) (SNP)
Gilruth, Jenny (Mid Fife and Glenrothes) (SNP)
Golden, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Gougeon, Mairi (Angus North and Mearns) (SNP)
Grahame, Christine (Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale) (SNP)
Greene, Jamie (West Scotland) (Con)
Halcro Johnston, Jamie (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Hamilton, Rachael (Ettrick, Roxburgh and Berwickshire) (Con)
Harper, Emma (South Scotland) (SNP)
Harris, Alison (Central Scotland) (Con)
Haughey, Clare (Rutherglen) (SNP)
Hepburn, Jamie (Cumbernauld and Kilsyth) (SNP)
Hyslop, Fiona (Linlithgow) (SNP)
Kerr, Liam (North East Scotland) (Con)
Kidd, Bill (Glasgow Anniesland) (SNP)
Lindhurst, Gordon (Lothian) (Con)
Lochhead, Richard (Moray) (SNP)
Lockhart, Dean (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Lyle, Richard (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
MacDonald, Gordon (Edinburgh Pentlands) (SNP)
MacGregor, Fulton (Coatbridge and Chryston) (SNP)
Mackay, Derek (Renfrewshire North and West) (SNP)
Mackay, Rona (Strathkelvin and Bearsden) (SNP)
Macpherson, Ben (Edinburgh Northern and Leith) (SNP)
Maguire, Ruth (Cunninghame South) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Mason, John (Glasgow Shettleston) (SNP)
Mason, Tom (North East Scotland) (Con)
Matheson, Michael (Falkirk West) (SNP)
McAlpine, Joan (South Scotland) (SNP)
McKelvie, Christina (Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse) (SNP)
Mountain, Edward (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Mundell, Oliver (Dumfriesshire) (Con)
Neil, Alex (Airdrie and Shotts) (SNP)
Paterson, Gil (Clydebank and Milngavie) (SNP)
Robison, Shona (Dundee City East) (SNP)
Ross, Gail (Caithness, Sutherland and Ross) (SNP)
Russell, Michael (Argyll and Bute) (SNP)
Simpson, Graham (Central Scotland) (Con)
Smith, Liz (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Somerville, Shirley-Anne (Dunfermline) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)
Stewart, Alexander (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Stewart, Kevin (Aberdeen Central) (SNP)
Sturgeon, Nicola (Glasgow Southside) (SNP)
Todd, Maree (Highlands and Islands) (SNP)
Tomkins, Adam (Glasgow) (Con)
Torrance, David (Kirkcaldy) (SNP)
Watt, Maureen (Aberdeen South and North Kincardine) (SNP)
Wells, Annie (Glasgow) (Con)
Wheelhouse, Paul (South Scotland) (SNP)
White, Sandra (Glasgow Kelvin) (SNP)
Whittle, Brian (South Scotland) (Con)
Yousaf, Humza (Glasgow Pollok) (SNP)

The Presiding Officer

The result of the division is: For 34, Against 87, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 29 disagreed to.

Amendment 6 moved—[Claudia Beamish]—and agreed to.

Amendment 30 moved—[Mark Ruskell]—and agreed to.

Amendment 31 moved—[Maurice Golden].

Amendment 31A moved—[Claudia Beamish].

The Presiding Officer

The question is, that amendment 31A be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Presiding Officer

There will be a division.

For

Adam, George (Paisley) (SNP)
Adamson, Clare (Motherwell and Wishaw) (SNP)
Allan, Alasdair (Na h-Eileanan an Iar) (SNP)
Arthur, Tom (Renfrewshire South) (SNP)
Baillie, Jackie (Dumbarton) (Lab)
Baker, Claire (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Beattie, Colin (Midlothian North and Musselburgh) (SNP)
Bibby, Neil (West Scotland) (Lab)
Boyack, Sarah (Lothian) (Lab)
Brown, Keith (Clackmannanshire and Dunblane) (SNP)
Campbell, Aileen (Clydesdale) (SNP)
Coffey, Willie (Kilmarnock and Irvine Valley) (SNP)
Cole-Hamilton, Alex (Edinburgh Western) (LD)
Constance, Angela (Almond Valley) (SNP)
Crawford, Bruce (Stirling) (SNP)
Cunningham, Roseanna (Perthshire South and Kinross-shire) (SNP)
Denham, Ash (Edinburgh Eastern) (SNP)
Dey, Graeme (Angus South) (SNP)
Doris, Bob (Glasgow Maryhill and Springburn) (SNP)
Dornan, James (Glasgow Cathcart) (SNP)
Ewing, Annabelle (Cowdenbeath) (SNP)
Ewing, Fergus (Inverness and Nairn) (SNP)
Fabiani, Linda (East Kilbride) (SNP)
Fee, Mary (West Scotland) (Lab)
Findlay, Neil (Lothian) (Lab)
Finnie, John (Highlands and Islands) (Green)
FitzPatrick, Joe (Dundee City West) (SNP)
Forbes, Kate (Skye, Lochaber and Badenoch) (SNP)
Freeman, Jeane (Carrick, Cumnock and Doon Valley) (SNP)
Gibson, Kenneth (Cunninghame North) (SNP)
Gilruth, Jenny (Mid Fife and Glenrothes) (SNP)
Gougeon, Mairi (Angus North and Mearns) (SNP)
Grahame, Christine (Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale) (SNP)
Grant, Rhoda (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Gray, Iain (East Lothian) (Lab)
Greer, Ross (West Scotland) (Green)
Griffin, Mark (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Harper, Emma (South Scotland) (SNP)
Harvie, Patrick (Glasgow) (Green)
Haughey, Clare (Rutherglen) (SNP)
Hepburn, Jamie (Cumbernauld and Kilsyth) (SNP)
Hyslop, Fiona (Linlithgow) (SNP)
Johnson, Daniel (Edinburgh Southern) (Lab)
Johnstone, Alison (Lothian) (Green)
Kelly, James (Glasgow) (Lab)
Kidd, Bill (Glasgow Anniesland) (SNP)
Lennon, Monica (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Leonard, Richard (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Lochhead, Richard (Moray) (SNP)
Lyle, Richard (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
MacDonald, Gordon (Edinburgh Pentlands) (SNP)
Macdonald, Lewis (North East Scotland) (Lab)
MacGregor, Fulton (Coatbridge and Chryston) (SNP)
Mackay, Derek (Renfrewshire North and West) (SNP)
Mackay, Rona (Strathkelvin and Bearsden) (SNP)
Macpherson, Ben (Edinburgh Northern and Leith) (SNP)
Maguire, Ruth (Cunninghame South) (SNP)
Marra, Jenny (North East Scotland) (Lab)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Mason, John (Glasgow Shettleston) (SNP)
Matheson, Michael (Falkirk West) (SNP)
McAlpine, Joan (South Scotland) (SNP)
McArthur, Liam (Orkney Islands) (LD)
McDonald, Mark (Aberdeen Donside) (Ind)
McKelvie, Christina (Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse) (SNP)
McNeill, Pauline (Glasgow) (Lab)
Neil, Alex (Airdrie and Shotts) (SNP)
Paterson, Gil (Clydebank and Milngavie) (SNP)
Rennie, Willie (North East Fife) (LD)
Robison, Shona (Dundee City East) (SNP)
Ross, Gail (Caithness, Sutherland and Ross) (SNP)
Rowley, Alex (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Rumbles, Mike (North East Scotland) (LD)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Russell, Michael (Argyll and Bute) (SNP)
Sarwar, Anas (Glasgow) (Lab)
Smith, Elaine (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Smyth, Colin (South Scotland) (Lab)
Somerville, Shirley-Anne (Dunfermline) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)
Stewart, David (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Stewart, Kevin (Aberdeen Central) (SNP)
Sturgeon, Nicola (Glasgow Southside) (SNP)
Todd, Maree (Highlands and Islands) (SNP)
Torrance, David (Kirkcaldy) (SNP)
Watt, Maureen (Aberdeen South and North Kincardine) (SNP)
Wheelhouse, Paul (South Scotland) (SNP)
White, Sandra (Glasgow Kelvin) (SNP)
Wightman, Andy (Lothian) (Green)
Wishart, Beatrice (Shetland Islands) (LD)
Yousaf, Humza (Glasgow Pollok) (SNP)

Against

Balfour, Jeremy (Lothian) (Con)
Ballantyne, Michelle (South Scotland) (Con)
Bowman, Bill (North East Scotland) (Con)
Briggs, Miles (Lothian) (Con)
Burnett, Alexander (Aberdeenshire West) (Con)
Cameron, Donald (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Chapman, Peter (North East Scotland) (Con)
Corry, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Davidson, Ruth (Edinburgh Central) (Con)
Fraser, Murdo (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Golden, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Greene, Jamie (West Scotland) (Con)
Halcro Johnston, Jamie (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Hamilton, Rachael (Ettrick, Roxburgh and Berwickshire) (Con)
Harris, Alison (Central Scotland) (Con)
Kerr, Liam (North East Scotland) (Con)
Lindhurst, Gordon (Lothian) (Con)
Lockhart, Dean (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Mason, Tom (North East Scotland) (Con)
Mountain, Edward (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Mundell, Oliver (Dumfriesshire) (Con)
Simpson, Graham (Central Scotland) (Con)
Smith, Liz (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Stewart, Alexander (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Tomkins, Adam (Glasgow) (Con)
Wells, Annie (Glasgow) (Con)
Whittle, Brian (South Scotland) (Con)

The Presiding Officer

The result of the division is: For 93, Against 28, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 31A agreed to.

Amendment 31B moved—[Claudia Beamish].

The Presiding Officer

The question is, that amendment 31B be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Presiding Officer

There will be a division.

For

Adam, George (Paisley) (SNP)
Adamson, Clare (Motherwell and Wishaw) (SNP)
Allan, Alasdair (Na h-Eileanan an Iar) (SNP)
Arthur, Tom (Renfrewshire South) (SNP)
Baillie, Jackie (Dumbarton) (Lab)
Baker, Claire (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Beattie, Colin (Midlothian North and Musselburgh) (SNP)
Bibby, Neil (West Scotland) (Lab)
Boyack, Sarah (Lothian) (Lab)
Brown, Keith (Clackmannanshire and Dunblane) (SNP)
Campbell, Aileen (Clydesdale) (SNP)
Coffey, Willie (Kilmarnock and Irvine Valley) (SNP)
Cole-Hamilton, Alex (Edinburgh Western) (LD)
Constance, Angela (Almond Valley) (SNP)
Crawford, Bruce (Stirling) (SNP)
Cunningham, Roseanna (Perthshire South and Kinross-shire) (SNP)
Denham, Ash (Edinburgh Eastern) (SNP)
Dey, Graeme (Angus South) (SNP)
Doris, Bob (Glasgow Maryhill and Springburn) (SNP)
Dornan, James (Glasgow Cathcart) (SNP)
Ewing, Annabelle (Cowdenbeath) (SNP)
Ewing, Fergus (Inverness and Nairn) (SNP)
Fabiani, Linda (East Kilbride) (SNP)
Fee, Mary (West Scotland) (Lab)
Findlay, Neil (Lothian) (Lab)
Finnie, John (Highlands and Islands) (Green)
FitzPatrick, Joe (Dundee City West) (SNP)
Forbes, Kate (Skye, Lochaber and Badenoch) (SNP)
Freeman, Jeane (Carrick, Cumnock and Doon Valley) (SNP)
Gibson, Kenneth (Cunninghame North) (SNP)
Gilruth, Jenny (Mid Fife and Glenrothes) (SNP)
Gougeon, Mairi (Angus North and Mearns) (SNP)
Grahame, Christine (Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale) (SNP)
Grant, Rhoda (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Gray, Iain (East Lothian) (Lab)
Greer, Ross (West Scotland) (Green)
Griffin, Mark (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Harper, Emma (South Scotland) (SNP)
Harvie, Patrick (Glasgow) (Green)
Haughey, Clare (Rutherglen) (SNP)
Hepburn, Jamie (Cumbernauld and Kilsyth) (SNP)
Hyslop, Fiona (Linlithgow) (SNP)
Johnson, Daniel (Edinburgh Southern) (Lab)
Johnstone, Alison (Lothian) (Green)
Kelly, James (Glasgow) (Lab)
Kidd, Bill (Glasgow Anniesland) (SNP)
Lennon, Monica (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Leonard, Richard (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Lochhead, Richard (Moray) (SNP)
Lyle, Richard (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
MacDonald, Gordon (Edinburgh Pentlands) (SNP)
Macdonald, Lewis (North East Scotland) (Lab)
MacGregor, Fulton (Coatbridge and Chryston) (SNP)
Mackay, Derek (Renfrewshire North and West) (SNP)
Mackay, Rona (Strathkelvin and Bearsden) (SNP)
Macpherson, Ben (Edinburgh Northern and Leith) (SNP)
Maguire, Ruth (Cunninghame South) (SNP)
Marra, Jenny (North East Scotland) (Lab)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Mason, John (Glasgow Shettleston) (SNP)
Matheson, Michael (Falkirk West) (SNP)
McAlpine, Joan (South Scotland) (SNP)
McArthur, Liam (Orkney Islands) (LD)
McDonald, Mark (Aberdeen Donside) (Ind)
McKelvie, Christina (Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse) (SNP)
McNeill, Pauline (Glasgow) (Lab)
Neil, Alex (Airdrie and Shotts) (SNP)
Paterson, Gil (Clydebank and Milngavie) (SNP)
Rennie, Willie (North East Fife) (LD)
Robison, Shona (Dundee City East) (SNP)
Ross, Gail (Caithness, Sutherland and Ross) (SNP)
Rowley, Alex (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Rumbles, Mike (North East Scotland) (LD)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Russell, Michael (Argyll and Bute) (SNP)
Sarwar, Anas (Glasgow) (Lab)
Smith, Elaine (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Smyth, Colin (South Scotland) (Lab)
Somerville, Shirley-Anne (Dunfermline) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)
Stewart, David (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Stewart, Kevin (Aberdeen Central) (SNP)
Sturgeon, Nicola (Glasgow Southside) (SNP)
Todd, Maree (Highlands and Islands) (SNP)
Torrance, David (Kirkcaldy) (SNP)
Watt, Maureen (Aberdeen South and North Kincardine) (SNP)
Wheelhouse, Paul (South Scotland) (SNP)
White, Sandra (Glasgow Kelvin) (SNP)
Wightman, Andy (Lothian) (Green)
Wishart, Beatrice (Shetland Islands) (LD)
Yousaf, Humza (Glasgow Pollok) (SNP)

Against

Balfour, Jeremy (Lothian) (Con)
Ballantyne, Michelle (South Scotland) (Con)
Bowman, Bill (North East Scotland) (Con)
Briggs, Miles (Lothian) (Con)
Burnett, Alexander (Aberdeenshire West) (Con)
Cameron, Donald (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Chapman, Peter (North East Scotland) (Con)
Corry, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Davidson, Ruth (Edinburgh Central) (Con)
Fraser, Murdo (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Golden, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Greene, Jamie (West Scotland) (Con)
Halcro Johnston, Jamie (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Hamilton, Rachael (Ettrick, Roxburgh and Berwickshire) (Con)
Harris, Alison (Central Scotland) (Con)
Kerr, Liam (North East Scotland) (Con)
Lindhurst, Gordon (Lothian) (Con)
Lockhart, Dean (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Mason, Tom (North East Scotland) (Con)
Mountain, Edward (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Mundell, Oliver (Dumfriesshire) (Con)
Simpson, Graham (Central Scotland) (Con)
Smith, Liz (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Stewart, Alexander (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Tomkins, Adam (Glasgow) (Con)
Wells, Annie (Glasgow) (Con)
Whittle, Brian (South Scotland) (Con)

The Presiding Officer

The result of the division is: For 93, Against 28, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 31B agreed to.

Amendment 31, as amended, agreed to.

Amendment 32 moved—[Maurice Golden].

The Presiding Officer

The question is, that amendment 32 be agreed to? Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Presiding Officer

There will be a division.

For

Adam, George (Paisley) (SNP)
Adamson, Clare (Motherwell and Wishaw) (SNP)
Allan, Alasdair (Na h-Eileanan an Iar) (SNP)
Arthur, Tom (Renfrewshire South) (SNP)
Baillie, Jackie (Dumbarton) (Lab)
Baker, Claire (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Balfour, Jeremy (Lothian) (Con)
Ballantyne, Michelle (South Scotland) (Con)
Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Beattie, Colin (Midlothian North and Musselburgh) (SNP)
Bibby, Neil (West Scotland) (Lab)
Bowman, Bill (North East Scotland) (Con)
Boyack, Sarah (Lothian) (Lab)
Briggs, Miles (Lothian) (Con)
Brown, Keith (Clackmannanshire and Dunblane) (SNP)
Burnett, Alexander (Aberdeenshire West) (Con)
Cameron, Donald (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Campbell, Aileen (Clydesdale) (SNP)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Chapman, Peter (North East Scotland) (Con)
Coffey, Willie (Kilmarnock and Irvine Valley) (SNP)
Cole-Hamilton, Alex (Edinburgh Western) (LD)
Corry, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Crawford, Bruce (Stirling) (SNP)
Cunningham, Roseanna (Perthshire South and Kinross-shire) (SNP)
Davidson, Ruth (Edinburgh Central) (Con)
Denham, Ash (Edinburgh Eastern) (SNP)
Dey, Graeme (Angus South) (SNP)
Doris, Bob (Glasgow Maryhill and Springburn) (SNP)
Dornan, James (Glasgow Cathcart) (SNP)
Ewing, Annabelle (Cowdenbeath) (SNP)
Ewing, Fergus (Inverness and Nairn) (SNP)
Fabiani, Linda (East Kilbride) (SNP)
Fee, Mary (West Scotland) (Lab)
Findlay, Neil (Lothian) (Lab)
FitzPatrick, Joe (Dundee City West) (SNP)
Forbes, Kate (Skye, Lochaber and Badenoch) (SNP)
Fraser, Murdo (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Freeman, Jeane (Carrick, Cumnock and Doon Valley) (SNP)
Gibson, Kenneth (Cunninghame North) (SNP)
Gilruth, Jenny (Mid Fife and Glenrothes) (SNP)
Golden, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Gougeon, Mairi (Angus North and Mearns) (SNP)
Grahame, Christine (Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale) (SNP)
Grant, Rhoda (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Gray, Iain (East Lothian) (Lab)
Greene, Jamie (West Scotland) (Con)
Griffin, Mark (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Halcro Johnston, Jamie (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Hamilton, Rachael (Ettrick, Roxburgh and Berwickshire) (Con)
Harper, Emma (South Scotland) (SNP)
Harris, Alison (Central Scotland) (Con)
Haughey, Clare (Rutherglen) (SNP)
Hepburn, Jamie (Cumbernauld and Kilsyth) (SNP)
Hyslop, Fiona (Linlithgow) (SNP)
Johnson, Daniel (Edinburgh Southern) (Lab)
Kelly, James (Glasgow) (Lab)
Kerr, Liam (North East Scotland) (Con)
Kidd, Bill (Glasgow Anniesland) (SNP)
Lennon, Monica (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Leonard, Richard (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Lindhurst, Gordon (Lothian) (Con)
Lochhead, Richard (Moray) (SNP)
Lockhart, Dean (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Lyle, Richard (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
MacDonald, Gordon (Edinburgh Pentlands) (SNP)
Macdonald, Lewis (North East Scotland) (Lab)
MacGregor, Fulton (Coatbridge and Chryston) (SNP)
Mackay, Derek (Renfrewshire North and West) (SNP)
Mackay, Rona (Strathkelvin and Bearsden) (SNP)
Macpherson, Ben (Edinburgh Northern and Leith) (SNP)
Maguire, Ruth (Cunninghame South) (SNP)
Marra, Jenny (North East Scotland) (Lab)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Mason, John (Glasgow Shettleston) (SNP)
Mason, Tom (North East Scotland) (Con)
Matheson, Michael (Falkirk West) (SNP)
McAlpine, Joan (South Scotland) (SNP)
McArthur, Liam (Orkney Islands) (LD)
McDonald, Mark (Aberdeen Donside) (Ind)
McKelvie, Christina (Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse) (SNP)
McNeill, Pauline (Glasgow) (Lab)
Mountain, Edward (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Mundell, Oliver (Dumfriesshire) (Con)
Neil, Alex (Airdrie and Shotts) (SNP)
Paterson, Gil (Clydebank and Milngavie) (SNP)
Rennie, Willie (North East Fife) (LD)
Robison, Shona (Dundee City East) (SNP)
Ross, Gail (Caithness, Sutherland and Ross) (SNP)
Rowley, Alex (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Rumbles, Mike (North East Scotland) (LD)
Russell, Michael (Argyll and Bute) (SNP)
Sarwar, Anas (Glasgow) (Lab)
Simpson, Graham (Central Scotland) (Con)
Smith, Elaine (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Smith, Liz (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Smyth, Colin (South Scotland) (Lab)
Somerville, Shirley-Anne (Dunfermline) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)
Stewart, Alexander (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Stewart, David (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Stewart, Kevin (Aberdeen Central) (SNP)
Sturgeon, Nicola (Glasgow Southside) (SNP)
Todd, Maree (Highlands and Islands) (SNP)
Tomkins, Adam (Glasgow) (Con)
Torrance, David (Kirkcaldy) (SNP)
Watt, Maureen (Aberdeen South and North Kincardine) (SNP)
Wells, Annie (Glasgow) (Con)
Wheelhouse, Paul (South Scotland) (SNP)
White, Sandra (Glasgow Kelvin) (SNP)
Whittle, Brian (South Scotland) (Con)
Wishart, Beatrice (Shetland Islands) (LD)
Yousaf, Humza (Glasgow Pollok) (SNP)

Against

Constance, Angela (Almond Valley) (SNP)
Finnie, John (Highlands and Islands) (Green)
Greer, Ross (West Scotland) (Green)
Harvie, Patrick (Glasgow) (Green)
Johnstone, Alison (Lothian) (Green)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Wightman, Andy (Lothian) (Green)

The Presiding Officer

The result of the division is: For 114, Against 7, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 32 agreed to.

Amendment 33 moved—[Maurice Golden]—and agreed to.

Amendment 34 moved—[Mark Ruskell]—and agreed to.

The Presiding Officer

Group 11 is on just transition principles. Amendment 35, in the name of Claudia Beamish, is grouped with amendments 7, 8, 36 and 37.

Claudia Beamish

I have four amendments in this group designed to embed the just transition into the core of the bill, and I will speak to them shortly.

In Scottish Labour’s opinion, there is a glaring oversight in the bill in the exclusion of a statutory just transition commission.

We are embarking on a pathway to reach net zero emissions by 2045 at the latest, which is a hugely positive shift but one that will require change in all areas of life—for the individual, the worker, communities and businesses across all sectors.

That shift must benefit from the guidance of people in those industries and of those with relevant experience and expertise, and these questions of justice must be asked multiple times throughout the shift and beyond.

In Scottish Labour’s view, it is nonsensical that the Scottish Government thinks that its commission, through its membership, can provide the answers within three years. It is worrying, when it is so important to so many, that the Scottish Government will not protect its commission with legislation to shield it from any future Government or ministerial change. It is baffling that the cabinet secretary has disregarded that as too heavy, cumbersome and time consuming, when we are looking at such a long-term issue as the climate emergency. It is disappointing that, despite its warm words about a climate emergency, the Scottish Government refused to give this bill a financial resolution, thereby limiting the spend significantly.

That has meant that I have been unable to bring my proposals for a statutory commission to a vote at stage 3. I see the Scottish Government’s rejection of a statutory commission as a fundamental misunderstanding of the concerns of workers, communities and businesses.

I turn to the amendments that I have been able to lodge within the confines of the bill’s somewhat limited scope in this area.

Amendment 8 includes further information relevant to the just transition within climate change plans, requiring ministers to set out how the policies will affect “different regions of Scotland”, the employment in those regions and sectors of the economy. It also requires ministers to set out how they will support

“the workforce, employers and communities in these sectors and regions.”

Amendment 7 is a minor consequential amendment.

Amendment 35 includes specific

“reference to the just transition principles”

in the preparation of the plan, which is the section of the bill in which the consideration of the principles will be most significant. The setting of domestic policies to deliver those targets must be influenced by social justice.

Amendment 37 adds trade unions to those persons with whom the Scottish ministers must develop and maintain social consensus through engagement.

The existing list includes workers, communities, NGOs, representatives of business and industry interests and appropriate others. The just transition movement was born from the trade unions, so the fact that they were not on that list is a glaring omission, and I hope that members will support the amendment, and the others in the group.

These four amendments are important additions, and I am glad that they have received the backing of not only a number of NGOs but NFUS, in particular, as securing a just transition will be important for farmers, who potentially have a great role to play in solving the climate challenges, as custodians of our land who operate in an area—agriculture—that is one of the heaviest emitters.

However, I know that there will be many who will be disappointed that the just transition commission cannot be put on a statutory footing, not least the just transition partnership of NGOs, unions and the Scottish Trades Union Congress itself, all of which have done a lot of work towards putting the commission on a long-term and properly resourced statutory footing, for the benefit of the people of Scotland.

I move amendment 35.

Mark Ruskell

I have been pleased to work with Claudia Beamish on our attempts to embed the just transition principles in the bill at stage 2 and to establish a statutory commission. I share her frustration, and I will be returning to that issue in the debate that we will have after the stage 3 amendment phase.

The amendments in this group that have been agreed with the Government go a little way to ensuring that climate change is recognised in the climate plans. My amendment in this group, amendment 36, ensures that the reporting must also spell out how communities, workers and employers are being assisted in that transition. It is a small improvement, but I hope that it is a step towards the much wider approach to transition that is needed and the work that is needed on the ground to plan and progress the changes that are profound but also just.

Liam McArthur

Earlier, I talked about the importance of taking people with us as we seek to make the changes that we need in order to deliver our climate change ambitions. That is true in relation to the targets that we set and it underpins the case for establishing a citizens assembly. It is very much central to the concept of ensuring a just transition. Achieving net zero emissions by 2045 and achieving the interim target that we have now set for 2030 will be enormously challenging and will require significant changes in behaviour, practice and the way in which our overall economy functions. Recognising that and finding ways of mitigating the impacts where possible, allowing those who are directly affected an opportunity to shape the way in which that change happens, will be essential.

The amendments in this group are helpful in that respect, further fleshing out what a just transition should look like. I am particularly pleased to see amendment 8 in Claudia Beamish’s name, as it seeks to break down the process to a more regional and sectoral level, recognising that the effect of those changes will not be felt uniformly across the board.

I absolutely share the frustration of Claudia Beamish and Mark Ruskell about the failure to make progress on embedding the just transition commission in statute.

I look forward to hearing what the cabinet secretary has to say, but I confirm that the Scottish Liberal Democrats are generally supportive of the intention behind the amendments in this group.

Roseanna Cunningham

I was not anticipating speaking to the amendments that have been lodged. The amendments in this group seek to further strengthen the emphasis on the just transition approach that is at the heart of our climate change plans. I am grateful to Claudia Beamish and Mark Ruskell for their constructive engagement with the Government over the summer to adapt their stage 2 amendments on these matters into a form that will better fit with the wider bill framework.

The amendments build usefully on the Government’s amendments at stage 2, which added to the bill a set of just transition principles that ministers must have regard to when preparing climate change plans. Those plans must also then set out how the principles have been taken into account. The principles outline the importance of taking action to reduce Scottish emissions in a way that supports environmentally and socially sustainable jobs; supports low-carbon investment and infrastructure; develops and maintains social consensus through engagement with workers, communities, non-governmental organisations, representatives of the interests of business and industry and others; creates decent, fair and high-value work in a way that does not negatively affect the current workforce and the overall economy; and contributes to resource-efficient and sustainable economic approaches that help to address inequality and poverty.

Amendment 37 adds trade unions to the bodies that must be engaged as part of those principles. That would have been the case anyway, and I am happy to support the change to the bill.

16:45  

Amendment 8 will ensure that existing assessments of the impacts of climate change plans on sectors of the economy will include regional dimensions, and employment in particular. The amendment also ensures that plans must include policies and proposals to support workforces, employers and communities through the transition to net zero emissions.

Amendment 36 ensures that such measures are also within the scope of the sector-by-sector annual monitoring reports on progress on delivering a plan.

All those amendments represent sound additions to the statutory framework.

I urge Claudia Beamish not to press her amendment 35, however. It seeks to require the specific element of a plan relating to assessing impacts on the economy to be prepared with reference to the just transition principles. My objection to amendment 35 is purely technical. I hope that I have been clear that I see the just transition principles as firmly underpinning climate change plans. However, the bill already requires that ministers take into account the just transition principles when preparing all aspects of climate change plans and that they set out how they have done so. It is those duties that give substance to the principles. As such, amendment 35 would be largely duplicative of the existing provisions and therefore does not represent good legal practice.

I encourage Claudia Beamish not to press amendment 35, for those strong technical reasons. If she does so, however, I will not oppose it.

As regards the amendment that is not before us, on putting a just transition commission into a statutory framework, I remind everybody that there is a just transition commission, which has been working hard over the past year and will continue to work hard. I look forward to the commission’s report when it comes.

Claudia Beamish

I have listened with care to what the cabinet secretary has said, but I am disappointed that she has not given a further explanation as to why a long-term, statutory and properly resourced just transition commission is not something that the Scottish Government can support. Net zero will be some time in the coming in the climate emergency. Mark Ruskell and Liam McArthur have also highlighted that point, and I am perplexed and bewildered as to why the cabinet secretary said what she did on the matter.

Perhaps the Scottish Government might reconsider the matter when the present commission presents its report. I understand that, at that point, it will not be necessary to have primary legislation in order to have a just transition commission in law. We need to have a robust, prioritised commission as we move, in the climate emergency, to a better way of working and a better way of life for workers and communities—I also note what Liam McArthur has said about the regions.

The just transition principles are more clearly laid out in the bill. I appreciate the work that we did with the cabinet secretary on that over the summer. I will be pressing amendment 35, however, and I make no apology for that, as it is very important that the just transition principles are enshrined, particularly in relation to the climate change plan—I have not been convinced by what the cabinet secretary said on that.

A just transition must be at the heart of the bill and at the heart of our plans for the future. All policies must be assessed against the effects that the climate change plans will have on our communities, workers and individuals, particularly those on lower incomes. I am glad that there is considerable support for the proposals in that regard across the chamber.

Amendment 35 agreed to.

Amendments 7 to 11 moved—[Claudia Beamish]—and agreed to.

Amendment 12 moved—[Claudia Beamish].

Amendment 12A moved—[Claudia Beamish].

The Presiding Officer

The question is, that amendment 12A be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Presiding Officer

There will be a division.

For

Baillie, Jackie (Dumbarton) (Lab)
Baker, Claire (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Bibby, Neil (West Scotland) (Lab)
Boyack, Sarah (Lothian) (Lab)
Fee, Mary (West Scotland) (Lab)
Findlay, Neil (Lothian) (Lab)
Grant, Rhoda (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Gray, Iain (East Lothian) (Lab)
Greer, Ross (West Scotland) (Green)
Griffin, Mark (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Harvie, Patrick (Glasgow) (Green)
Johnson, Daniel (Edinburgh Southern) (Lab)
Johnstone, Alison (Lothian) (Green)
Kelly, James (Glasgow) (Lab)
Lennon, Monica (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Leonard, Richard (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Macdonald, Lewis (North East Scotland) (Lab)
Marra, Jenny (North East Scotland) (Lab)
McNeill, Pauline (Glasgow) (Lab)
Rowley, Alex (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Sarwar, Anas (Glasgow) (Lab)
Smith, Elaine (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Smyth, Colin (South Scotland) (Lab)
Stewart, David (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Wightman, Andy (Lothian) (Green)

Against

Adam, George (Paisley) (SNP)
Adamson, Clare (Motherwell and Wishaw) (SNP)
Allan, Alasdair (Na h-Eileanan an Iar) (SNP)
Arthur, Tom (Renfrewshire South) (SNP)
Ballantyne, Michelle (South Scotland) (Con)
Beattie, Colin (Midlothian North and Musselburgh) (SNP)
Bowman, Bill (North East Scotland) (Con)
Briggs, Miles (Lothian) (Con)
Brown, Keith (Clackmannanshire and Dunblane) (SNP)
Burnett, Alexander (Aberdeenshire West) (Con)
Cameron, Donald (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Campbell, Aileen (Clydesdale) (SNP)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Chapman, Peter (North East Scotland) (Con)
Coffey, Willie (Kilmarnock and Irvine Valley) (SNP)
Cole-Hamilton, Alex (Edinburgh Western) (LD)
Constance, Angela (Almond Valley) (SNP)
Corry, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Crawford, Bruce (Stirling) (SNP)
Cunningham, Roseanna (Perthshire South and Kinross-shire) (SNP)
Davidson, Ruth (Edinburgh Central) (Con)
Denham, Ash (Edinburgh Eastern) (SNP)
Dey, Graeme (Angus South) (SNP)
Doris, Bob (Glasgow Maryhill and Springburn) (SNP)
Dornan, James (Glasgow Cathcart) (SNP)
Ewing, Annabelle (Cowdenbeath) (SNP)
Ewing, Fergus (Inverness and Nairn) (SNP)
Fabiani, Linda (East Kilbride) (SNP)
FitzPatrick, Joe (Dundee City West) (SNP)
Forbes, Kate (Skye, Lochaber and Badenoch) (SNP)
Fraser, Murdo (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Freeman, Jeane (Carrick, Cumnock and Doon Valley) (SNP)
Gibson, Kenneth (Cunninghame North) (SNP)
Gilruth, Jenny (Mid Fife and Glenrothes) (SNP)
Golden, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Gougeon, Mairi (Angus North and Mearns) (SNP)
Grahame, Christine (Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale) (SNP)
Greene, Jamie (West Scotland) (Con)
Halcro Johnston, Jamie (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Hamilton, Rachael (Ettrick, Roxburgh and Berwickshire) (Con)
Harper, Emma (South Scotland) (SNP)
Harris, Alison (Central Scotland) (Con)
Haughey, Clare (Rutherglen) (SNP)
Hepburn, Jamie (Cumbernauld and Kilsyth) (SNP)
Hyslop, Fiona (Linlithgow) (SNP)
Kerr, Liam (North East Scotland) (Con)
Kidd, Bill (Glasgow Anniesland) (SNP)
Lindhurst, Gordon (Lothian) (Con)
Lochhead, Richard (Moray) (SNP)
Lockhart, Dean (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Lyle, Richard (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
MacDonald, Gordon (Edinburgh Pentlands) (SNP)
MacGregor, Fulton (Coatbridge and Chryston) (SNP)
Mackay, Derek (Renfrewshire North and West) (SNP)
Mackay, Rona (Strathkelvin and Bearsden) (SNP)
Macpherson, Ben (Edinburgh Northern and Leith) (SNP)
Maguire, Ruth (Cunninghame South) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Mason, John (Glasgow Shettleston) (SNP)
Mason, Tom (North East Scotland) (Con)
Matheson, Michael (Falkirk West) (SNP)
McAlpine, Joan (South Scotland) (SNP)
McArthur, Liam (Orkney Islands) (LD)
McDonald, Mark (Aberdeen Donside) (Ind)
McKelvie, Christina (Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse) (SNP)
Mountain, Edward (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Mundell, Oliver (Dumfriesshire) (Con)
Neil, Alex (Airdrie and Shotts) (SNP)
Paterson, Gil (Clydebank and Milngavie) (SNP)
Rennie, Willie (North East Fife) (LD)
Robison, Shona (Dundee City East) (SNP)
Ross, Gail (Caithness, Sutherland and Ross) (SNP)
Rumbles, Mike (North East Scotland) (LD)
Russell, Michael (Argyll and Bute) (SNP)
Simpson, Graham (Central Scotland) (Con)
Smith, Liz (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Somerville, Shirley-Anne (Dunfermline) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)
Stewart, Alexander (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Stewart, Kevin (Aberdeen Central) (SNP)
Todd, Maree (Highlands and Islands) (SNP)
Tomkins, Adam (Glasgow) (Con)
Torrance, David (Kirkcaldy) (SNP)
Watt, Maureen (Aberdeen South and North Kincardine) (SNP)
Wells, Annie (Glasgow) (Con)
Wheelhouse, Paul (South Scotland) (SNP)
White, Sandra (Glasgow Kelvin) (SNP)
Whittle, Brian (South Scotland) (Con)
Wishart, Beatrice (Shetland Islands) (LD)
Yousaf, Humza (Glasgow Pollok) (SNP)

The Presiding Officer

The result of the division is: For 27, Against 91, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 12A disagreed to.

Amendment 12 agreed to.

Amendment 36 moved—[Mark Ruskell]—and agreed to.

Amendment 13 moved—[Roseanna Cunningham]—and agreed to.

Amendment 37 moved—[Claudia Beamish]—and agreed to.

After section 19A

Amendment 14 moved—[Claudia Beamish].

Amendment 14A moved—[Claudia Beamish].

The Presiding Officer

The question is, that amendment 14A be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Presiding Officer

There will be a division.

For

Baillie, Jackie (Dumbarton) (Lab)
Baker, Claire (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Bibby, Neil (West Scotland) (Lab)
Boyack, Sarah (Lothian) (Lab)
Fee, Mary (West Scotland) (Lab)
Findlay, Neil (Lothian) (Lab)
Finnie, John (Highlands and Islands) (Green)
Grant, Rhoda (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Gray, Iain (East Lothian) (Lab)
Greer, Ross (West Scotland) (Green)
Griffin, Mark (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Harvie, Patrick (Glasgow) (Green)
Johnson, Daniel (Edinburgh Southern) (Lab)
Johnstone, Alison (Lothian) (Green)
Kelly, James (Glasgow) (Lab)
Lennon, Monica (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Macdonald, Lewis (North East Scotland) (Lab)
Marra, Jenny (North East Scotland) (Lab)
McNeill, Pauline (Glasgow) (Lab)
Rowley, Alex (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Sarwar, Anas (Glasgow) (Lab)
Smith, Elaine (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Smyth, Colin (South Scotland) (Lab)
Stewart, David (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Wightman, Andy (Lothian) (Green)

Against

Adam, George (Paisley) (SNP)
Adamson, Clare (Motherwell and Wishaw) (SNP)
Allan, Dr Alasdair (Na h-Eileanan an Iar) (SNP)
Arthur, Tom (Renfrewshire South) (SNP)
Balfour, Jeremy (Lothian) (Con)
Ballantyne, Michelle (South Scotland) (Con)
Beattie, Colin (Midlothian North and Musselburgh) (SNP)
Bowman, Bill (North East Scotland) (Con)
Briggs, Miles (Lothian) (Con)
Brown, Keith (Clackmannanshire and Dunblane) (SNP)
Burnett, Alexander (Aberdeenshire West) (Con)
Cameron, Donald (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Campbell, Aileen (Clydesdale) (SNP)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Chapman, Peter (North East Scotland) (Con)
Coffey, Willie (Kilmarnock and Irvine Valley) (SNP)
Cole-Hamilton, Alex (Edinburgh Western) (LD)
Constance, Angela (Almond Valley) (SNP)
Corry, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Crawford, Bruce (Stirling) (SNP)
Cunningham, Roseanna (Perthshire South and Kinross-shire) (SNP)
Davidson, Ruth (Edinburgh Central) (Con)
Denham, Ash (Edinburgh Eastern) (SNP)
Dey, Graeme (Angus South) (SNP)
Doris, Bob (Glasgow Maryhill and Springburn) (SNP)
Dornan, James (Glasgow Cathcart) (SNP)
Ewing, Annabelle (Cowdenbeath) (SNP)
Ewing, Fergus (Inverness and Nairn) (SNP)
Fabiani, Linda (East Kilbride) (SNP)
FitzPatrick, Joe (Dundee City West) (SNP)
Forbes, Kate (Skye, Lochaber and Badenoch) (SNP)
Fraser, Murdo (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Freeman, Jeane (Carrick, Cumnock and Doon Valley) (SNP)
Gibson, Kenneth (Cunninghame North) (SNP)
Gilruth, Jenny (Mid Fife and Glenrothes) (SNP)
Golden, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Gougeon, Mairi (Angus North and Mearns) (SNP)
Grahame, Christine (Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale) (SNP)
Greene, Jamie (West Scotland) (Con)
Hamilton, Rachael (Ettrick, Roxburgh and Berwickshire) (Con)
Harper, Emma (South Scotland) (SNP)
Harris, Alison (Central Scotland) (Con)
Haughey, Clare (Rutherglen) (SNP)
Hepburn, Jamie (Cumbernauld and Kilsyth) (SNP)
Hyslop, Fiona (Linlithgow) (SNP)
Halcro Johnston, Jamie (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Kerr, Liam (North East Scotland) (Con)
Kidd, Bill (Glasgow Anniesland) (SNP)
Lindhurst, Gordon (Lothian) (Con)
Lochhead, Richard (Moray) (SNP)
Lockhart, Dean (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Lyle, Richard (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
MacDonald, Gordon (Edinburgh Pentlands) (SNP)
MacGregor, Fulton (Coatbridge and Chryston) (SNP)
Mackay, Derek (Renfrewshire North and West) (SNP)
Mackay, Rona (Strathkelvin and Bearsden) (SNP)
Macpherson, Ben (Edinburgh Northern and Leith) (SNP)
Maguire, Ruth (Cunninghame South) (SNP)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Mason, John (Glasgow Shettleston) (SNP)
Mason, Tom (North East Scotland) (Con)
Matheson, Michael (Falkirk West) (SNP)
McAlpine, Joan (South Scotland) (SNP)
McArthur, Liam (Orkney Islands) (LD)
McDonald, Mark (Aberdeen Donside) (Ind)
McKelvie, Christina (Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse) (SNP)
Mountain, Edward (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Mundell, Oliver (Dumfriesshire) (Con)
Neil, Alex (Airdrie and Shotts) (SNP)
Paterson, Gil (Clydebank and Milngavie) (SNP)
Rennie, Willie (North East Fife) (LD)
Robison, Shona (Dundee City East) (SNP)
Ross, Gail (Caithness, Sutherland and Ross) (SNP)
Rumbles, Mike (North East Scotland) (LD)
Russell, Michael (Argyll and Bute) (SNP)
Simpson, Graham (Central Scotland) (Con)
Smith, Liz (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Somerville, Shirley-Anne (Dunfermline) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)
Stewart, Alexander (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Stewart, Kevin (Aberdeen Central) (SNP)
Todd, Maree (Highlands and Islands) (SNP)
Tomkins, Adam (Glasgow) (Con)
Torrance, David (Kirkcaldy) (SNP)
Watt, Maureen (Aberdeen South and North Kincardine) (SNP)
Wells, Annie (Glasgow) (Con)
Wheelhouse, Paul (South Scotland) (SNP)
White, Sandra (Glasgow Kelvin) (SNP)
Whittle, Brian (South Scotland) (Con)
Wishart, Beatrice (Shetland Islands) (LD)
Yousaf, Humza (Glasgow Pollok) (SNP)

The Presiding Officer

The result of the division is: For 27, Against 92, Abstentions 0.

Amendment 14A disagreed to.

Amendment 14 agreed to.

The Presiding Officer

Our final group is group 12, on impact of infrastructure investment on emissions. Amendment 15, in the name of Claudia Beamish, is the only amendment in the group.

Claudia Beamish

Amendment 15 relates to the Scottish Government’s infrastructure investment plans. It emerged thanks to discussion involving Mark Ruskell, the cabinet secretary and me following our amendments at stage 2.

Infrastructure investments that are made from the public purse need to be fit for the future and for the public good. In the context of the climate emergency, that public good must be in alignment with emissions reductions efforts. Amendment 15 goes some way to achieving that by requiring ministers to set out an assessment of how the infrastructure investment plan will contribute to our targets.

I am pleased that that works in conjunction with my amendments in the Planning (Scotland) Act 2019, which require an assessment of the lifecycle of emissions of major developments to give a much clearer picture of emissions resulting from their construction, usage and—I stress—decommissioning.

There is further work to be done to ensure the future proofing of our public infrastructure, but I hope that members will support amendment 15, which will give a better understanding of the strategic and financial decisions that are made.

I move amendment 15.

Mark Ruskell

I had hoped that we would have made greater progress on financial budgeting in the bill. At stage 2, we discussed the imperative of setting a clear target to shift infrastructure spend from high-carbon to low-carbon infrastructure, so that we lock out, rather than lock in, emissions for decades to come. Sadly, we are no further forward on that in the bill, but I welcome the fact that the Government is commissioning work to flesh out methodology for assessing high-carbon and low-carbon infrastructure projects and, crucially, the emissions that are generated from the use of such infrastructure. Amendment 15, which will help to reveal the climate impact of the infrastructure investment plans, is a welcome baby step forward, but there is still much work to do in this area.

Roseanna Cunningham

I am content to support amendment 15 as a pragmatic measure to improve reporting arrangements around how Scottish budgets support emissions reductions. However, the amendment should be seen as fitting into a wider body of work on these important matters. The Scottish Government has placed tackling climate change at the heart of the programme for government, and it will likewise be central to the upcoming spending review and budget.

A range of stage 2 amendments were lodged regarding the relationship between budget information and climate change action. I met Green and Labour MSPs over the summer to discuss matters in which it is recognised that there is scope for improvement. As a result of those discussions, the Cabinet Secretary for Finance, Economy and Fair Work and I have offered a review of climate change information in the budget. Such a review will necessarily take some time in order to be effective, but we expect it to be able to inform the 2020-21 budget.

I have also offered to commission programmes of research to better understand how capital expenditure can be assessed in relation to emissions impacts and how information on the emissions impacts of all relevant policies is currently being identified and communicated through existing statutory impact assessment processes. Those review and research programmes will help to identify steps to deliver improvements in cross-portfolio processes and transparency.

The first step—gathering and reviewing evidence—is the right one to take. There are real and very challenging issues of methodology that need to be resolved before we can determine the best reporting requirements.

In the meantime, I am content to support amendment 15, on the emissions impacts of the Scottish Government’s infrastructure investment plans. The amendment recognises the particular importance of strategic capital investment decisions for Scotland’s journey to net zero emissions, but it does so in a way that is not overly prescriptive, given the current uncertainties around methodologies for assessing such impacts.

Claudia Beamish

I welcome Mark Ruskell’s comments about our not having gone far enough. I also welcome the cabinet secretary’s comments and her commitment to the review to inform the budget and the review of assessment. I am sure that the two reviews that she highlighted will take us forward to future budgets. As she highlighted, strategic capital investment issues are profoundly important as we tackle the climate emergency.

Amendment 15 agreed to.

Section 20—Meaning of certain terms

Amendment 16 moved—[Claudia Beamish]—and agreed to.

The Presiding Officer

That concludes consideration of amendments.

At this point in proceedings, I am required under standing orders to decide whether, in my view, any provision of the bill relates to a protected subject matter; that is, whether it would modify the electoral system or franchise for Scottish parliamentary elections. In my opinion, the bill would not do so, so it does not require a supermajority to be passed at stage 3.

I had hoped that we would be well ahead of time, but we have lost time again, so there will be a short suspension.

16:59 Meeting suspended.  

17:10 On resuming—  

25 September 2019

Final debate on the Bill

Once they've debated the amendments, the MSPs discuss the final version of the Bill.

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Final debate on the Bill transcript

The Deputy Presiding Officer (Christine Grahame)

The next item of business is the stage 3 debate on motion S5M-19025, in the name of Roseanna Cunningham, on the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill.

The Cabinet Secretary for Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform (Roseanna Cunningham)

We are 10 years on from the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009. Stewart Stevenson, who was the minister who took the Climate Change (Scotland) Bill through the Parliament then, has reminded me that stage 3 for that bill took a morning and an afternoon. I hope that members are pleased that stage 3 was considerably slimmer this time round.

The 2009 act established Scotland as a world leader in tackling climate change, and we continue to be a world leader because of the effective and rigorous framework that the act created. Scotland is still the only country in the world to set legally binding annual targets to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, and we were the first country to include in our targets a fair share of the emissions from international aviation and shipping.

Since 2009, three climate change plans have been brought forward. Some annual targets have been met and some missed, but—crucially—Scotland’s emissions are down by 47 per cent from the 1990 baseline. We are already almost halfway to reaching net zero emissions. Equally important, that progress has been achieved while we grew the economy and increased employment and productivity.

The bill makes the 2009 act stronger and more transparent. Crucially, it increases the ambition of Scotland’s targets. Last year’s special report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, on global warming of 1.5°, made clear that the world is now facing a climate emergency. That is recognised not only by the scientists but by the large numbers of citizens, here in Scotland and across the world, who have taken to the streets to demand more action and greater ambition.

In light of the IPCC’s report, the Scottish Government commissioned expert advice on targets from the independent advisory body mandated by this Parliament. The Committee on Climate Change recommended that Scotland set 2045 as the target year to reach net zero emissions of all greenhouse gases. The CCC also recommended that we increase our interim emissions reduction targets for 2030 and 2040 to 70 per cent and 90 per cent respectively. The CCC advised that those targets represent the “highest possible ambition” that is called for under the Paris agreement and are a fair contribution towards what is needed globally to limit warming to 1.5°. I immediately lodged amendments at stage 2 to give effect to the CCC’s recommendations.

Today, we have committed to going even further and adopting a target of a 75 per cent reduction in Scotland’s greenhouse gas emissions by 2030. I have set out my reasons for that approach. It is clear that now is the time for even greater ambition in tackling the world’s climate emergency, and that signals matter. I will look forward to receiving further, more detailed, advice from the CCC next year on the 2030 target.

At stage 2, we accepted a large number of the recommendations that the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee made in its reports at stage 1 and stage 2, which had the effect of, among other things, directly linking Scotland’s fair and safe emissions budget to the global temperature goal that is set out in the Paris agreement; tightening the safeguards around any potential lowering of target levels in future; clarifying and strengthening the CCC’s role in the climate change plan process; and requiring that climate change plans include estimates of the costs and benefits of the policies to reduce emissions.

Over the summer, we worked with colleagues on a cross-party basis to bring back amendments from stage 2 for discussion today, including amendments that will embed sustainable development considerations throughout the legislation and place climate justice at the heart of climate change plans; strengthen the reporting duties around consumption-based emissions; and ensure that the Scottish Government’s strategic infrastructure investment plans are assessed against emissions targets. Wherever possible, the Government has made every effort to accept Opposition proposals.

Patrick Harvie (Glasgow) (Green)

The cabinet secretary says that the Government has tried to accept amendments wherever possible. However, she rejected the proposal for an 80 per cent target for 2030. I remind her that, in the longer debate in 2009, I put forward amendments for a 50 per cent target for 2030 and a 90 per cent target by 2050. At the time, I was told by the Government, which was falling back on the advice of the United Kingdom CCC, that those targets were unachievable and too ambitious to back.

The Deputy Presiding Officer

Mr Harvie, this is a bit of a speech.

Patrick Harvie

Given that we were right before and that the Government has now accepted that it can go beyond those targets, is it not possible that we are right again this time?

The Deputy Presiding Officer

Cabinet secretary, I will give you your time back.

Roseanna Cunningham

Thank you, Presiding Officer.

I hear what Patrick Harvie says; I understand and accept that he will want to say that. However, those of us who are in government at the time that we pass legislation must think about what will be realistic and achievable. We have done that.

If it is agreed this afternoon, the bill will set the framework and target pathway for Scotland’s journey to net zero. That represents a vital step, but it must be matched by actions to deliver on extremely challenging targets. The transition to net zero will require changes to virtually every aspect of everyday life for Scotland’s people. That will be achieved only if it is a national endeavour.

The Scottish Government’s commitment is clear. Tackling climate change lies at the heart of our programme for government, and we have committed, in line with the committee’s recommendations, to update our current climate change plan within six months of the bill receiving royal assent. We are looking across our full range of responsibilities to make sure that we continue with the policies that are working and identify areas where we can go further, faster. In my closing remarks, I will return to specific actions that we are already taking.

Central to our approach is a just transition, in which no one is left behind. To reflect that commitment clearly in law, the bill was amended at stage 2 to place a set of internationally recognised just transition principles in the bill and at the heart of climate change plans. Amendments that have been agreed to today have further strengthened those arrangements.

Public engagement will be vital. Building from the big climate conversation over the summer, we have committed to a national forum on climate change and, today, we supported an amendment to mandate the establishment of a citizens assembly.

I express my special thanks to all the members of the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee for their contributions to the bill process. John Scott would have wished to be here to see the bill through to the end, because he took a great interest in it.

The bill maintains Scotland’s position as the country with the most stringent framework of statutory climate change targets anywhere in the world. Sometimes, when we are discussing climate change, we should remember that. If agreed, the bill will mean that Scotland’s contribution to climate change ends within a generation. Today will mark the start of the second half of Scotland’s journey to net zero emissions.

I move,

That the Parliament agrees that the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill be passed.

17:18  

Maurice Golden (West Scotland) (Con)

The Scottish Conservatives are committed to tackling climate change and protecting our planet for future generations.

We know that human activity has caused around 1° of global warming, and that, if we do not drastically cut our emissions, temperatures will continue to rise. Those increases in temperature will have a devastating impact on humanity.

Today, a new IPCC report warns us that the earth’s oceans are already under severe strain from climate change. Our seas have become hotter and more acidic, and contain less oxygen and fewer fish, because of human activity.

The report warns that, if emissions continue at their current rate, there will be enormous risks to food security, and coastal communities around the world will be in danger from a rise in sea level and tropical cyclones. Scotland will not escape unscathed—our communities will face increased flood risks, putting our coastal towns, villages and homes at risk, and extreme weather will endanger our wildlife, flora and fauna.

Scotland is performing well on reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and we should be proud of what we have achieved as a nation in almost halving our emissions since 1990. Large emission reductions, particularly across the energy and waste sectors, are a welcome achievement made possible by a range of public, private and third sector actions and a favourable policy landscape from the UK and Scottish Governments.

However, our success so far hides a lack of progress in major areas, such as the housing sector, where emissions are down only by 21 per cent. Last year, we won cross-party support to enact stronger energy efficiency targets for homes by 2030, to help drive down emissions from our housing sector. Alexander Burnett has worked hard to promote that issue, and I was pleased that the Scottish Government has listened to the will of the Parliament and pledged in this year’s programme for government to introduce a commitment to that end. We were pleased to support a Green amendment from Mark Ruskell, which will ensure that the climate change plan sets out measures for improving the energy efficiency of housing across Scotland.

We must continue to ensure that we take action that creates opportunities for individuals and businesses. As the only Opposition party to have released policy ideas in a comprehensive policy document, we have always been clear that we want actions to limit global warming that provide for the creation and sustainability of jobs, support for innovation and investment in cutting-edge technology.

We have always supported the bill in principle, and believe that many of the changes that have been made throughout the legislative process have strengthened the bill and made it better. Our amendments at stage 3 seek to promote and support the transition to a low-carbon economy and encourage further action.

We recognise the importance of supporting all sectors of the economy to transition to a low-carbon economy. That is why I lodged an amendment on an agricultural modernisation fund. I was pleased that that gained cross-party support this afternoon. The fund will support investment in mitigation measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions on Scottish farms. We want to make sure that farmers are supported as part of a transition to a low-carbon economy—and supported to produce better environmental and economic outcomes.

We also recognise the importance of supporting emerging technologies. We lodged an amendment that would require future climate change plans to set out proposals and policies regarding the consideration of carbon capture and storage when Scottish ministers designate marine protected areas. I was pleased that that amendment gained support, too. Development of such technologies has the potential to create and sustain jobs across Scotland, which is particularly important in the north-east.

The bill and the achievement of the targets that are set in it will help Scotland meet its duty to protect present and future generations from climate change. However, it is important that the targets are achievable, so that the bill does not become a missed opportunity.

The Scottish Conservatives are pleased to be supporting the bill at decision time, and we will continue to support actions that work towards achieving the targets that are set out in it.

The Deputy Presiding Officer

One thing about having a quiet debate is that I can hear a conversation at the back of the chamber. I suggest to those members that they should go away, get a cup of tea and have their wee chat elsewhere, and not let me eavesdrop.

17:24  

Claudia Beamish (South Scotland) (Lab)

Scottish Labour’s vision for the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009 has, from the outset, been about meeting ambition and about being just. It has also been about confessing what we see before our eyes and responding honourably. The climate emergency is here, and it is a terrible threat to millions of lives. The cost of ignoring it vastly outweighs the cost of tackling it head on, and the transformational change that is required will deliver a better and fairer society, if it is managed for the many and not the few.

I express my utter admiration for the young climate change strikers and extinction rebellion and for all those voices in the global chorus who are calling for us to do better. Who can dismiss a mandate from millions around the world and the indomitable Greta Thunberg, who was frustrated to tears when speaking at the United Nations this week?

I am proud today to be in the Labour Party. It is the first major political party to set ambition at a level anywhere near what needs to happen, which it did at our national conference yesterday, accompanied by a raft of proposals fit for our future. Members of the Scottish National Party Government have called me gung-ho a number of times. I dare them to use that line today, with the eyes of thousands of climate strikers and the global south on us all.

The fact is that the SNP’s interim target was not ambitious enough. The IPCC demanded rapid and transformational change to prevent irreversible damage. Already, children in Iceland have held a funeral at the site of the first glacier lost to climate change. Some irrevocable damage is already happening and affecting ecosystems and humans across the globe, yet the Government’s 70 per cent target was only a few numbers off the target that was set 10 years ago in the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009.

I am proud that, this week, the Labour movement demonstrated the utmost commitment to taking on climate change, and Scottish Labour will now consult on our position. Climate strikers, the Labour Party is listening to you; in many ways, this whole Parliament is listening. I am heartened that the Opposition parties came together to go some way towards ensuring that. I lodged my amendment for a 75 per cent reduction by 2030 with the intention that consensus could be found to show that the Parliament is serious and is listening. It will also send a signal to all—innovators, financiers, people gathering research funding, businesses, communities, public bodies and individuals across Scotland and, I hope, across the world, with the Glasgow conference of the parties coming up next year.

Let us all commit today to going further as soon as we can. The SNP Government says that the pathway to net zero delivery is not clear, but it also intentionally limited the scope and budget of this bill and denied the establishment of a statutory long-term just transition commission specifically designed to guide that pathway ethically. That is a lost opportunity for the bill. Knowing that the voices of people in the affected industries, communities and regions were front and centre would have been a comfort to those who feel uncertainty. The Government’s refusal to give the bill a financial resolution, thus limiting its budget, has denied the establishment of a just transition commission the chance even to go to a vote.

We will not have the answers to an equitable pathway by 2021, when our economy and society will be transitioning through the coming years. We need input from unions, businesses, workers and communities into the equitable transition for workers in oil and gas, farming, transport and other sectors and people in every home and community, whatever income they are on. Those people would be grateful if the cabinet secretary would make clear her reasons against having a statutory and long-term just transition commission. Is it because she is not willing to meet its cost? Is it because she thinks that it would take too long to set up? Those issues should be addressed, and I hope that, at the end of the two years that the present just transition commission still has to run, they will be and we will move forward together and make the commission statutory.

I am delighted that there was collaboration with the Government on securing more meaningful climate justice for the global south. We now have the principle of climate justice in statute, and duties set out to ensure that Scotland always stands in solidarity with those on the climate front line. It bears repeating that those people who have done the least to cause climate change, and are least equipped to tackle it, are the people who are being struck first and worst by its terrible effects.

Scottish Labour will vote for the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill today and celebrate what successes it has delivered for our transition, knowing that we have much more to do. For decades, individuals have been turning down their thermostats at home to save the planet. Let us no longer rely on the individual alone to keep the heating down. It is time for structural and collective action to keep temperature rise below 1.5° and to protect the future of this planet for all.

As the saying goes,

“Treat the earth well. It was not given to us by our parents, it was loaned to us by our children.”

17:29  

Mark Ruskell (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)

It would be remiss of me not to thank everyone who has lobbied, protested and provided evidence on the bill. There is an incredible youthful climate movement out there, which is certainly inspiring Green members. Those involved in the movement are a huge strength and testament.

As many of the hundreds of emails that I have received this week spell out, the science shows that, at the current rate of emissions, Scotland will have used our entire carbon budget for 2°C in the next 10 years. There is no turning back from that—we will be locked into a world with more suffering. The climate crisis is deepening. A new report that the IPCC published today warns that accelerating impacts on the oceans put 1 billion people at risk. This week, the UN has said that, even if all the Governments around the world meet their targets, we will go well beyond manageable levels of climate change.

This crisis demands political risk taking. However uncomfortable it may feel to challenge sectors such as farming or oil and gas to change, that will pale by comparison to the outrage that will be felt in the years to come as the real impacts of climate breakdown kick in. As many other members have done, I can look at the long list of improvements to the bill and recognise that, 10 years ago, they would have felt like big wins and steps of progress that we could all celebrate together.

The tweaks to budgeting and how we measure things, the recognition of key principles around global justice and equity, the focus on action in sectors such as farming and housing, and the involvement of people in designing solutions through a citizens assembly are all welcome gains. However, when I look at the enormity of the challenge that we face, the worsening scientific picture and the risks that we are taking with our children’s future, I am saddened and angry that an opportunity to deliver real transformative change has been passed up. Instead, we have a narrow piece of legislation that sets distant targets while failing to deliver the rapid, transformational and unprecedented change that the IPCC has demanded.

Even within the narrow scope of the bill, big opportunities have been missed. A statutory just transition commission should have been the centrepiece of the bill. We should have had a body with the teeth and the focus to take on the challenges of change while ensuring that no community is left behind in the transition.

Finlay Carson (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)

Will the member take an intervention?

Mark Ruskell

If I can get the time back, Presiding Officer, I will take the intervention.

The Deputy Presiding Officer

You certainly can, if it is a brief intervention.

Finlay Carson

It sounds from what the member is saying that he will not support the bill at decision time. Why is that, when we have all worked so hard across the parties, when there is now so much more to agree on in the bill and when it will be so much more robust and enforceable if we all agree? Why is the member making grandstanding comments when it is more important to have a consensus?

Mark Ruskell

That is disappointing from Mr Carson. Did he not listen to any of the evidence that was given to the committee? The nature of the crisis demands an emergency response. Mr Carson’s party might be happy with this weak legislation, but my party is not.

Let me get back to action, because we need to talk about the action that comes from the bill. A just transition commission should be at the heart of a Scottish green new deal to plan new regional strategies to rebuild and reindustrialise communities in a low-carbon age. Instead, it has been left to the Green and Labour parties in the Parliament to try desperately to amend the bill to give it the tools that it needs on transition. As a result, we are left with virtually nothing. Monitoring reports and principles in plans will not create the lasting change that is needed in the Fife communities that I represent.

We will not stand in the way of the small steps of progress that have been made through the bill, but we will not endorse a bill that is preoccupied with distant targets but does nothing to deliver transformative action and does not go far enough for the critical period of the next 10 years. Time is running out and, although the targets in the bill are eye-catching, they are not backed by anything that suggests that the status quo is being challenged. When we look back at the bill in the years to come, we will see missed opportunities to drive strong progress, but there will be no time machine to call on. It is Government’s job to lead and to deliver the change that is necessary. If we do not see that necessary change, politics and democracy will have failed.

17:34  

Liam McArthur (Orkney Islands) (LD)

It is regrettable that Mark Ruskell has chosen to take the tone that he has. I respect very much the differences of opinion that he has not just with the Government but with those of us in other parties. However, as Claudia Beamish mentioned in an earlier comment, the Parliament’s united front has been a strength. There has been evidence to suggest that we should do many things and, on many issues, the evidence has not been unambiguous, so Mr Ruskell does a disservice to the work of the committee and the Parliament.

Mark Ruskell

Will the member give way?

Liam McArthur

No.

At stage 1, I quoted Jessie Dodman, a young constituent from Papa Westray in Orkney, who wrote to me saying:

“The ... Climate Change bill offers a good first step but needs to be delivered more quickly and effectively before the predicted deadlines for irreversible change in 2030.”

Jessie’s plea, which has been echoed by young people from across Scotland and beyond in recent weeks and months, stems from an understanding that urgent action over the next decade is essential if we are to have any realistic prospect of averting the catastrophic consequences of climate change, if we are to hit our net zero emissions target by 2045 and if we are to deliver an appropriate response to the IPCC’s latest report.

I am delighted, therefore, that Parliament has voted today to increase the interim target to 75 per cent by 2030. I again congratulate Claudia Beamish on lodging the amendment, which I was happy to co-sign, that has enabled that highly significant change to be made to the bill. Some have argued that we should be going further and faster, and those debates have been happening within as well as between parties.

I am conscious, though, of what the chair of the UKCCC said to the Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee on target setting. Lord Deben cautioned that

“It is not sensible to espouse a target without being clear about what it really means.”

He added:

“You can have any old target, but it will not work if you cannot come down to the terms for how you will get there.”—[Official Report, Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee, 23 October 2018; c 33.]

We need to be ambitious, challenging and resolute, and we need to adapt as the evidence and opportunities that are available change. Ultimately, though, the public must have confidence in the basis on which we set legislation.

I think that the more ambitious 75 per cent target for 2030 strikes the right balance for now in terms of ambition, urgency and achievability. Meeting it will not be easy. It will require greater effort and more resources and it will involve many difficult decisions. We will need to change our cars, retrofit our homes and industry and plant more trees than ever before, and we will still rely on technology that does not even exist yet, but it is the right thing to do.

It is right, too, that we are taking steps in the bill to better reflect the principle of equity and climate justice. As a developed nation, Scotland bears a larger responsibility for global warming, so it should be doing more in response. The Scottish Catholic International Aid Fund, Mercy Corps, Tearfund and others are right to remind us that those in the global south, who have contributed the least to the creation of climate change but are already experiencing its worst impacts, have a right to expect us to step up to the plate.

As with the 2009 act, the process of scrutinising the bill has genuinely been a cross-party effort. I thank colleagues for their efforts and constructive engagement, as I thank the many external stakeholders and members of the public who have engaged so passionately and enthusiastically over recent months. I am pleased to have been able to help to strengthen the bill in areas such as international aviation, public procurement of low-emission vehicles and the use of district heating schemes. Others will point to their own successes, among which I warmly welcome the addition of a climate assembly. Overall, however, as in 2009, it has been a collective effort, and that is one of the bill’s strengths.

Of course, as with any piece of legislation, passing it is the easy part. Delivering on the commitments in the bill—and delivering them on time—will be enormously challenging. However, the clear and present threat that is posed by climate change here and internationally has been laid bare by the IPCC. The expectation of the public—Jessie Dodman and millions like her—could not be clearer. Scottish Liberal Democrats are determined to make sure that we rise to that challenge, and we look forward to supporting this historic bill at decision time.

The Deputy Presiding Officer

We turn to the open debate. I ask for speeches of four minutes.

17:38  

Stewart Stevenson (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)

I start by wishing John Scott well. I hope that he will be sitting beside me when we look at the climate change plan update, because his wise counsel—which is not to say that I agree unequivocally with everything that he says—will be important at that stage.

Farming has been an important part of the discussion, and John Scott has contributed to that debate, as have others across the political parties. I very much welcome the fact that we have, as a result of agreement to a Maurice Golden amendment, incorporated nitrogen accounting. That will help us to get a proper understanding of farming emissions.

We have had a bit of talk about the role of young activists in relation to climate change, which is entirely proper, but I want to take us back to something that I have not heard mentioned this afternoon, even though it is of equal and immediate importance. It is that this is a feminist issue as well as a youth issue.

In parts of the world, particularly in Africa, where aridification is taking place because of the diminution of rainfall and the drying up of wells, it is generally the women who are the farmers and who do the hard labour. They now have to walk many times the distances that they previously had to walk to get water or kindling. It is a feminist issue and it affects women across the world.

John Finnie (Highlands and Islands) (Green)

I agree, but does Stewart Stevenson think that maintaining the existing road-building programme will be a positive or negative contribution to women in sub-Saharan Africa?

Stewart Stevenson

If sub-Saharan Africa had better roads, I suspect that climate change would be less of a feminist issue, but I expect that that is not really the point that John Finnie was trying to make.

Patrick Harvie correctly said that the Greens advocate a 50 per cent target for 2030. However, we also need to think about the fact that there have been several changes to the baseline, which has added to the inventory of CO2. We therefore need to translate the targets that were set in 2009 to what they would be against today’s baseline: they would be rather different. In 2015, we added another greenhouse gas—nitrogen trifluoride—to the inventory. There have been various changes that affect how the numbers work, so the situation is a bit more complex than we sometimes like to pretend.

I also want to talk briefly about unanimity. I strongly believe that we must be driven by scientific consensus and not by individual scientists who are at one edge or the other of the argument. That is not because those scientists are wrong—they might be correct, within their areas of research. However, the consensus that comes through the IPCC—I welcome the report that came out today—will drive further change, as it must. If we start to pick scientists who take extreme positions, valid though they are, we will allow others to choose scientists who disagree with the whole agenda altogether. That is why we should always go with the consensus.

There is nothing to stop us exceeding scientists’ recommendations, so I encourage my Green Party colleagues to think carefully about withholding their support for the bill while continuing to campaign for more.

I will conclude by saying that, like others, I have been inspired by Greta Thunberg and the millions of young activists around the world. When I cast my vote shortly, I will be thinking of her and her young companions. I will be deid before it all matters: they have to inherit a world that is worth inheriting.

17:42  

Alexander Burnett (Aberdeenshire West) (Con)

First, I acknowledge the hard work on the bill by our clerks and researchers, as well as all the constituents and organisations who have contributed. I also thank members who have worked across party lines to strengthen the bill in respect of our shared goal of limiting global warming to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. We are all committed to protecting our planet for future generations.

As members will know, I have been a strong advocate in Parliament of improving residential homes’ energy efficiency to EPC rating C or above by 2030. In addition to winning a debate on the matter with cross-party support, I lodged stage 2 amendments to similar effect. I am glad to see that despite the SNP having opposed it for the past two years, our position has been adopted in the programme for government. The Scottish Conservatives have backed the proposal by committing 10 per cent of capital spending to energy efficiency.

I was delighted to support the Green amendment to reduce emissions from housing, and requires the climate change plan to set out what measures Scottish ministers propose to ensure that emissions from housing are reduced, and that housing achieves EPC rating C or above, when that is practicable. I refer members to my register of interests in relation to renewable energy and housing.

I also add my particular thanks to the Existing Homes Alliance, which has worked on finding ways to achieve the target. In its report last month, the alliance touched on some of the many benefits of the approach. They include: reducing carbon emissions and fuel poverty; reducing household energy bills by more than £400 a year; creating economic growth, with every £1 of investment giving a return of £5 in gross domestic product; creating more than 6,000 new jobs because we need to double the current rate of upgrades to 200 per day; and tackling the costs of poor housing to health and wellbeing, which costs us up to £80 million a year.

The report also sets out many policies and programmes that would ensure that we find a successful pathway to zero carbon by 2045. I was particular interested to read the five recommendations for programme development, delivery and support for a zero carbon future. The Scottish Conservatives are strong advocates of devolution of powers: we believe that delegation and distribution of powers are important to ensure maximum success. Therefore, we welcome the first recommendation, which is to

“Extend the local authority-led area-based programmes to deliver both energy efficiency and heat measures.”

As the report states,

“Procurement should prioritise community benefit and local economic development”,

so introducing a programme to

“incentivise deep renovation where appropriate”

is important.

The Scottish Conservatives believe that actions to limit global warming will have a higher probability of success if they create jobs and support innovation. Therefore, we welcome the suggestion about increasing support for self-funding households by expanding the energy efficient Scotland pilots, which will

“deliver community engagement, develop local supply chains, and ensure quality control combined with the availability of loan finance.”

Therefore, we must work with the supply chain to provide support in training and skills development in order to address gaps in certain trades and geographic areas.

The move to a zero carbon future is one that all of society must work towards in a co-ordinated effort. I look forward to working with the energy sector to make that a reality.

17:46  

Daniel Johnson (Edinburgh Southern) (Lab)

There is no greater political cause than climate change, and there is nothing in which there is more urgent need for action. In that context, the bill is to be welcomed. It is vital that our action on tackling climate change be put on a legal footing, with clear and practical steps towards achievement of our goals.

We cannot ignore the tenor of the debate and the calls to go further, although I understand the Government’s caution. We all know how the political game works: the Government sets a target, the Opposition parties chase to demonstrate that it was not achieved, and the Government comes back with claims that it was. Things cannot be like that in this case, because it is not a normal target. It is much more important. That is why we must set targets that are based not on what we think we can achieve, but on what we must achieve to save the planet.

The science could not be clearer. Just today, more reports have been put before the UN that demonstrate what will happen and what has been happening: ocean temperatures have been continually rising since 1970 and there has been accelerated loss of polar ice and glaciers. The consequence will be rising oceans and the possibility of a catastrophic snowball effect with warming, thawing and the release of more greenhouse gases, which would lead to irrevocable climate change. That is why we need a challenging target, even if we do not know how to deal with it or measure up to it.

I will draw a parallel, because other political projects have presented such challenges. In 1962, John F Kennedy gave a groundbreaking speech setting out the seemingly impossible objective of landing human beings on the moon, but just seven years later, it was achieved. Ever since, politicians have butchered quotes from that speech to their own ends, and I will do exactly the same now. We choose to tackle climate change not because it is hard, but because it is essential. Net zero must be treated as our moon shot. We have a decade to reshape our economy and save our environment and planet. We must treat that with the same urgency, imperative and collective effort, because failure is not an option.

When I was thinking about and preparing for the debate, Greta Thunberg’s words rang in my ears. To the politicians assembled at the UN, she said:

“You all come to us young people for hope. How dare you?”

Although I understand that being cautious and pragmatic is how government must be done in normal times for normal issues, that cannot be how we approach climate change. We have to listen to people. We must not only strive for a 75 per cent reduction by 2030, or even for 80 per cent; we must also listen to the calls that we must achieve net zero emissions by 2030, and set ourselves the challenge of doing everything that we can towards that target.

That is the tenor that the remarks in the chamber this afternoon should have. Criticisms and observations should not be taken by the Government as rebukes. They are not political points. I regard them as collective criticisms and collective observations of our collective failure to do what is required to tackle climate change.

That is our imperative, and we must play our part. As the nation of coal and steel, and of the locomotives and ships that ushered in the first wave of globalisation on this planet, we have moral responsibility to do our bit to tackle the climate change that they set in motion. We must take the practical steps to ensure that investment is made, so that what we achieve in Scotland is an example to the rest of the world.

17:50  

Gillian Martin (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)

We are on the cusp of passing legislation that will have a massive impact. The hugely ambitious and challenging targets set out in the bill will cross every sector in Scotland, every business, every household and every person. The targets are the goal that we cannot miss, and committing to and achieving them will require massive system and behavioural change. Scotland will need to change and we will need to take those targets into account in so much of what we ask for from our Government, from now on, across all portfolios.

System change will have to happen urgently, and nowhere more than in my area, where public transport is not an option if you live in Rothienorman but work in Ellon, or if your surgery appointment is in Oldmeldrum but you live in Cross of Jackston.

Your choices are limited if you want a home made of materials that lock up carbon, rather than add to the carbon burden. You might be able to heat your home only by burning oil from a big tank out in the garden. You might live in rented accommodation where you have no choice about how you heat your home at all. Heat pumps and electric vehicles are still the preserve of the wealthy, and you can only dream of such choice.

You might want to cycle to work, but given that you do not live on a cycle route, you cannot take the risk of being hit by a car on the dark winter mornings.

You might want to rid your home of single-use plastics, but the supermarkets are full of them, and even though you recycle everything that you can, you find yourself with two or three bin bags of mixed refuse a week that you know is going to landfill.

Your job and the money that you take home to pay your mortgage and feed your kids depend on oil and gas. That applies to a lot of people in my area. You hear people campaigning to keep it in the ground, but you know that if we do that too soon, your city will be a ghost town and unemployment will be rife. You only just got a decent job after losing one in 2016, so you have first-hand experience of what that is like. You want to take your skills and work in an organisation that will be part of the low-carbon revolution, but that is not happening as fast as you had hoped.

Where you can change your life, you do; you make all the choices that you can make to reduce your carbon footprint. You holiday at home instead of flying. You modify your diet and you minimise your food waste. You try to fix things rather than replace them. You go round the house switching off lights, turning down the heating and shouting at your children to put jumpers on, but the big things that you want to do are outwith your hands.

Those big things are up to us, here in this chamber, and the choices that we urge the Government to make. I look forward to the updated climate change plan that will set in place what we need to do to achieve the aims of the bill, because we have no option but to achieve those aims, and the people of Scotland want to play their part. They have told us that.

Before I sit down, I pay tribute to my colleague and friend John Scott, who would have loved to be sitting with us here, but who I know for a fact is at home, watching us debate the bill. He made a tremendous contribution. I thank my committee colleagues for the contributions that we all made as we went forward together, not always agreeing with one another, but reaching a consensus, as Finlay Carson mentioned. I also want to thank the clerks who have steered us through the progress of the bill, and the many people who contributed. We probably opened our doors a little wider than we had time for, but I think that it was very important to have everyone with a locus in this issue round the table, including the many young activists from across Scotland, who sat round the table with us and the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. I am very proud that we all sat in the same room.

I am proud to vote for a bill that has ambitious targets, but, from tomorrow, it is all about action, just transition, system change and asking tough questions of every business, corporation and agency that the citizens of Scotland rely on for work, food, transport, health and housing. That change starts with a Government bill but the actions lie with us all.

The Deputy Presiding Officer

We come to closing speeches, which must be kept tight to time. I call Sarah Boyack. You have four minutes, Ms Boyack.

17:54  

Sarah Boyack (Lothian) (Lab)

The 2009 act was groundbreaking at the time, but it now looks old-fashioned, because things have moved fast. At that time, the Opposition party—my party—pushed the Scottish Government hard and ended up with a reduction in emissions of 42 per cent. We felt that that was radical, and I have a sense of that today. Today, we are going to support a bill that has a radical target, although I know that Claudia Beamish was up for 77 per cent, and that the Greens were up for 80 per cent. We do not know where we will be in a decade. The point is, what we have agreed today is not the limit; it is the absolute lowest bar that we can set for our emissions reductions over the next decade. If we can go further, we should.

To pick up on what Gillian Martin just said, it is the case that, in too many of our communities, people do not have the choices that we want them to have. They do not have the low-carbon present that they need and which they have the right to.

Patrick Harvie

Will the member take an intervention?

Sarah Boyack

I need to get on.

I was struck by the cabinet secretary’s comments in her opening speech. Through collective work on the part of business, Government and all the rest of us, emissions have been lowered, but there are key areas that need to be activated. However, the cabinet secretary was right to highlight that there has been economic progress in the past decade, and we need to look to the next period of economic progress. However, we also need to add in a requirement that our communities not be left behind in that process. If there is one thing that I would like us to focus on more, it is how we do that. Heating our homes, making them more energy efficient through renewable low-carbon technology and using that process to create real, decently paid jobs as well as eliminating fuel poverty is something that was described as a triple-win by Citizens Advice Scotland when it lobbied us today.

We also need to re-engineer our communities to deliver low-carbon, affordable and healthy active travel choices and to make that approach apply right across our cities, towns and villages—it needs to be taken right across the country. There must be better buses and more affordable and reliable trains. We need to focus on all those issues, not only on the target, although the target will help to drive us.

We must use our land to better effect, by investing in tree planting and sustainable flood management and by providing support for our farmers as they transition to low-carbon food production and land stewardship.

No one has mentioned urban food production today, but that must not be missed out when we are thinking about low-carbon communities. That needs to be focused on, too, and it can be empowering.

There is agreement across the chamber that we have a climate emergency. We face not global warming or climate change that we can get around to tackling at some point, but a climate emergency that we must tackle now. Even in the past year, lives have been lost and climate refugees have been created. Scotland will need to step up to the plate. Colleagues have, rightly, quoted from today’s IPCC report and from the work of the UKCCC.

The bill is important, but it is not the end. It is the start of the next push to ensure that we deliver in terms of climate change. We have to think about how we accelerate our investment in climate resilience as well as climate change. We have even had fires this year in Scotland. It is unthinkable that places such as Scotland and Siberia should have fires that go out of control. We are in an emergency.

There is a powerful call to action today. Last week, in Edinburgh, 20,000 young people marched in the city. Across the globe, we have seen the next generation doing likewise. They are challenging us. The placard that I remember from the march in Edinburgh said, “You will die of old age. We will die of climate change.” We need to act now and we need to act together. We need to compete with one another to ensure that we push one another further, but we must also sometimes work together.

I particularly want to thank the climate change coalition in Scotland, all its members, our constituents and members of the public, and I also want to thank the committee—

The Deputy Presiding Officer

I am afraid that your thanks will have to be global, if you do not mind.

Sarah Boyack

We have a duty to act—

The Deputy Presiding Officer

Sorry, no; your time is absolutely up.

Sarah Boyack

So, we do not get 30 seconds any more.

The Deputy Presiding Officer

No—you have not got 30 seconds. I would give them to you willingly if I had them.

Sarah Boyack

Let us support this legislation and get on with it.

17:59  

Finlay Carson (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)

I declare an interest as a member of NFU Scotland and as a partner in a former farming business.

I am pleased to be closing for the Scottish Conservatives in the final stages of what I believe to be the most important bill that the Parliament will pass this session. I believe that, now that the bill has been strengthened through committee amendments at stage 2 and through today’s stage 3 amendments, the legislation will be the springboard that ensures that Scotland continues to lead the way on tackling climate change, now and in the future. It is also important that the bill recognises, and goes some way towards addressing, the pressures that the targets will place on individuals and businesses across Scotland.

Despite the narrative from some climate change activists, I can say, as a member of the ECCLR Committee, that we have been listening and continue to listen. We are listening to a broad spectrum of experts, organisations and intergenerational panels to understand the measures that we need to and are able to take.

The committee took almost 25 hours of evidence and spent 20 hours deliberating on its reports. All that was long before the Government declared a climate emergency. I can assure members that the committee has taken its responsibilities very seriously. On that note, I take the opportunity to pay tribute to the committee clerks, the Scottish Parliament information centre and my fellow committee members, past and present—in particular my colleague John Scott—for the commitment that they have shown in ensuring that the bill is fit for purpose. The bill will ensure that Government policies must now start to deliver.

The Committee on Climate Change outlined how Scotland can go faster and further in achieving net zero emissions. I support the principle that we need to go further and faster, for the good of both the economy and the global environment, so I fully understand the demands from many organisations, and indeed from some MSPs, to set interim targets of 80 per cent for 2030, but we must not ignore the importance of an evidence-based and realistic approach. That realistic approach favours an emissions reduction target that is 75 per cent lower than the baseline over the next decade. We cannot and should not set targets for emissions reductions that are not achievable, not sustainable and not believable. It is research and science that have shown us that there is indeed a climate emergency, and it must be research and science that lead us to the right policies to address that emergency.

Let me be clear: by setting a more ambitious interim target for 2030, we have not thrown our agriculture industry under a bus. Solutions to deliver the more ambitious 75 per cent target will be focused across a combination of all sectors, including industry and transport, each doing what it can.

As Stewart Stevenson touched on earlier, the impact of agriculture on the environment has been badly misrepresented. Most concerningly, much of that misrepresentation has emanated from our mainstream media sources, which have seriously misrepresented the IPCC report by naively and somewhat lazily applying its findings almost exclusively to the UK, rather than on a global basis, as was intended.

I can assure you that the best way for us, as a meat-eating nation, to address global climate change is not to introduce policies to put our livestock farmers out of business. It is important to be aware that Scotland is not self-sufficient in beef, so it is crucial that we do not displace meat production to countries with poor environmental credentials, but that we ensure that we eat meat that is always high-quality, grass-reared Scotch beef and lamb. Throughout the process, John Scott and I have continually reinforced that message, and I am delighted to see that, with amendments such as that on a nitrogen balance sheet, we now have the opportunity to recognise the hugely significant contribution that Scottish farmers make to tackling climate change right here, right now. With improved knowledge transfer and support, that contribution can be further improved in the future.

Over the years, the agriculture industry has faced many challenges, and I know that it will rise to this pressing challenge of climate change. My colleague Maurice Golden’s amendment calling for the creation of an agricultural modernisation fund will do exactly that for our farming sector, through knowledge transfer, the adoption of new technology and targeted support, which will allow farmers to enhance their underreported efforts in tackling climate change.

As an MSP with children in their 20s and also a four-month-old daughter, I have had future generations firmly in my thoughts as the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill has made its way through my committee and, ultimately, to the chamber where we will vote. This generation needs to get it right, and get it right right now for future generations.

The Scottish Conservatives and Unionists welcome the fact that the bill has been strengthened as it has progressed through the legislative process, and we are confident that it lays the foundations for a climate change plan that will support innovation, create jobs and use technology, as well as addressing the undeniable climate change emergency that we face.

18:04  

Roseanna Cunningham

I am grateful to members across the chamber for their mostly helpful and constructive contributions to the debate. I think that I am right in saying that all members who lodged amendments have had at least some successes—I refer to Maurice Golden, Claudia Beamish, Mark Ruskell and Angus MacDonald.

The Government has continuously sought consensus through the bill. We face a global climate emergency, and we must all work together to tackle it. It is my strong hope that the bill can now achieve the same cross-party support that the 2009 act has enjoyed and which has, I believe, contributed significantly to its subsequent success.

Claudia Beamish has repeatedly returned to the question of putting a just transition commission into legislation. I remind her that we are still the only country in the world that has a just transition commission. It is up and running, and it is working hard. I am not sure how many times I have already explained to Claudia Beamish why we are not inclined to put it on a statutory basis, but I will try again. That would cost at least £770,000 to set up. By comparison, the annual contribution that we make to the Committee on Climate Change is a mere £300,000. It is for Claudia Beamish to make the case about the value that putting the commission on a statutory basis would add. I do not think that that case has been made.

Claudia Beamish

Will the cabinet secretary take an intervention?

Roseanna Cunningham

I will move on, because I need to get through quite a bit.

I very much regret the tone of Mark Ruskell’s intervention. For goodness’ sake: the legislation is the strongest and toughest anywhere in the world. I find it extraordinary that Green Party members appear to be contemplating not supporting the bill, which sets the most ambitious statutory targets of any country in the world and includes many of their own proposals. No amendments were lodged at stage 3 to propose any changes to the net zero emissions target date, the 2020 target or the 2040 target. It appears that the sole sticking point is the exact level of the 2030 target. The Scottish Government has gone even further today and adopted a target of 75 per cent. To be absolutely clear, a 75 per cent target exceeds what is needed globally over the next decade to limit warming to 1.5°C. No other country—even recognised leaders such as Sweden—has set a higher target in law for that year.

Our focus must now shift to delivery. The Scottish Government will now update our current climate change plan in light of the debate today. The update will draw on the many new and emboldened initiatives that have already been announced since the First Minister’s declaration of a global climate emergency. Those include a bold package of measures on low-carbon transport, including investing £500 million to improve bus services; decarbonising passenger rail services by 2035; making a further £17 million available for zero-interest loans to support the purchase of ultra-low-emission vehicles; and working to decarbonise flights within Scotland by 2040. They include a range of actions to maximise the potential of every part of Scotland’s land to contribute to the fight against climate change, with increased funding for peatland restoration and even more ambitious tree planting targets. We will create an agricultural transformation programme that reduces emissions while focusing on sustainability, simplicity, profitability, innovation, inclusion and productivity. There is a lot more, up to and including the introduction of a new deposit return scheme.

Ambitious as those actions are, I am under no illusion that they will be sufficient. The second half of Scotland’s journey to net zero emissions will undoubtedly require different and, in many cases, much more difficult choices than has been the case to date. All of us here will need to step up our willingness to make those decisions if the targets are to be met.

No one should be in any doubt about the Scottish Government’s commitment to using all the policy levers at our disposal to rise to that challenge. However, I remind everybody, as I did earlier today, that, when the CCC provided its advice on targets in May, it was absolutely clear that

“Scotland cannot deliver net-zero emissions by 2045 through devolved policy alone.”

It is welcome that the UK Government has followed our lead to legislate for a net zero target, but UK-wide delivery policies must also now ramp up significantly.

Scotland is already recognised as a world leader in tackling climate change. By the time that the United Nations climate talks come to Glasgow in late 2020, we will have an even stronger message with which to welcome the international community to Scotland.

We will have the most stringent framework of statutory targets of any country in the world. All of us, whatever we think, should be proud of that and should support the bill. The bill maintains and strengthens Scotland’s place at the forefront of global efforts to do what we need to do to bring down emissions.

I am very proud to have moved the motion in my name.

25 September 2019

Final vote on the Bill

After the final discussion of the Bill, MSPs vote on whether they think it should become law.

Video Thumbnail Preview PNG

Final vote on the Bill transcript

The Presiding Officer (Ken Macintosh)

The first question is, that motion S5M-19025, in the name of Roseanna Cunningham, on the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill at stage 3, be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Presiding Officer

There will be a division.

For

Adam, George (Paisley) (SNP)
Adamson, Clare (Motherwell and Wishaw) (SNP)
Allan, Dr Alasdair (Na h-Eileanan an Iar) (SNP)
Arthur, Tom (Renfrewshire South) (SNP)
Baillie, Jackie (Dumbarton) (Lab)
Baker, Claire (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Balfour, Jeremy (Lothian) (Con)
Ballantyne, Michelle (South Scotland) (Con)
Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Beattie, Colin (Midlothian North and Musselburgh) (SNP)
Bibby, Neil (West Scotland) (Lab)
Bowman, Bill (North East Scotland) (Con)
Boyack, Sarah (Lothian) (Lab)
Briggs, Miles (Lothian) (Con)
Brown, Keith (Clackmannanshire and Dunblane) (SNP)
Burnett, Alexander (Aberdeenshire West) (Con)
Cameron, Donald (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Campbell, Aileen (Clydesdale) (SNP)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Chapman, Peter (North East Scotland) (Con)
Coffey, Willie (Kilmarnock and Irvine Valley) (SNP)
Cole-Hamilton, Alex (Edinburgh Western) (LD)
Constance, Angela (Almond Valley) (SNP)
Corry, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Crawford, Bruce (Stirling) (SNP)
Cunningham, Roseanna (Perthshire South and Kinross-shire) (SNP)
Davidson, Ruth (Edinburgh Central) (Con)
Denham, Ash (Edinburgh Eastern) (SNP)
Dey, Graeme (Angus South) (SNP)
Doris, Bob (Glasgow Maryhill and Springburn) (SNP)
Dornan, James (Glasgow Cathcart) (SNP)
Ewing, Annabelle (Cowdenbeath) (SNP)
Ewing, Fergus (Inverness and Nairn) (SNP)
Fabiani, Linda (East Kilbride) (SNP)
Findlay, Neil (Lothian) (Lab)
FitzPatrick, Joe (Dundee City West) (SNP)
Forbes, Kate (Skye, Lochaber and Badenoch) (SNP)
Fraser, Murdo (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Freeman, Jeane (Carrick, Cumnock and Doon Valley) (SNP)
Gibson, Kenneth (Cunninghame North) (SNP)
Gilruth, Jenny (Mid Fife and Glenrothes) (SNP)
Golden, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Gougeon, Mairi (Angus North and Mearns) (SNP)
Grahame, Christine (Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale) (SNP)
Grant, Rhoda (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Gray, Iain (East Lothian) (Lab)
Greene, Jamie (West Scotland) (Con)
Hamilton, Rachael (Ettrick, Roxburgh and Berwickshire) (Con)
Harper, Emma (South Scotland) (SNP)
Harris, Alison (Central Scotland) (Con)
Haughey, Clare (Rutherglen) (SNP)
Hepburn, Jamie (Cumbernauld and Kilsyth) (SNP)
Hyslop, Fiona (Linlithgow) (SNP)
Johnson, Daniel (Edinburgh Southern) (Lab)
Halcro Johnston, Jamie (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Kelly, James (Glasgow) (Lab)
Kerr, Liam (North East Scotland) (Con)
Kidd, Bill (Glasgow Anniesland) (SNP)
Lennon, Monica (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Leonard, Richard (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Lindhurst, Gordon (Lothian) (Con)
Lochhead, Richard (Moray) (SNP)
Lockhart, Dean (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Lyle, Richard (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
MacDonald, Gordon (Edinburgh Pentlands) (SNP)
Macdonald, Lewis (North East Scotland) (Lab)
MacGregor, Fulton (Coatbridge and Chryston) (SNP)
Mackay, Derek (Renfrewshire North and West) (SNP)
Mackay, Rona (Strathkelvin and Bearsden) (SNP)
Macpherson, Ben (Edinburgh Northern and Leith) (SNP)
Maguire, Ruth (Cunninghame South) (SNP)
Marra, Jenny (North East Scotland) (Lab)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Mason, John (Glasgow Shettleston) (SNP)
Mason, Tom (North East Scotland) (Con)
Matheson, Michael (Falkirk West) (SNP)
McAlpine, Joan (South Scotland) (SNP)
McArthur, Liam (Orkney Islands) (LD)
McDonald, Mark (Aberdeen Donside) (Ind)
McKelvie, Christina (Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse) (SNP)
McNeill, Pauline (Glasgow) (Lab)
Mountain, Edward (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Mundell, Oliver (Dumfriesshire) (Con)
Neil, Alex (Airdrie and Shotts) (SNP)
Paterson, Gil (Clydebank and Milngavie) (SNP)
Rennie, Willie (North East Fife) (LD)
Robison, Shona (Dundee City East) (SNP)
Ross, Gail (Caithness, Sutherland and Ross) (SNP)
Rowley, Alex (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Rumbles, Mike (North East Scotland) (LD)
Russell, Michael (Argyll and Bute) (SNP)
Sarwar, Anas (Glasgow) (Lab)
Simpson, Graham (Central Scotland) (Con)
Smith, Elaine (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Smith, Liz (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Smyth, Colin (South Scotland) (Lab)
Somerville, Shirley-Anne (Dunfermline) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)
Stewart, Alexander (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Stewart, David (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Stewart, Kevin (Aberdeen Central) (SNP)
Sturgeon, Nicola (Glasgow Southside) (SNP)
Todd, Maree (Highlands and Islands) (SNP)
Tomkins, Adam (Glasgow) (Con)
Torrance, David (Kirkcaldy) (SNP)
Watt, Maureen (Aberdeen South and North Kincardine) (SNP)
Wells, Annie (Glasgow) (Con)
Wheelhouse, Paul (South Scotland) (SNP)
White, Sandra (Glasgow Kelvin) (SNP)
Whittle, Brian (South Scotland) (Con)
Wishart, Beatrice (Shetland Islands) (LD)
Yousaf, Humza (Glasgow Pollok) (SNP)

Abstentions

Finnie, John (Highlands and Islands) (Green)
Greer, Ross (West Scotland) (Green)
Harvie, Patrick (Glasgow) (Green)
Johnstone, Alison (Lothian) (Green)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Wightman, Andy (Lothian) (Green)

The Presiding Officer

The result of the division is: For 113, Against 0, Abstentions 6.

Motion agreed to,

That the Parliament agrees that the Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill be passed.

The Presiding Officer

The next question is, that motion S5M-19049, in the name of Graeme Dey, on approval of a Scottish statutory instrument, be agreed to. Are we agreed?

Members: No.

The Presiding Officer

There will be a division.

For

Adam, George (Paisley) (SNP)
Adamson, Clare (Motherwell and Wishaw) (SNP)
Allan, Dr Alasdair (Na h-Eileanan an Iar) (SNP)
Arthur, Tom (Renfrewshire South) (SNP)
Baillie, Jackie (Dumbarton) (Lab)
Baker, Claire (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Beamish, Claudia (South Scotland) (Lab)
Beattie, Colin (Midlothian North and Musselburgh) (SNP)
Bibby, Neil (West Scotland) (Lab)
Boyack, Sarah (Lothian) (Lab)
Brown, Keith (Clackmannanshire and Dunblane) (SNP)
Campbell, Aileen (Clydesdale) (SNP)
Coffey, Willie (Kilmarnock and Irvine Valley) (SNP)
Cole-Hamilton, Alex (Edinburgh Western) (LD)
Constance, Angela (Almond Valley) (SNP)
Crawford, Bruce (Stirling) (SNP)
Cunningham, Roseanna (Perthshire South and Kinross-shire) (SNP)
Denham, Ash (Edinburgh Eastern) (SNP)
Dey, Graeme (Angus South) (SNP)
Doris, Bob (Glasgow Maryhill and Springburn) (SNP)
Dornan, James (Glasgow Cathcart) (SNP)
Ewing, Annabelle (Cowdenbeath) (SNP)
Ewing, Fergus (Inverness and Nairn) (SNP)
Fabiani, Linda (East Kilbride) (SNP)
Finnie, John (Highlands and Islands) (Green)
FitzPatrick, Joe (Dundee City West) (SNP)
Forbes, Kate (Skye, Lochaber and Badenoch) (SNP)
Freeman, Jeane (Carrick, Cumnock and Doon Valley) (SNP)
Gibson, Kenneth (Cunninghame North) (SNP)
Gilruth, Jenny (Mid Fife and Glenrothes) (SNP)
Gougeon, Mairi (Angus North and Mearns) (SNP)
Grahame, Christine (Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale) (SNP)
Grant, Rhoda (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Gray, Iain (East Lothian) (Lab)
Greer, Ross (West Scotland) (Green)
Harper, Emma (South Scotland) (SNP)
Harvie, Patrick (Glasgow) (Green)
Haughey, Clare (Rutherglen) (SNP)
Hepburn, Jamie (Cumbernauld and Kilsyth) (SNP)
Hyslop, Fiona (Linlithgow) (SNP)
Johnson, Daniel (Edinburgh Southern) (Lab)
Johnstone, Alison (Lothian) (Green)
Kelly, James (Glasgow) (Lab)
Kidd, Bill (Glasgow Anniesland) (SNP)
Lennon, Monica (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Lochhead, Richard (Moray) (SNP)
Lyle, Richard (Uddingston and Bellshill) (SNP)
MacDonald, Angus (Falkirk East) (SNP)
MacDonald, Gordon (Edinburgh Pentlands) (SNP)
Macdonald, Lewis (North East Scotland) (Lab)
MacGregor, Fulton (Coatbridge and Chryston) (SNP)
Mackay, Derek (Renfrewshire North and West) (SNP)
Mackay, Rona (Strathkelvin and Bearsden) (SNP)
Macpherson, Ben (Edinburgh Northern and Leith) (SNP)
Maguire, Ruth (Cunninghame South) (SNP)
Marra, Jenny (North East Scotland) (Lab)
Martin, Gillian (Aberdeenshire East) (SNP)
Mason, John (Glasgow Shettleston) (SNP)
Matheson, Michael (Falkirk West) (SNP)
McAlpine, Joan (South Scotland) (SNP)
McArthur, Liam (Orkney Islands) (LD)
McDonald, Mark (Aberdeen Donside) (Ind)
McKelvie, Christina (Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse) (SNP)
McNeill, Pauline (Glasgow) (Lab)
Neil, Alex (Airdrie and Shotts) (SNP)
Paterson, Gil (Clydebank and Milngavie) (SNP)
Rennie, Willie (North East Fife) (LD)
Robison, Shona (Dundee City East) (SNP)
Ross, Gail (Caithness, Sutherland and Ross) (SNP)
Rowley, Alex (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Lab)
Rumbles, Mike (North East Scotland) (LD)
Ruskell, Mark (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Green)
Russell, Michael (Argyll and Bute) (SNP)
Sarwar, Anas (Glasgow) (Lab)
Smith, Elaine (Central Scotland) (Lab)
Smyth, Colin (South Scotland) (Lab)
Somerville, Shirley-Anne (Dunfermline) (SNP)
Stevenson, Stewart (Banffshire and Buchan Coast) (SNP)
Stewart, David (Highlands and Islands) (Lab)
Stewart, Kevin (Aberdeen Central) (SNP)
Sturgeon, Nicola (Glasgow Southside) (SNP)
Todd, Maree (Highlands and Islands) (SNP)
Torrance, David (Kirkcaldy) (SNP)
Watt, Maureen (Aberdeen South and North Kincardine) (SNP)
Wheelhouse, Paul (South Scotland) (SNP)
White, Sandra (Glasgow Kelvin) (SNP)
Wightman, Andy (Lothian) (Green)
Wishart, Beatrice (Shetland Islands) (LD)
Yousaf, Humza (Glasgow Pollok) (SNP)

Abstentions

Balfour, Jeremy (Lothian) (Con)
Ballantyne, Michelle (South Scotland) (Con)
Bowman, Bill (North East Scotland) (Con)
Briggs, Miles (Lothian) (Con)
Burnett, Alexander (Aberdeenshire West) (Con)
Cameron, Donald (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Carson, Finlay (Galloway and West Dumfries) (Con)
Chapman, Peter (North East Scotland) (Con)
Corry, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Davidson, Ruth (Edinburgh Central) (Con)
Fraser, Murdo (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Golden, Maurice (West Scotland) (Con)
Greene, Jamie (West Scotland) (Con)
Hamilton, Rachael (Ettrick, Roxburgh and Berwickshire) (Con)
Harris, Alison (Central Scotland) (Con)
Halcro Johnston, Jamie (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Kerr, Liam (North East Scotland) (Con)
Lindhurst, Gordon (Lothian) (Con)
Lockhart, Dean (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Mason, Tom (North East Scotland) (Con)
Mountain, Edward (Highlands and Islands) (Con)
Mundell, Oliver (Dumfriesshire) (Con)
Simpson, Graham (Central Scotland) (Con)
Smith, Liz (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Stewart, Alexander (Mid Scotland and Fife) (Con)
Tomkins, Adam (Glasgow) (Con)
Wells, Annie (Glasgow) (Con)
Whittle, Brian (South Scotland) (Con)

The Presiding Officer

The result of the division is: For 89, Against 0, Abstentions 28.

Motion agreed to,

That the Parliament agrees that the Debt Arrangement Scheme (Scotland) Amendment Regulations 2019 [draft] be approved.

The Presiding Officer

As no member objects, I propose to ask a single question on the other six Parliamentary Bureau motions.

Motions agreed to,

That the Parliament agrees that the Additional Powers Request (Scotland) Regulations 2019 [draft] be approved.

That the Parliament agrees that the Historical Sexual Offences (Disregarded Convictions and Official Records) (Scotland) Regulations 2019 [draft] be approved.

That the Parliament agrees that, under Rule 12.3.3B of Standing Orders, the Culture, Tourism, Europe and External Affairs Committee can meet, if necessary, at the same time as a meeting of the Parliament during Members’ Business and Portfolio Questions on Thursday 3 October 2019 for the purpose of considering the UEFA European Championship (Scotland) Bill.

That the Parliament agrees that—

Jenny Gilruth be appointed to replace Stewart Stevenson as a member of the Justice Sub-committee on Policing; and

James Kelly be appointed to replace Daniel Johnson as a member of the Justice Sub-committee on Policing.

That the Parliament agrees that—

Sarah Boyack be appointed to replace Anas Sarwar as the Scottish Labour Party substitute on the Standards, Procedures and Public Appointments Committee;

Claudia Beamish be appointed to replace Rhoda Grant as the Scottish Labour Party substitute on the Rural Economy and Connectivity Committee;

Alex Rowley be appointed to replace Neil Findlay as the Scottish Labour Party substitute on the Culture, Tourism, Europe and External Affairs Committee;

Neil Findlay be appointed to replace Daniel Johnson as the Scottish Labour Party substitute on the Education and Skills Committee;

Anas Sarwar be appointed to replace Pauline McNeill as the Scottish Labour Party substitute on the Local Government and Communities Committee; and

Beatrice Wishart be appointed to replace Willie Rennie as the Scottish Liberal Democrat substitute on the Equalities and Human Rights Committee.

That the Parliament agrees that the Culture, Tourism, Europe and External Affairs Committee be designated as the lead committee in consideration of the UEFA European Championship (Scotland) Bill at stage 1.

25 September 2019

Climate Change (Emissions Reduction Targets) (Scotland) Bill as passed

This Bill was passed on 25 September 2019 and became an Act on 31 October 2019. Find the Act on legislation.gov.uk

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